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Opponents of Venezuelan President Nicols Maduro on Monday pledged to defy the government with escalating protest tactics, a day after showing their strength in an unofficial referendum that they said drew more than 7 million votes condemning his rule.

Leaders of the Democratic Unity coalition say they will bring the country to a halt with a 24-hour general strike Thursday, urging workers to stay home and businesses to shut their doors to protest Maduro's controversial plan to overhaul Venezuela's constitution.

They also invited Venezuelans who remain loyal to Hugo Chvez but dislike Maduro, his hand-picked successor, to join them in a unified front to stop the government from moving forward with a July 30 vote to elect delegates for a "constituent assembly" empowered to rewrite the 1999 constitution. Critics see the maneuver as a naked power grab that would amount to a death sentence for democratic rule.

"This is the zero hour," opposition lawmaker Freddy Guevara said Monday, characterizing upcoming protest measures as a last-ditch effort to save the country from full-blown dictatorship.

The U.S. government intensified the pressure on the Maduro government on Monday, with President Donald Trump vowing in a statement to "take strong and swift economic actions" if the July 30 vote took place. He called Maduro "a bad leader who dreams of becoming a dictator" and praised Sunday's referendum.

Maduro opponents likened the Sunday vote to an act of mass protest. Of the nearly 7.6 million Venezuelans said to have participated in the balloting - organized by opposition leaders, not election authorities - more than 98 percent voted to reject the government's plan to draw up a new constitution, opposition leaders said. The vote also urged Venezuela's armed forces to uphold the existing constitution and support early elections.

Michael Weissenstein and Fabiola Sanchez

Buoyed by those results, Guevara said, opposition lawmakers this week will also name new supreme court justices in a repudiation of the current court, which Maduro has stacked with loyalists. The move seems likely to deepen the standoff between Maduro and the opposition-controlled parliament, with the two sides on a path to developing competing legal systems.

On Monday, Socialist Party officials who back Maduro dismissed the 7.6 million vote tally as wildly inflated, claiming that opposition supporters voted multiple times and that the organizers of the referendum did not bother to actually count the ballots. They did not offer any proof to substantiate their claims.

But Flix Seijas Rodrguez, director of the independent Delphos polling agency, said he was "amazed by the results" of the referendum, given that it was organized in only three weeks and faced significant challenges. The Maduro government blasted the exercise as illegitimate and hurled threats at organizers while attempting to enforce a news blackout.

While waiting to vote at BienMeSabe Venezuelan Cafe and Restaurant, Carlos Eduardo Guzman explains why Venezuelan Americans are lining up to vote in the Venezuelan referendum on July 16, 2017, in Chicago. (Alexandra Wimley / Chicago Tribune)

While waiting to vote at BienMeSabe Venezuelan Cafe and Restaurant, Carlos Eduardo Guzman explains why Venezuelan Americans are lining up to vote in the Venezuelan referendum on July 16, 2017, in Chicago. (Alexandra Wimley / Chicago Tribune)

Anti-Maduro voters also faced the threat of violence. In one Caracas neighborhood, gunmen opened fire outside a polling station, killing one and injuring four.

On July 30, the Maduro government will ask Venezuelans to elect representatives for the constituent assembly. Government opponents see Maduro's effort to rewrite the constitution as potentially a fatal blow to what remains of Venezuelan democracy, particularly if the assembly allows the unpopular Maduro to remain in office beyond 2019, when his term is set to expire.

At least 92 people have been killed in more than three months of unrest and near-daily clashes between security forces and protesters. Opposition leaders said Monday that Venezuela's democracy had reached a tipping point, requiring an intensification of street demonstrations and defections from within the government.

"We interpret [the results] as a message from the people telling us to keep doing what we have been doing, plus much more," said Juan Andrs Meja, an opposition legislator who organized the referendum. "We will respond to that call accordingly."

Some opposition supporters said they were disappointed that the referendum fell short of the 11 million votes they were hoping for. The final reported tally of 7.6 million votes was also lower than the 7.7 million who voted for the opposition in 2015 parliamentary elections.

But analysts pointed out that the referendum was only symbolic, lacking the logistical support and infrastructure of an official election. Only about 15,000 polling stations were set up for the referendum, compared with more than twice as many during ordinary elections.

