Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

Political bots are poisoning democracy so, off with their heads – Phys.Org

June 21, 2017 by Hadley Newman And Kevin O'gorman, The Conversation Bottery and aggravated assault. Credit: Mopic

Propaganda bots posing as people are increasingly being used on social media to sway public opinion around the world. So says new research from the University of Oxford's Internet Institute, which found automated accounts and other forms of social media propaganda are rife in Russia, the US and Germany among other countries.

This follows a flurry of material about bots and the UK election. One seminal work, which came from the same institute, showed that Twitter traffic had been dominated by Labour and that automated accounts favouring the party were more active than Tory equivalents.

Jeremy Corbyn's campaign was certainly boosted by fake Twitter accounts, regardless of whether his people had any involvement in setting them up. They were spewing an average of 1,000 messages a day against Theresa May or favouring Labour.

It was a similar story in last year's US presidential election, and also during the Brexit referendum with some of the bots in question graduating to pump out thousands more messages in the UK election. A study by the FT reported that during the referendum campaign, "the 20 most prolific accounts displayed indications of high levels of automation". This supported research last year, again from Oxford, that found that "on average 12.3% of traffic about UK politics is generated by highly automated accounts".

Bot seriously

That digital media would emerge as a tool for political campaigning is a no-brainer. At no point in history have candidates and parties had such a remarkable opportunity to reach out to such a wide audience so effectively.

Leaders can relay their messages in the most cost-effective manner with real evidence of interaction. Better still, social media provides a platform for two-way engagement. The average voter can boo, applaud, vent and taunt politicians and policies on their smartphones with a flick of a finger.

But politics is a game of one-upmanship and not just among parties but also over the public. For all the windows of expression that digital media has opened up for people, it now threatens to make fools of them.

Bots with large numbers of followers are the ideal conduits for disinformation, sharing fake news within the echo chambers that have grown out of the content display logic of social media algorithms. Some of this news will be crafted specifically for political gain, but even this doesn't always necessarily follow.

The US media reported, for example, that an army of Macedonian teenagers had been operating US political sites peddling made-up conservative news to make a quick buck on Facebook. With 44% of Americans getting their news from Facebook, and Donald Trump elected president, we may be paying a hefty price for such enterprises.

As one detailed report put it, media manipulators trade their stories by "using the power of networked collaboration and the reach of influencers". Even "when the misinformation is debunked, it continues to shape people's attitudes". Such overt mind manipulation can "ruin democracy", warned the report.

Speaking of ruining democracy, algorithms are also opening the door to another kind of Facebook manipulation. During the UK election, there were reports of "paid-for attack advertising" targeting specific voters in specific constituencies. The Conservatives have been particularly identified with this so-called "dark advertising". It threatens to break fundamental rules about campaign transparency and voter targeting. It also undermines the UK's longstanding ban on political parties buying TV and radio space.

Not OK, computer

From radio to TV to the internet, every new medium has disrupted the political space. Each has served as a new tool to expand the audience and sharpen the dialogue. With social media, however, we find ourselves in unique territory.

The public has to wake up to the very real reality that fake news, junk news and automated tweets are almost certainly muddling political discourse and making different factions more and more polarised. Rhetoric and sloganeering are giving way to digital subterfuge and guerilla assaults on the public psyche.

People in the UK could console themselves that they are sharing "better quality information" than many US counterparts, but equally they compare poorly next to the French and Germans. In any case, favourable comparisons are beside the point.

It is time for a proper debate about how we respond to these developments. There is a clear argument for a system reboot, including a digital media code of conduct for political parties and campaigners. Bots need to be banned under this code and the system needs to be policed in real time during campaigns the money it would cost would be well spent. The reality is that social media campaigning is rendering our democracy unfit for purpose. We need to do something about it quickly.

Explore further: Pro-Trump bot activity 'colonised' pro-Clinton Twitter campaign: study

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Researchers have revealed the scale of automated account activity, including bots, during the US Election. The pro-Trump camp used it 'up to five times as much as Clinton supporters' and employed it aggressively, crowding ...

Democracy has entered a new phase marked by hacking by foreign states and fake stories shared on social media aimed at damaging political parties. The social media companies have so far been mostly incapable, or unwilling, ...

Software robots masquerading as humans are influencing the political discourse on social media as never before and could threaten the very integrity of the 2016 U.S. presidential election, said Emilio Ferrara, a computer ...

A trending story on Twitter could mean thousands of people care about an issue-or that some computers are doing their jobs.

The advent of social media has led to a vast increase in the amount of social information that we see about others' political behaviour and this has important implications for democracy, argues Professor Helen Margetts in ...

A University of Texas at Arlington-led team is building computer tools to detect social bots within the worldwide web that create and spread fake news.

A telecom company in the Netherlands has teamed up with the country's traffic safety authority to develop a bicycle lock that also blocks its mobile network, in a move aimed at protecting young riders who regularly pedal ...

A data analytics firm that worked on the Republican campaign of Donald Trump exposed personal information belonging to some 198 million Americans, or nearly every eligible registered voter, security researchers said Monday.

Researchers at UC Santa Barbara professor Yasamin Mostofi's lab have given the first demonstration of three-dimensional imaging of objects through walls using ordinary wireless signal. The technique, which involves two drones ...

From "The Jetsons" to "Chitty Chitty Bang Bang", flying cars have long captured the imagination.

Your next doctor could very well be a bot. And bots, or automated programs, are likely to play a key role in finding cures for some of the most difficult-to-treat diseases and conditions.

The long range of airborne drones helps them perform critical tasks in the skies. Now MIT spinout Open Water Power (OWP) aims to greatly improve the range of unpiloted underwater vehicles (UUVs), helping them better perform ...

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Political bots are poisoning democracy so, off with their heads - Phys.Org

What Is Democracy? Definition, Types & History

Compared to dictatorships, oligarchies, monarchies and aristocracies, in which the people have little or no say in who is elected and how the government is run, a democracy is often said to be the most challenging form of government, as input from those representing citizens determines the direction of the country. The basic definition of democracy in its purest form comes from the Greek language: The term means rule by the people. But democracy is defined in many ways a fact that has caused much disagreement among those leading various democracies as to how best to run one.

The Greeks and Romans established the precursors to todays modern democracy. The three main branches of Athenian democracy were the Assembly of the Demos, the Council of 500 and the Peoples Court. Assembly and the Council were responsible for legislation, along with ad hoc boards of lawmakers.

Democracy also has roots in the Magna Carta, England's "Great Charter" of 1215 that was the first document to challenge the authority of the king, subjecting him to the rule of the law and protecting his people from feudal abuse.

Democracy as we know it today was not truly defined until the Age of Enlightenment in the 17th and 18th centuries, during which time the U.S. Declaration of Independence was penned, followed by the U.S. Constitution (which borrowed heavily from the Magna Carta). The term evolved to mean a government structured with a separation of powers, provided basic civil rights, religious freedom and separation of church and state.