"This wasn't a presidential election," said John Magdaleno, a political consultant and the director of the Polity polling firm. "It's just an unofficial consultation."

Activists and analysts compared the turnout with the numbers of votes Chvez obtained when he held similar referendums.

Chvez never got more than 6.5 million people to vote in his favor in the referendums, analysts noted, and when Venezuela's economy was humming and he was reelected president in 2012, he obtained just over 8 million votes.

He died of cancer in 2013, and Maduro, his Socialist Party successor, has fared poorly in his shadow.

Despite the latest demonstration of opposition to his plans, few believe that Maduro is willing to change course. Dismissing the referendum results as inconsequential, he called on his opponents to "sit down to start a new round of dialogue" with his government.

Maduro's opponents are boycotting the July 30 vote, and in recent surveys, 85 percent of Venezuelans say they reject changes to the constitution.

"People will be disappointed if they expect the government to react directly to the results [of the referendum] or change anything," said Luis Vicente Len, a political analyst and the director of the Datanalisis polling agency, adding that the large turnout was important nonetheless.

"More than 7 million people participated actively in an act of civil disobedience and ignored the government's allegations that it was an illegal one," he said.

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After protest vote, Maduro foes warn of 'zero hour' for Venezuela's democracy - Chicago Tribune

Defining democracy is no easy task. The elements of democracy are contextual. In its nascent form it may not include all the elements found and tested over time in mature liberal democracies. The period between October 1951 and March 1952 was a curtain raiser with the holding of the first general elections to the Lok Sabha. With the festival of elections held thereafter, we celebrate the peaceful transfer of power. The closing of the electoral process after each election is the first step in embracing democracy. After 69 years of Independence, what are the essential institutional elements necessary for us to be satisfied that democracy is alive and kicking in India?

First, we yearn for a media, objective on issues and fiercely independent in approach. Today, barring a few laudable exceptions, it has become a cheerleader of dispensations. Democracy loses much of its lustre in the absence of a vibrant fourth estate.

Second, we all aspire for an independent judiciary which is incorruptible. In the several tiers of the judicial system, some are perceived to have fallen apart. This is attributable not just to the quality of the manpower but to the appalling conditions under which it operates. At the highest level, haste, not studied reflection on issues, sours some outcomes. Retired judges of the Supreme Court have themselves lamented the state of the judiciary.

Third, investigation agencies must inspire confidence. The two elements required to instil confidence are quality manpower and absence of taint in investigation. Both elements are missing in the present investigation apparatus.

When investigating agencies do a U-turn, one limb of the investigation definitely stands tainted. The classic example of this U-turn was the 2008 Malegaon bomb blast case. The National Investigating Agency (NIA) having taken over the investigation in 2011 filed a supplementary chargesheet in 2016 which stated that prosecution against six of the prime accused was not maintainable. This came after investigation had been completed and a 4,528-page chargesheet filed by the Maharashtra ATS. Such an obvious volte face defied logic. Such blatant partisan conduct erodes faith in investigating agencies.

The investigation agencies seem to collaborate with government to target the allegedly corrupt in Opposition and protect their own. While students and teachers landed in jail, named politicians have not even been investigated in the Vyapam scam. Similarly, no investigation is underway against all those involved in public distribution system scams in Chhattisgarh.

On the other hand, we witness the alacrity with which certain NGOs are being harassed and persecuted by launching multiple investigations against them. Convenient leaks by agencies help facilitate governments desire to damage reputations. The latest being targeting journalists and television channels, who the government considers to have been troublemakers in the past.

Fourth, spineless bureaucrats, committed to their own advancement, hesitant to speak their mind; coupled with an establishment that looks for hatchet men who will do their bidding. This has tarnished the bureaucrats image. The honest bureaucrat hesitates to take decisions lest years later, courts hold that he be prosecuted for deciding contrary to public interest. Strange but true. At that stage there is none to defend him.

Fifth, for a robust economy, merit-based arms-length lending is crucial. Today, over 17% of all bank loans are estimated to be non-performing. Erstwhile RBI governor Raghuram Rajan on August 11, 2014, stated: The crooked politician needs the businessman to provide the funds.....The crooked businessman needs the crooked politician to get public resources and contracts cheaply. That says it all.