Types of democracies

Parliamentary democracy, a democratic form of government in which the party, or coalition of parties, with the largest representation in the legislature (parliament), was originated in Britain. There are two styles of parliamentary government. The bicameral system consists of a lower house, which is elected, and an upper house can be elected or appointed.

In a parliamentary democracy, the leader of the leading party becomes the prime minister or chancellor and leads the country. Once the leading party falls out of favor, the party that takes control installs its leader as prime minister or chancellor.

In the 1790s to 1820s, Jeffersonian democracy was one of two philosophies of governing to dominate the U.S. political scene. The term typically refers to the ideology of the Democratic-Republican party, which Thomas Jefferson formed to oppose Alexander Hamiltons Federalist party, which was the first American political party. The Jeffersonian outlook believed in equality of political opportunity for all male citizens, while Federalists political platform emphasized fiscal responsibility in government.

Jacksonian democracy, lead by Andrew Jackson, was a political movement that emphasized the needs of the common man rather than the elite and educated favored by the Jeffersonian style of government.

This period from the mid 1830s to 1854, is also referred to the Second Party System. The Democratic-Republican Party of the Jeffersonians became factionalized in the 1820s. Jacksons supporters formed the modern Democratic Party. Adams and Anti-Jacksonian factions soon emerged as the Whigs. This era gave rise to partisan newspapers, political rallies and fervent party loyalty.

Democracies can be classified as liberal and social. Liberal democracies, also known as constitutional democracies, are built on the principles of free and fair elections, a competitive political process and universal suffrage. Liberal democracies can take on the form of constitution republics, such as France, India, Germany, Italy and the United States, or a constitutional monarchy such as Japan, Spain or the U.K.

Social democracy, which emerged in the late 19th century, advocates universal access to education, health care, workers compensation, and other services such as child care and care for the elderly. Unlike others on the left, such as Marxists, who sought to challenge the capitalist system more fundamentally, social democrats aimed to reform capitalism with state regulation.

The U.S. political system today is primarily a two-party system, dominated by Democrats and Republicans. The country has been a two-party system for more than a century, although independents such as Ralph Nader and Ross Perot have sought to challenge the two-party system in recent years.

There are three branches of government: the executive branch (president); legislative branch (Congress); and judicial branch (Supreme Court). These branches provide checks and balances to, in theory, prevent abuses of power. Control of Congress can be in the hands of one party or split, depending on which party is in the majority in the Senate and, separately, the House of Representatives.

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What Is Democracy? Definition, Types & History

democracy | History, Development, Systems, Theory …

Democracy, literally, rule by the people. The term is derived from the Greek dmokrati, which was coined from dmos (people) and kratos (rule) in the middle of the 5th century bce to denote the political systems then existing in some Greek city-states, notably Athens.

The etymological origins of the term democracy hint at a number of urgent problems that go far beyond semantic issues. If a government of or by the peoplea popular governmentis to be established, at least five fundamental questions must be confronted at the outset, and two more are almost certain to be posed if the democracy continues to exist for long.

(1) What is the appropriate unit or association within which a democratic government should be established? A town or city? A country? A business corporation? A university? An international organization? All of these?

(2) Given an appropriate associationa city, for examplewho among its members should enjoy full citizenship? Which persons, in other words, should constitute the dmos? Is every member of the association entitled to participate in governing it? Assuming that children should not be allowed to participate (as most adults would agree), should the dmos include all adults? If it includes only a subset of the adult population, how small can the subset be before the association ceases to be a democracy and becomes something else, such as an aristocracy (government by the best, aristos) or an oligarchy (government by the few, oligos)?

(3) Assuming a proper association and a proper dmos, how are citizens to govern? What political organizations or institutions will they need? Will these institutions differ between different kinds of associationsfor example, a small town and a large country?

(4) When citizens are divided on an issue, as they often will be, whose views should prevail, and in what circumstances? Should a majority always prevail, or should minorities sometimes be empowered to block or overcome majority rule?

(5) If a majority is ordinarily to prevail, what is to constitute a proper majority? A majority of all citizens? A majority of voters? Should a proper majority comprise not individual citizens but certain groups or associations of citizens, such as hereditary groups or territorial associations?

(6) The preceding questions presuppose an adequate answer to a sixth and even more important question: Why should the people rule? Is democracy really better than aristocracy or monarchy? Perhaps, as Plato argues in the Republic, the best government would be led by a minority of the most highly qualified personsan aristocracy of philosopher-kings. What reasons could be given to show that Platos view is wrong?

(7) No association could maintain a democratic government for very long if a majority of the dmosor a majority of the governmentbelieved that some other form of government were better. Thus, a minimum condition for the continued existence of a democracy is that a substantial proportion of both the dmos and the leadership believes that popular government is better than any feasible alternative. What conditions, in addition to this one, favour the continued existence of democracy? What conditions are harmful to it? Why have some democracies managed to endure, even through periods of severe crisis, while so many others have collapsed?

Since the time of the ancient Greeks, both the theory and the practice of democracy have undergone profound changes, many of which have concerned the prevailing answers to questions 1 through 3 above. Thus, for thousands of years the kind of association in which democracy was practiced, the tribe or the city-state, was small enough to be suitable for some form of democracy by assembly, or direct democracy. Much later, beginning in the 18th century, as the typical association became the nation-state or country, direct democracy gave way to representative democracya transformation so sweeping that, from the perspective of a citizen of ancient Athens, the governments of gigantic associations such as France or the United States might not have appeared democratic at all. This change in turn entailed a new answer to question 3: Representative democracy would require a set of political institutions radically different from those of all earlier democracies.

Another important change has concerned the prevailing answers to question 2. Until fairly recently, most democratic associations limited the right to participate in government to a minority of the adult populationindeed, sometimes to a very small minority. Beginning in the 20th century, this right was extended to nearly all adults. Accordingly, a contemporary democrat could reasonably argue that Athens, because it excluded so many adults from the dmos, was not really a democracyeven though the term democracy was invented and first applied in Athens.

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Despite these and other important changes, it is possible to identify a considerable number of early political systems that involved some form of rule by the people, even if they were not fully democratic by contemporary standards.

Although it is tempting to assume that democracy was created in one particular place and timemost often identified as Greece about the year 500 bceevidence suggests that democratic government, in a broad sense, existed in several areas of the world well before the turn of the 5th century.

It is plausible to assume that democracy in one form or another arises naturally in any well-bounded group, such as a tribe, if the group is sufficiently independent of control by outsiders to permit members to run their own affairs and if a substantial number of members, such as tribal elders, consider themselves about equally qualified to participate in decisions about matters of concern to the group as a whole. This assumption has been supported by studies of nonliterate tribal societies, which suggest that democratic government existed among many tribal groups during the thousands of years when human beings survived by hunting and gathering. To these early humans, democracy, such as it was practiced, might well have seemed the most natural political system.