Ultimately, the taxpayer has to pay for the reckless lending by banks. Gross NPAs of public sector banks as of 2014-2015 were about Rs 2.67 trillion. The situation has not improved since then. In fact, it has worsened as Gross NPAs stand at Rs 6.06 trillion as of December 2016. The present government is contemplating setting up a bad bank to take over dud loans to clean up the balance sheets of lenders. If implemented properly it may work.

Apart from these alarming institutional inadequacies, the situation is exacerbated by a government in which ministers await the nod of the all-powerful PMO and wherein secretaries of ministries, bypassing their ministers, deal directly with the PMO. We also witness the dilution of time-tested legislative processes by terming ordinary legislation as money bills ensuring they are not debated in the Rajya Sabha. All this is very worrisome.

While the election commission needs to be cheered, our institutions, the building blocks of democracy are woefully wanting. In fact, we have miles to go before we sleep.

Kapil Sibal is a Congress leader and former Union minister

The views expressed are personal

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Five essential elements to keep democracy alive and kicking in India - Hindustan Times

Jack Lessenberry for Tuesday, July 18, 2017.

The founders of our system attempted to give this country, and later this state, something called representative democracy.

Thats supposed to mean electing people we trust to represent our best interests to make laws for the state and nation. That generally worked pretty well. Not that it was perfect, and for a long time some of us were shut out of participating. But eventually that got fixed.

Unfortunately, in recent years, the system has become badly broken. Term limits have been a disaster. But what may be even worse is the rise of extreme gerrymandering. That means, jiggering the district lines in such a way as to give one party complete dominance.

Thats whats happened in this state. Though Michigan usually votes Democratic in national elections, Republicans have been in control of most or all branches of state government the last several times new lines have been drawn.

Rather than keep communities together, theyve drawn the lines to give themselves maximum partisan advantage. As a result, we have elections in which Democrats win a majority of the statewide vote for legislature or Congress, but end up with only a minority of the seats.

Worse, most districts are drawn in a way to make them completely uncompetitive in a general election, no matter what. Thats why Brian Banks, a known criminal, could be elected despite a long string of felonies.

Community interests are also ignored.

... most districts are drawn in a way to make them completely uncompetitive in a general election, no matter what.

Kalamazoo and Battle Creek, which rightly were in the same congressional district for decades, are no longer. Rural Oakland County voters are combined with the Grosse Pointes and some of the roughest and poorest inner-city neighborhoods.

Requiring a fair way to draw district lines is essential if we are ever to make democracy work again.

Members of a non-partisan, non-profit group called Voters Not Politicians has been working for months to find out what voters want, and how to draw up a state constitutional amendment to give it to them. Theyve come up with a workable plan for a fair and bipartisan commission that would draw the boundaries.

Finally, they submitted petition language to the Board of State Canvassers on June 28, so they could start collecting the more than 315,000 signatures theyd need to get it on next years ballot.

But the board still hasnt acted.

And Voters Not Politicians is complaining they are losing valuable time. I wasnt surprised at the delay when I heard that the petition they submitted was eight pages long, in tiny type.

But Walt Sorg, one of their guiding spirits, explained. The document is really long because (under state law) we are required to include all current language that is either repealed or abrogated by our amendment.

Sorg, a longtime, experienced Lansing hand who has worked in all three branches of state government did say that if it gets on the ballot, voters will fortunately see only a one hundred word summary. It makes sense to make sure the language is right; Lieutenant Governor Brian Calley had to throw out a bunch of signatures after his petition drive went off half-cocked.

But I am hoping that Voters Not Politicians can get their amendment before the people as soon as possible. The future of both representative, and responsible, government may be at stake.

Jack Lessenberry is Michigan Radios Senior Political Analyst. Views expressed in his essays are his own and do not necessarily reflect those of Michigan Radio, its management or the station licensee, The University of Michigan.

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Petition drive tries to return Michigan to a true, representative democracy - Michigan Radio

Since Polands conservative Law and Justice (PiS) government was elected in October 2015, it has systematically moved to consolidate its power. The countrys public media have lost their independent voice. The powers of the supreme court have been curtailed. Managers of enterprises have been replaced. Human rights, especially for women, have been constantly undermined.