When the lengthy period of hunting and gathering came to an end and humans began to settle in fixed communities, primarily for agriculture and trade, the conditions that favour popular participation in government seem to have become rare. Greater inequalities in wealth and military power between communities, together with a marked increase in the typical communitys size and scale, encouraged the spread of hierarchical and authoritarian forms of social organization. As a result, popular governments among settled peoples vanished, to be replaced for thousands of years by governments based on monarchy, despotism, aristocracy, or oligarchy, each of which came to be seenat least among the dominant members of these societiesas the most natural form of government.

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Then, about 500 bce, conditions favourable to democracy reappeared in several places, and a few small groups began to create popular governments. Primitive democracy, one might say, was reinvented in more advanced forms. The most crucial developments occurred in two areas of the Mediterranean, Greece and Rome.

During the Classical period (corresponding roughly to the 5th and 4th centuries bce), Greece was of course not a country in the modern sense but a collection of several hundred independent city-states, each with its surrounding countryside. In 507 bce, under the leadership of Cleisthenes, the citizens of Athens began to develop a system of popular rule that would last nearly two centuries. To question 1, then, the Greeks responded clearly: The political association most appropriate to democratic government is the polis, or city-state.

Athenian democracy foreshadowed some later democratic practices, even among peoples who knew little or nothing of the Athenian system. Thus the Athenian answer to question 2Who should constitute the dmos?was similar to the answer developed in many newly democratic countries in the 19th and 20th centuries. Although citizenship in Athens was hereditary, extending to anyone who was born to parents who were themselves Athenian citizens, membership in the dmos was limited to male citizens 18 years of age or older (until 403, when the minimum age was raised to 20).

Because data is scanty, estimates of the size of the Athenian dmos must be treated with caution. One scholar has suggested that in the mid-4th century there may have been about 100,000 citizens, 10,000 resident foreigners, or metics, and as many as 150,000 slaves. Among citizens, about 30,000 were males over 18. If these numbers are roughly correct, then the dmos comprised 10 to 15 percent of the total population.

Regarding question 3What political institutions are necessary for governing?the Athenians adopted an answer that would appear independently elsewhere. The heart and centre of their government was the Assembly (Ecclesia), which met almost weekly40 times a yearon the Pnyx, a hill west of the Acropolis. Decisions were taken by vote, and, as in many later assemblies, voting was by a show of hands. As would also be true in many later democratic systems, the votes of a majority of those present and voting prevailed. Although we have no way of knowing how closely the majority in the Assembly represented the much larger number of eligible citizens who did not attend, given the frequency of meetings and the accessibility of the meeting place, it is unlikely that the Assembly could have long persisted in making markedly unpopular decisions.

The powers of the Assembly were broad, but they were by no means unlimited. The agenda of the Assembly was set by the Council of Five Hundred, which, unlike the Assembly, was composed of representatives chosen by lot from each of 139 small territorial entities, known as demes, created by Cleisthenes in 507. The number of representatives from each deme was roughly proportional to its population. The Councils use of representatives (though chosen by lot rather than by election) foreshadowed the election of representatives in later democratic systems.

Another important political institution in Athens was the popular courts (dikasteria; see dicastery), described by one scholar as the most important organ of state, alongside the Assembly, with unlimited power to control the Assembly, the Council, the magistrates, and political leaders. The popular courts were composed of jurors chosen by lot from a pool of citizens over 30 years of age; the pool itself was chosen annually and also by lot. The institution is a further illustration of the extent to which the ordinary citizens of Athens were expected to participate in the political life of the city.

In 411 bce, exploiting the unrest created by Athenss disastrous and seemingly endless war with Sparta (see Peloponnesian War), a group known as the Four Hundred seized control of Athens and established an oligarchy. Less than a year later, the Four Hundred were overthrown and democracy was fully restored. Nine decades later, in 321, Athens was subjugated by its more powerful neighbour to the north, Macedonia, which introduced property qualifications that effectively excluded many ordinary Athenians from the dmos. In 146 bce what remained of Athenian democracy was extinguished by the conquering Romans.

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The gradual elimination of on-camera press briefings threatens our democracy – Washington Post (blog)

Today, the Trump administrationbelatedly added an on-camera press briefing by press secretary Sean Spicer to the White House schedule, just one day after Spicer kicked off a firestorm by barringreporters from recording video or even audio of his gaggle with them. Following yesterdays off-camera gaggle, White House reporters began using Twitter and their platforms to criticize the administrations apparent new policy as a restriction on a free press.

Today, an exchange took place that illustrated exactly why this is so worrisome. Asked on camera whether the president believes that Russia interfered in the 2016 election, Spicer claimed, implausibly: I have not sat down and talked with him about that specifically. This absurd dodge might seem like a reason on-camera press briefings are pointless exercises in unanswered questions and that we might not be worse off without them. But Spicers answer today shows precisely why its crucial that these briefings endure we need to have a record of such evasions, and the public needs to be able to see, on video, how Spicers interactions with the press play out.

The White Houses gradual elimination of the on-camera briefings is unprecedented and alarming.Under less incendiary presidents, thesebriefings were often dull affairs for people with lives outside the Beltway bubble. But they were largely seen as an unbreakable component of the presss ability to hold White House officials accountable, even when press secretaries, of both parties, ducked tough questions and offered pabulum talking points. There was a record of the questions asked and the refusal to answer them. A mere transcript of off-camera gaggles (which the White House has provided over the last week) is insufficient. Video provides the nuance and body language that a transcript cannot.

More broadly, these briefings are more essential than ever because of President Trumps hostility to the press and basic transparency. Eliminating them would amount to theculmination of a strategy that liesat the heart of Trumpism: First, neutralize the news media, or, astop Trump strategist Stephen K. Bannon has called it,the opposition party. Trump aimsto underminehis supporters trust in a free press and reliance on it for information. In this context, characterizing the media as fake news then takes on a dual purpose: It helps accomplish that undermining of the mediaand becomes a justification for doing things (such as canceling briefings) that prevent the press from doing its job.

Trump had previouslyhintedthat he might eliminate the briefings. But in recent days, matters have escalated considerably. Before today, the last on-camera press briefing Spicer conducted wasmore than a week ago. In the interim, the White House offered only press gaggles, off camera, with deputy press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders and, on background, with a senior administration official on board Air Force One. This refusal to hold on-camera briefings notably occurredduring the period after lawmakersgrilled Attorney General Jeff Sessions about the widening Russia investigation and Trump admittedon Twitter that he was indeed under investigation by Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller III.

This period was also packed with other high-stakes news, including new developments in the Russia investigation, the shooting of GOP lawmakers at a baseball practice, another court ruling upholding a freeze on Trumps Muslim ban, Senate Republicans ongoing secrecy over their health-care bill, and increasing tensions between the United States and Russia over Syria. During that time, the White House conducted no on-camera briefings for the press or for the American people.

And so, when Spicer told reporters yesterday that they could not record the briefing, tensions boiled over. Dramatically live-tweeting from inside the White House, CNNs Jim Acosta lambastedthe administrations stonewalling and suppression of information. Later, on television, Acosta said, I think the White House for the United States of America should have these questions answered on camera, so we can see what theyre saying. And when they dont do this, theyre just doing a disservice to the people of this country.

Acosta is right. These press briefings are far more than daily entertainment or fodder for late-night satire. They are, in the modern political era, critical to thetransparency and accountability that are the hallmarks of a functioning democracy. They provide a vivid, daily accounting to the public ofthe presidents actions, and, more critically, his and the White Houses competence and credibility.They might look like a game in which questions are asked and evaded, reporters are mocked or dismissed, and everyone chuckles uncomfortably. But that dance is more than just spectacle. It is the ongoing creation of a record on video, for posterity of thequestions that need to be asked, and of whether the administration is willing to answer them.

Slowly but surely we are being dragged into a new normal in this country, Acosta said on CNN yesterday, where the president of the United States is allowed to insulate himself from answering hard questions.

As if all this werent enough, the White House offered one more display of contempt for the free press. When asked by the Atlantics Rosie Gray to comment yesterday on the reasons for the reduction in Spicers on-camera briefings, Bannonreplied by text message,Sean got fatter.

Thats possibly a joke, or perhaps a mean, sophomoric put-down. But either way, Bannons real message shouldnt get lost. His dismissiveness says it all: Questions about whether the briefings will continue dont need to be engaged seriously; theyre only important for appearances; and if they cant make the Trump camp look good, theyre not worth doing. For the White House, eliminating them entirely would be its greatest victory yet over fake news.

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The gradual elimination of on-camera press briefings threatens our democracy - Washington Post (blog)

Full Extended Interview: Arundhati Roy on Democracy Now! – Democracy Now!

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. Im Amy Goodman.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: And Im Nermeen Shaikh. Welcome to our listeners and viewers around the country and around the world.

Today we spend the hour with the acclaimed Indian writer Arundhati Roy. Its been 20 years since her debut novel, The God of Small Things, made her a literary sensation. When the book won the Booker Prizer and became an international best-seller, selling over 6 million copies, Roy soon turned away from fiction. She became a leading critic of U.S. empire, the wars in the Middle East and the rise of Hindu nationalism in her home country of India. Her nonfiction books include The End of Imagination, Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers and Capitalism: A Ghost Story. In 2010, she faced possible arrest on sedition charges after publicly advocating for Kashmiri independence and challenging Indias claim that Kashmir is an integral part of India.

AMY GOODMAN: Two years ago, Arundhati Roy made headlines when she visited NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden in Russia. She was joined by Pentagon Papers whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg and the actor John Cusack. She co-authored a book with John Cusack based on their conversations with Snowden, titled Things That Can and Cannot Be Said.

Well, now, 20 years after the publication of The God of Small Things, Arundhati Roy has returned to fiction and has just published her second novel, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. The Washington Post has praised her novel, writing, quote, "This is a remarkable creation, a story both intimate and international, swelling with comedy and outrage, a tale that cradles the worlds most fragile people even while it assaults the Subcontinents most brutal villains. ... [It] will leave you awed by the heat of its anger and the depth of its compassion," they wrote. The Indian literary critic Nilanjana Roy has hailed the novel as, quote, "an elegy for a bulldozed world."

Arundhati Roy joins us in our studio for the hour.

Arundhati, welcome back to Democracy Now!

ARUNDHATI ROY: Thank you. Thank you, Amy. Its lovely to be here.

AMY GOODMAN: How does it feel to be back to fiction? Youve been writing now for years this book, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. Talk about how you feel upon its publication.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, fiction was always, in reality as well as in my imagination, my real home. But this time its home with the roof blown off. You know, so, somehow, its always been the thing that absorbs every part of mefiction. You know, every skill I may have is actually part of writing this. So, to me, I just feel that, you know, even if in a lifetime you had two opportunities to spend many years lavishing everythingall your brains and your toenails and your hair and your teeth and your gallbladderon creating one thing, you know, its a grace that you should be happy for. Whatever the product is, you know, whatever comes out of it, is such a beautiful thing to have had the opportunity to do, for me.

AMY GOODMAN: Youve called fiction writing the closest thing you know to prayer.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Yes.

AMY GOODMAN: Why?

ARUNDHATI ROY: Because of this. You know? Because, to me, the idea of being able to concentrate on trying toyou see, the nonfiction that Ive been writing, you know, these are all essays that II mean, were urgent interventions in situations that were closing down in India. Each time I wrote an essay, I wouldyou know, it would lead to so much trouble, Id promise myself not to write another one. But I would. But they were arguments. You know, they were urgent. They werethey had a definite purpose, a worldly important purpose. But when youwhen I write fiction, its, to me, the opposite of an argument. Its like creating a universe. You know, its like doing everything you can to create a world in which you want people to wander, you know?

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, tell us about the title of the book, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, and also the dedication. Its dedicated to "The Unconsoled." Who are "The Unconsoled"?

ARUNDHATI ROY: All of us, in secret, even if we dont show it. Some of us do, and some of us dont. But I think the world is unconsoled right now. And the title is notyou know, though many think its a satirical title, its not a satirical title, because its a title thatfor me, you know, I think, fundamentally, as a species right now, we need to redefine what is being defined for us as the path to happiness or to progress or to civilization. You know? And in this book, it is a specific story and people who understand that its a fragile thing. Happiness is not a building or an institution that is there forever. Its fragile. And you enjoy it when you can, and you may find it in the most unexpected places.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, you also said in a 2011 interview, when you were asked about the writing of this book, you said, "Ill have to find a language to tell the story I want to tell. By language I dont mean English, Hindi, Urdu, Malayalam, of course. I mean something else. A way of binding together worlds that have been ripped apart." What did you mean by that?

ARUNDHATI ROY: Sounds quite clear, doesnt it? Well, really, Ill

NERMEEN SHAIKH: But what worlds have been ripped apart that you bring together?

ARUNDHATI ROY: Yeah, well, the worlds that have been ripped apart inI mean, in the world, as in including here, but in the subcontinent, where I live, its as though people have ceased to be able to speak to each other. Again, I dont mean in real languages, of Hindi, Urdu or Malayalam, but its as though people who live in cities, they dont even know how to go into a village anymore. You know, they dont even understand what it means to live on the land anymore. People who live there dont know what to do when they come into the other modern world. I mean, India has always lived in several centuries simultaneously, but its just becoming almost psychotic now. And also, I mean, in real terms, we live in several languages, in real languages. Here I do mean Urdu and Hindu and English, and all of that together.