The latest and most damaging development with regard to the strength and durability of Polands democratic structures is PiSs move against the entire judiciary. The countrys legislative, executive, and judicial powers will now be controlled by PiS and administered by the justice minister, Zbigniew Ziobro. New legislation pushed through the parliament during a late-night session on July 12 gives Ziobro the right to appoint and dismiss judges, including those on the supreme court. The independent body that nominated judges is being disbanded.

Furthermore, the justice minister now has the right to dismiss the presidents of regional and appellate courts. What this means is that if PiS wants to silence the opposition and its critics by bringing what opponents believe will be trumped-up corruption charges, the government will have a compliant judiciary at its disposal. PiS has crushed the judicial system in Poland, said Ewa towska of the Polish Academy of Sciences.

The opposition has held demonstrations. Jarosaw Kaczyski, the PiS leader, accused protesters of trying to stage a coup dtat. On July 16, Polish public television reported on the demonstrations with the caption: The opposition attempts to organize a coup against the democratically elected government. Such language will almost certainly become more widespread and conspiratorial in the run-up to regional elections due in 2018.

Kaczyski has never wavered in his belief that after 1989, Poland never had a real revolution that would havein his viewcleansed the countrys system of Communists, their supporters, and the secret police. Since then, he has been waging his own relentless war against the liberal wing of the Solidarity trade union movement. For Kaczyski, it is they who have prolonged the old system. Had his nationalist wing of Solidarity been in the drivers seat, things would have been entirely differentaccording to his narrative, which continues a quarter of a century later.

The vendetta has become so intense that Lech Wasa, the former leader of Solidarity, is vilified by PiS. He has been accused of conniving with the secret police. Polands school curriculum now presents a particularly jaundiced interpretation of the events leading up to 1989 and the years afterward. Wasas role hardly figures in school textbooks, if at all. Such is the politics of revenge that is playing out in Polandto the detriment of the countrys democracy and place in Europe.

Over in Brussels, the European Commission is supposed to protect and uphold Article 2 of the EUs founding treaty, which states, The Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. On July 14, the EU issued a statement expressing great concern after the Polish parliament introduced a bill to force all supreme court judges to step down except those the justice minister wanted to remain. Not much of a rebuke.

Its not as if European Commission Vice President Frans Timmermans is unaware of what is taking place in Poland. His strategy so far has been to pursue a dialogue with PiSto no avail. The problem is that without any kind of pressure, PiS will be undeterred. One need only look at the experience of nearby Hungary, where Prime Minister Viktor Orbn has used his partys two-thirds majority in the parliament to turn the country into a state based on loyalty, patronage, clientelism, and corruption.

The EU can either discard Article 2as if civil society, the opposition, and what is left of the independent judiciary in Poland didnt matteror stop the flow of Polands EU structural funds, which are paid for by taxpayers. That is what the union should have done long ago in Hungary. But such a move would require the support of the EU member states, and Poland knows Hungary is on its side. PiS seems confident that penalties would never be agreed on. And then there is the argument that threats from Brussels will only harden PiSs stance against the EU.

These are well-worn and tired arguments. By joining the EU, Poland and Hungary signed up to a set of obligations, values, and solidarity. The most recent developments in Poland show that Warsaw is making a mockery of the EU. But the union, with political will, still has time to change tack. After all, overwhelming majorities of Poles and Hungarians still back the EU. That support should no longer be ignored.

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Poland's Drift Away From Democracy - Carnegie Europe

Leader of the Opposition in National Assembly Syed Khurshid Shah Tuesday said that the rulers stubbornness was posing a threat to democracy in the country.

Talking to a delegation of Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA), Shah warned the government that if Volume 10 of the JIT report was made public they would not be able to face the people.

He added that the much the government would dig Panama case the deeper it would sink.

Shah said that if the government demanded making volume 10 of the JIT report public, the prime minister would not be able to face anyone.

Khurshid Shah said they were not protecting the government rather Parliament and democracy.

He added that it had been a distinction of PPP to save democracy.

The opposition leader added that PPP had accepted SC decision against its own prime minister without any hesitation, then how they would not accept the apex court decision against Nawaz Sharif.

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Rulers' stubbornness posing threat to democracy: Shah - The Nation