And all theand fundamentally, I think what I mean is that there is a danger of fiction becoming domesticated, you know, of too much of a product that has to be quickly described, catalogued, put on a particular shelf, and everybody has to know what is the theme. And, to me, I wanted to blow that open. You know, what is the theme? The theme is the air we breathe. The theme is the politics that affects our lives. Its not just news headlines. You know, what happens in Kashmir or what happens with people who have been displaced or what happens in intimate spaces, all of it can only be presented as part of a universe in fiction, because you cant do it otherwise.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. Im Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh. Our guest for the hour, Arundhati Roy. Would you read from The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, Arundhati?

ARUNDHATI ROY: Sure. Ill read a part, which is when Anjum, whoAnjum is born.

She was the fourth of five children, born on a cold January night, by lamplight, in Shahjahanabad, the walled city of Delhi. Ahlam Baji, the midwife who delivered her and put her in her mothers arms wrapped in two shawls, said, Its a boy. Given the circumstances, her error was understandable.

A month into her first pregnancy Jahanara Begum and her husband decided that if their first baby was a boy they would name him Aftab. Their first three children were girls. They had been waiting for their Aftab for six years. The night he was born was the happiest of Jahanara Begums life.

The next morning, when the sun was up and the room nice and warm, she unswaddled little Aftab. She explored his tiny bodyeyes nose head neck armpits fingers toeswith sated, unhurried delight. That was when she discovered, nestling underneath his boy-parts, a small, unformed, but undoubtedly girl-part.

Is it possible for a mother to be terrified of her own baby? Jahanara Begum was. Her first reaction was to feel her heart constrict and her bones turn to ash. Her second reaction was to take another look to make sure she was not mistaken. Her third reaction was to recoil from what she had created while her bowels convulsed ... Her fourth reaction was to contemplate killing herself and her child. Her fifth reaction was to pick her baby up and hold him close while she fell through a crack between the world she knew and worlds she did not know existed. There, in the abyss, spinning through the darkness, everything she had been sure of until then, every single thing, from the smallest to the biggest, ceased to make sense to her. In Urdu, the only language she knew, all things, not just living things but all thingscarpets, clothes, books, pens, musical instrumentshad a gender. Everything was either masculine or feminine, man or woman. Everything except her baby. Yes of course she knew there was a word for those like himHijra. Two words actually, Hijra and Kinnar. But two words do not make a language.

Was it possible to live outside language? Naturally this question did not address itself to her in words, or as a single lucid sentence. It addressed itself to her as a soundless, embryonic howl.

"Her sixth reaction was to clean herself up and resolve to tell nobody for the moment. Not even her husband. Her seventh reaction was to lie down next to Aftab and rest. Like the God of the Christians did, after he had made Heaven and Earth. Except that in his case he rested after making sense of the world he had created, whereas Jahanara Begum rested after what she had created had scrambled her sense of the world."

AMY GOODMAN: Arundhati Roy, reading from her new novel, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. So, introduce us to some of your characters and where and how they lived. Introduce us to the trans community that hasyouve both created and youve been living with for so many years now.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, first, I do want to say that, you know, Anjum, who was Aftab, or the book in general, isyou know, shes not a signifier. This is not a sort of social history of the trans community. I mean, shes a character, like many other characters in the book, very unique, very much herself. And when shes born in the walled city and grows up, and then when sheshe actually moves out of her home to a place close by called Khwabgah, which in Urdu means "the House of Dreams," where she lives with a community of other people, none of whom is like herself. You know, even inside the Khwabgah, though there are many trans women, people who areAnjum, for example, shes a hermaphrodite, but there are others who are men, who are Muslim and dont believe in having surgery, some who do. There are Hindus. There are Sunnis. There are Shias. So, they themselves are a very diverse community. But they look at the world and call it duniya, which means "the world" in Urdu, which is something else. But they have a history of being sort of inside and outside the community, which sort of predates the kind of Western, liberal, rights-based discourse, though, even in the story, as it modernizes, you know, there is that feudal story overlapping with the new, modern language and so on.

But actually, Anjum, though she does have this incendiary border of gender running through herall the characters have a border, which is, for example, one of theshe moves into the graveyard, and she buildseventually, she builds a guest house, called Jannat, which is the Paradise guest house. And one of the people who becomes a very close comrade of hers is a young man who waswho is a Dalit, who has watched Hindu mobs beat his father to death, as is happening every day now with Muslims and Dalits, because he was transporting a carcass of a dead cow, and so hes beaten to death by people who call themselves cow protectors. And he converts to Islam, and soand calls himself Saddam Hussein, because hes very impressed by this video he sees of Saddams execution and the disdain he shows for his executioners. So Saddam has this border of caste and religious conversionincendiary in Indiarunning through him. The other major character is a woman called Tilottama from the south, and she is also a person of indeterminate origins as far as India is concerned. Theres Musa, who is now a Kashmiri, fighting, with the national border running through him.

So, its not conceptual. I mean, what happens is that India is a society of such minute divisions, such institutionalized hierarchies, where caste is a mesh that presses people down and holds them down in a grid. And so, all these stories somehow are about people who just dont fit into that grid and who eventually create a little community, and a kind of solidarity emerges, which is a solidarity of the heart. You know, its not a solidarity of memorandi or academic discourse, but a solidarity which is human, which is based on unorthodox kinds of lovenot even sexual love or anything, its just based on humanness. And yeah, so.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: So, what you say, you say that the characters are kind ofwho dont fit into the grid. The places, the principal places, where the novel is set are Old Delhi, the walled city, as you said, and Kashmir. So, is the focusdid you focus on these places also because they stand somehow outside the grid, they dont fit into the grid?

ARUNDHATI ROY: Yeah, its not just Old Delhi and Kashmir. Actually, it starts in Old Delhi, and it spools out into the New Delhi, the modern, sprawling metropolis, supposedly the center of power of the new India, and then into Kashmir. And, actually, you know, the thing is, when you write a novel, you dont think about it conceptually. It would be terrible to do that. So, Iyou know, as I go along and have to talk about it, these concepts emerge, and it sounds as if thats what its about. Its not, though.

So, the nerve center of the bookthough its not the start of the book, the nerve center is this place in Delhi called Jantar Mantar, where all the ragged and beautiful resistance movements, all the dreamers and idlers and nutjobs and protesters, you know, gather. Its a wonderful place in Delhino longer, though. I mean, its beingthat, too, is being policed in terrible ways. And its a place where I have actually spent much ofmuch of my time. And a baby appears in the middle of the night, and nobody knows whose baby it is. And it actually happened to me. And there were all these protest movements, all this politics, all this wisdom, all this beauty, and then the baby justnobody justjust nobody knew what to do with her, you know?

And from there, you know, the nerves of the novel spread out, because all of it is brought together in that place. And then you follow the appearances and disappearances of these baby girls. And a team of graveyards, of courseI mean, Anjum builds the Paradise guest house on a graveyard in Delhi, whereas Kashmir, which is called Jannat, which is "paradise," by many people, is a paradise thats covered in graveyards. You know, so, the graveyards are alsoI mean, apart from the borders inside the characters, graveyards are also the borders between the living and the dead. And also there are porous borders between human beings and animals in the book. So, its a book of porous borders.

AMY GOODMAN: Arundhati, you said that you actually lived with these communities, these resistance groups, in Delhi, outside your home. You live in Delhi also.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Yes.

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about what you mean, spending days there, and also your times going to Kashmir.

ARUNDHATI ROY: You know, the thing is that Delhi is a place where all these groups from all over India come, to Jantar Mantar, this place called Jantar Mantar, where, in the past, they were allowed to stay there. So, many people would be on hunger strikethe people from Bhopal, the people from the Narmada Valley resisting the dam, people who are, you know, resisting displacement for some mining project, just dreamers who are on fast for everybody and for the, you know, world peace. And a lot of these movements shelter, you know, people who are just idealists who have kind of gone over the edge but who dream of a better world in the most charming and beautiful ways. And sometimes itstheres a lot of violence. The police will come and beat up people.

So, II mean, obviously, because I was, you know, closely involved with the anti-dam movement andI just would just go there, and I found it a veryyou know, a placethough its a place of resistance, its also a place of peace, where you thinkyou know, people who are just notwho just dont agree to allow things to roll on. So, it was also a place where I felt at home and a place where I talked to a lot of people. I mean, many of them are characters in the bookpamphleteers, you know, art installations, whatever.

Soand, of course, Kashmir isyou know, the mothers of the disappeared in Kashmir are also in the book and in that place. And the baby appears actually right next to them, and so theres this whole thing about how the mothers of the disappeared dont know what to do with a baby that has appeared, you know? And then, one ofTilottama is a character who actually just picks up the baby and runs, you know, because the police have come. And Anjum wants her, the baby, and thats how kind of it gets connected. And Tilo has a long connection with Kashmir.

And the thing about Kashmir is that, yes, Ive been going there for many years, and my dearest friends are Kashmiri, actually. And I realized long ago, when I started visiting it, that you cannot tell anything that remotely resembles the truth about Kashmir in reportage, in human rights reports, in the documentation of the dead or the torture or the atrocities, because its not just that. You know, what do you do when a people have lived under the mostunder the densest military occupation in the world for 25 years? What does it do to the air? What does it do to the soldiers? What does it do to the army? What does it do to the collaborators? What does it do to the intelligence people? What does it do to people who dont know when their children will come home? Now you see schoolgirls throwing stones at the army. You know, last year, they blinded people with pellet guns. And, crucially, what does it do to Indians, who are not protected from this war? They are fed these atrocities asyou know, with a soundtrack of applause, and we are supposed to swallow this absolute cruelty and keep it in our stomachs, much as you are expected to celebrate every time the U.S. government goes and destroys a country, you know, and youre all supposed to stand up and applaud. But what does it do to us to hold that in our stomachs? How do we

AMY GOODMAN: For people

ARUNDHATI ROY: How do

AMY GOODMAN: For people who arent familiar with Kashmir, here in the United States, who are watching or listening now or who will read this, explain. Put that struggle in context, where it is and why its happening.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, Kashmir wasat the time of independence, in 1947, Kashmir was oneJammu and Kashmir was one of the independent princely kingdoms, one of the 500-and-something princely kingdoms, who were all required to decide whether they wanted to be with India or Pakistan. And Kashmir, of course, had a majority-Muslim population but a Hindu king. And its called the "unfinished business of [partition]," because, you know, initially, the king didnt decide while partition and bloodshed was happeningalso in Jammu, which is part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. And then, eventually, he fled to India and signed a secession based on the fact that there would be a referendum, which there never was. And so its, as I said, called the unfinished business of Pakistan [sic], butI mean, of partition.

But so, India and Pakistan have been fighting over it, and its become a toxic situation, a flashpoint. The Indian Muslim population is, of course, held hostage to all the debates between India and Pakistan in Kashmir. And were talking about two nuclear powers. So, youre talking about a place withproliferating with graveyards. In the '90s, the struggle turned militant. The army was fighting militants. Now the population has turned militant. Recently, the army general said that he wished the people who are throwing stones were actually firing at them, so he could do what he liked with them. Just last month, they tied a Kashmiri civilian to a tank, used him as a human shield, and the officer who did that was rewarded, was honored, and many people in India applauded it. And that's by no means the worst thing that has happened there.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, Kashmir and Kashmiri is just one of the languagesI mean, in the literal sensethat appear in this novel. You also cite a number of Urdu literary and poetic traditions and sources in the booklyrics, poetry, songs. And what do you think the importance is to all of these referencesMuslim, Dalit, Kashmiriat a time when Indias image often is projected as much more homogenous?

ARUNDHATI ROY: So, I mean, I have written about this in nonfiction a lot, but right now what we are seeing is a very, very dangerous moment in India, because, since 1925, the forcesthe organizations thatI mean, mostly an organization called the RSS, to which Modi belongs, to which many prime ministers and ministers belong, and which is really the cultural guild that controls the political party, the BJP, has always said that it wants India to be declared a Hindu nation, just as Pakistan is known as an Islamic republic. But Indias constitution calls it a secular socialist republic.

So, right now, the people in power are almost in a position to be able to change the constitution. History is being rewritten. School textbooks are being rewritten. People who believe that India should be a Hindu nation are being placed in all the institutions of democracy in positions of power. And as you know, every day youre hearing stories about lynchings, about killings, about vigilante groups. So you have minority populationsand by minority, Im still talking about millions of peoplebeing forced to live in terror, being pushed to the bottom of the food chain, being unrepresented in the media, unrepresented in the judiciary, unrepresented in the bureaucracy, unrepresented in any way, you know. The moment of the big Dalit parties, like the BSP, led by Mayawati or Lalu or Mulayam Singh Yadav, which seemed to be bringing some sort of representation, have also been pushed out. And the idea is, and always has been, to create this constituency called the Hindu constituency.

And now the difficulty is that if youre going to celebrate the idea of the Hindu nation, youre turning what is pain into pleasure, when things like the demonetization happen, when jobs are being lost, when people are being displaced, and youre told you are doing this for the Hindu nation. So, all your pain is being turned into some kind of yearning, like some kind of religious sacrifice, and all your anger is being directed downward to the most vulnerable communities. And so, its a psychological muddle, you know, which analysis and numbers and figures and facts dont seem to help, you know?

AMY GOODMAN: Before we talk about Modis visit next week, I did want to ask you about Tilo, the young woman you referred to who is a character in your book, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, Arundhati, who has a lot of similarities to one you. She was trained as an architecture student. And talk about that. Talk about her place and your place in this novel.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, actually, to me, Tilo, Tilottama, is the fictional child of Ammu and Velutha in The God of Small Things, had their story ended differently. Shes the younger sibling of Esthappen and Rahel. So, you know, I know her well, but Im not her.

But shesyeah, she and Anjum are, in some ways, you know, women with such different kinds of strengths and moods, you know, and generosities, and very different in that Anjum is much more external in her expressions of pain or grief or joy or poetry and what she wants to do. Shes an extravagantlyoutwardly expresses herself. And Tilo, in the book, is called the citya country who lives in her own skin, a country with no consulates, a person whose quietness destabilizes people, you know, a person whose most intimatewhose signs of being intimate with someone is to not greet them or, you know, to not change her expression when someone she loves comes. So, very different.

But, most of all, different in thein their attitude towards womanhood. Like Anjum finds a young child on the steps of the Jama Masjid, and she just falls in love with her, an abandoned little girl, and she falls in love with her mostly because the baby just holds her hand and starts howling and isnt scared of her. So she takes her back to the Khwabgah, where shes adopted, called Zainab. And Zainab grows up with lots of mothers and fathers and in this unorthodox way. Tilo, on the other hand, is someone whos a little bit wary of motherhood. She could have a baby andbut she doesnt want it. And she doesnt want to put another version of herself into the world. She thinks that shell be an even worse mother than her mother was to her. And shes also curiously alone. Like she has a relationship with Musa, who becomes a militant in Kashmir. And Musa is a man of his people. And she loves that about him, because she thinks that she has no people, except for the dogs that she feeds in the park. So shes very, very strangestrong woman, though, you know? And a little bita little bit on the edge of crazy. But, yeah, thats who she is.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, lets go now to India Prime Minister Narendra Modis

ARUNDHATI ROY: Wow! What a jump! From Tilo to Modi.

AMY GOODMAN: Speaking of countries.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Yeah, his trip to the United States, coming to D.C. next week to meet Donald Trump, President Trump, for the first time. Lets go to comments that Trump made last year to the Republican Hindu Coalition.

DONALD TRUMP: Im a big fan of Hindu, and I am a big fan of India! Big, big fan. Big, big fan. ... Prime Minister Modi, who has been very energetic in reforming Indias bureaucracy, great man! I applaud him for doing so. And I look forward to doing some serious bureaucratic trimming right here in the United States. Believe me, we need it also.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: So thats Trump speaking on the campaign trail to the Republican Hindu Coalition. And now, just recently, on the occasion of Trumps birthday, a right-wing group in India called the Hindu Sena celebrated Trumps birthday. So could you talk about that, first of all? And also, you know, a lot of people have been saying that Trump and Modi are very similar. But you thinkyou said that there are very important distinctions between them, so if you could talk about that?

ARUNDHATI ROY: I dont know whether it was this group that youre talking about or whether it was last year, or whenever, there was ain the same Jantar Mantar where much of this book is set, some people were celebrating Trumps birthday. And they had a cardboard picture of him, and they were feeding the cardboard picture cake. And some TV

NERMEEN SHAIKH: It was just now, earlier this month, on the 14th.

ARUNDHATI ROY: No, so Im talking about an earlier occasion.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Oh, I see. OK.

ARUNDHATI ROY: And then theythe TV crew asked them what was happening. And they said, "Oh, we are celebrating the birthday of Donald Duck." But so it was very funny.

But anyway, yes, there are, to my mind, very serious distinctions between the phenomenon of Trump and Modi. Look, Im not, you know, like a real close commentator on American politics, so I might be wrong about what Im saying, but from what I see, Trump somehow has sprung up from the sort of effluent of a process where the Democrats, who claim to be the representatives of workers, of unions, of the people, has betrayedhas betrayed them, has left a group of people disenchanted, furious, and even more furious when Bernie Sanders was, you know, not the candidate, and it was Hillary Clinton. So, Trump comes in as a kind of outsider, suspected and mocked, perhaps rightly so, by the media, by American institutions. Theres an inquiry against him. You know, you see the big wheels, or what I call the deep state, also a little bit worried about him, whereas this is not the case with Modi.

Modi, as I said, is a product of the RSS, that from 1925 has been working towards this moment. The RSS has hundreds of thousands of workers. It has its own slum wing, its own womens wing, its own publishing wing, its own schools, its own books, its own history. Its people are everywhere. The movement is from the ground. You have to give them that. They have worked endlessly. So hesModi is the opposite of an outlier. He ishe is someone whoright now, the RSS is in control. The only thing is that the RSS is a little bitI mean, I think, a little bit worried about this single man whos taking all the attention, and maybe they are preparing an heir to Modi, because he has destroyed government. Its just between him and whats on the street, you know? So, much of what government policy is, is being executed by vigilante mobs, and the bureaucracythe party itself is being put into a corner, and its just Modi and his lieutenant, Amit Shah, and everyone else is humiliated. And then there is this wholeyou know, the great strongman and temples being built to him and so on.

AMY GOODMAN: If you could create the meeting that will happen between Modi and Trump, as youve created the communities in this book, what would you make happen? What would help India, the India you want to see, Arundhati?

ARUNDHATI ROY: It would help if both of them are both sent to the Frying Pan Park in Virginia with all the turkeys that are forgiven on Thanksgiving. I think, you knowI mean, the meeting isnt going to help us, because thats not the issue, right? The issue is thatwhat do they represent, and whyI mean, to me, I dontits not important to me to mock Trump or to say things about Modi, because the real question is, why are theyyou cannot dismiss the fact that they are people who have been elected democratically. So theres fire in the ducts. And that is the problem, you know, notits justyou know, they are both easy meat. You know, they are both easy to laugh at, but I dont think its a laughing matter, you know?

And the point is that someone like myself, you know, I am in a position where one isone is in a minority of voices right now. And even though Im a writer and I dont necessarily believe ever that the majority is always right, so theres something very wrong going on. And that wrong has been created by the people who are criticizing Trump now, you know? So we do need to think about that seriously. You know that. I mean, youve been following it, and you know that better than I, you know. And the same in India. You know, the Congress Party has opened every door, lit every fire. Now that its burning, we cant look at them as an alternative. They have been involved with massacres themselves. They have created vigilante groups themselves. They have created communal conflagration themselves. Theyre just the B team. So...

AMY GOODMAN: You visited Edward Snowden in Russia with the actor John Cusack and with Pentagon Papers whistleblower Dan Ellsberg, who was just in our headlines today. What was that like? We have less than a minute to go.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Oh, it was wonderful, phenomenal. I mean, most phenomenal to see Dan and Ed talking to each other about what it meant to be a whistleblower in the '70s and then now, you know? And to me, from the outside, I did wonder, you know, like how long is it going to be. You know, that was Vietnam. There's Korea. Theres Iran. I mean, history just keeps reinventing itself. And again, today, you hear them say, "Oh, its going to be a long war." So, you know, one enemy of America turns into another, turns into another, turns into another. But the big wheels keep on turning. And we dont have enough Snowdens and Ellsbergs around.

AMY GOODMAN: Writing is such a solitary act. When you wrote The God of Small Things and then won the Booker Prize, one of the leading international literary prizes, how did that change your life, affect how you could write, and lead to what youre doing today?

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, it was obviously, you know, thrilling to win the Booker Prize. It wasnt something that I had thought about as being even a possibility. But after that, it became complicated, because if you actually become very well known and then youlets say, you move to a place, London or New York, where lots of well-known international people live, then its a different story. But if you want to carry on living where you lived and being with your old friends, you know, all of them have to deal with the Booker Prize and the fame, and its really hard. But its OK.

But the thing that happened was that very soon after I won the Booker Prize, the BJP government came to power, did the nuclear tests. And I was, at that point, you know, on the cover of every magazine. I was the face of this new India. And then the new India, to my mind, suddenly turned ugly. The public discourse after those tests became overtly nationalist, overtly ugly. Things that could not have been said, even if they were thought, publicly were now acceptable. And if I hadnt stepped off that train, I would have been part of it. I didnt have the space to be neutral, or, as Howard Zinn says, you cant be neutral on a moving train, but especially not if youre suddenly famous, you know? So, I wrote "The End of Imagination," which was the first essay, condemning the tests. And, of course, that was the end of my romance as the face of the new India.

AMY GOODMAN: I remember when you came to the United States, after writing one of your essays around the Iraq War. You were fierce in your criticism of President Bush. You held a news conference. And I cant remember which womens magazine came up to you afteror maybe I canand said, "Can we just follow you shopping?"

ARUNDHATI ROY: Really? I dont remember that. Really?

AMY GOODMAN: But what it means to be a kind of star like that, as youre taking on these critical issues.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, itsyou know, the thing is that Ive now been baptized in fire, you know, because Ive hadIve had so much happen in the course of the political writing. I mean, just lastlast month, based on some fake news in a Pakistani website saying that I had said something in Kashmir, a BJP member of parliament suggested that instead of the Kashmiri man, I should be used as a human shield in Kashmir, you know? So, but thats all part of how they are with a lot of women who stand up to them. You know, theres that whole thing going on. And so, but eventually it just makes you moremore sharp, I think. You know, I mean, you dontyou know, people call me fearless and all that. Im not fearless. I think its stupid to be fearless, really. You have to be extremely fearful, extremely knowledgeable about the possible consequences, and then do what youre doing.

AMY GOODMAN: People wrote in around the world when they heard you were going to be on. Abdullah AbduSalam in Nigeria wrote something that is verysounds like it fits right in with what youre saying, said, "I would like to ask Arundhati Roy how she copes with the hatred against her in India and how we can combat the tyranny of opinion in the world today."

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, see, the thing is that, you know, the hatred is also a bit exaggerated, because they have these troll factories. You know, they havethey haveits a factory product, too, you know? So it exaggerates the extent. When I walk on the streets, I certainly dont feel hated in India. But they would like to

AMY GOODMAN: Well, youre revered, as well.

ARUNDHATI ROY: They would like to project it as such, you know? And there are many people in India who are standing up to whats going on there, many people, people more vulnerable than me, too, you know? So its a remarkable country for that reason. You know, students, they were so much trouble in the campuses last year. You know, so I certainlythey would like me to portray myself as some lone warrior, the sole voice. Thats not true. Im just one of many people who believe the things I believe, you know? I mean, many people dont write the novels, but many people do believe what Ithere would be something wrong with my politics if I was really just a lone person. I am in the heart of a crowd.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, it seems that with the publication of this book, you can expect only more fame, because the book is already due to be translated into at least 30 languages. And I want to go to what some of the reviewers of this book, who have suggested that therethere may be analogies between The Ministry of Utmost Happiness and other Indian novelists writing in English. But it strikes us that you may have a greater affinity to writers like the Uruguayan novelist and journalist Eduardo Galeano, who died in 2015. Two years before he died, in 2013, Democracy Now! spoke to Galeano in our New York studio. Lets go to a clip.

EDUARDO GALEANO: I didnt receive a formal education. I was educated in the Montevideo cafe, in the cafes of Montevideo. There, I received my first lessons in the art of telling stories, storytelling. I was very, very young and sat at one table, neighbor of other table of people, old people, or more or less old, and they were telling stories, and I was hearing, because they were very good storytellers, anonymous. ...

We have a memory cut in pieces. And I write trying to recover our real memory, the memory of humankind, what I call the human rainbow, which is much more colorful and beautiful than the other one, the other rainbow. But the human rainbow had been mutilated by machismo, racism, militarism and a lot of other isms, who have been terribly killing our greatness, our possible greatness, our possible beauty.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Thats Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer, who passed away in 2015. So could tell us

ARUNDHATI ROY: Who I loved dearly, yes.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: And so, could you tell us about him and the possible affinities between your work and his?

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, Eduardo was a master of the shattered story, even though I dont think he wrote fiction. As far as I know, he never wrote any novels. But he wrote a beautiful book called The Open Veins of Latin America. And he had thatI think, you know, perhaps he had that way of making realism magical without being a magical realist, you know? What a writer he was! And what a seer! Wonderful.

AMY GOODMAN: Thats on the back of your book, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, that quote of yours: "How to tell a shattered story? By slowly becoming everybody. No. By slowly becoming everything." Explain what you mean by "shattered story" and that quote.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Well, thats actually a little scribble in one of Tilos many notebooks, so its in quotes. But what do I mean? Well, I think what I mean is that the power of telling a story which is not a subject heading, you know, a story that is not afraid at looking at the connections, like Eduardo was sayingyou know, what isis there a connection between the new, emerging, you know, great economy, nuclear superpower, and patriarchy? Is there a connection between the rise of the Hindu right, what is happening in Kashmir, how women are treated, whats happeningI mean, that we are a society that practices caste, which is the most institutionalized form of hierarchy? And yet few people write about it. Its like writing about apartheid South Africa omitting to mention there was apartheid. But what is the connection between the way women are treated and all these things that I mentioned? If you write books where each of them is a subject heading, an academic piece or journalism, you dont understand fully the rainbow that hes talking, not a beautiful one necessarily sometimes. But each ofso thats what I mean.

This is what makes up the air we breathe. And so, its a shattered story, but, actually, if you want to breathe in that air, you have to become everything, you know, and the creaturesand the fact that perhaps the most profound political education I received was in the Narmada Valley and the understanding of what big dams do to rivers, to populations, to fish. It was not just about human beings and progress and development, but, you know, a mind that looks at a river and thinks, "I must pour tons and tons of cement into it," but how a river that belongs to a civilization, the water can be centralized, and thenthen, once its centralized, it can be controlled, and once its controlled, it can be given to the hotel industry or to the golf courses, instead of to the people who lived and grew crops by its banks. And you can say that this is development, you know? So, you have to become that river, too.

AMY GOODMAN: You also take on many controversies, that may not be as controversial where you are, but you come to the United States. Abortion is a centerpiece of a Republican plan to dismantle womens healthcare, particularly focused on Planned Parenthood. Theres an abortion in this book.

ARUNDHATI ROY: Yes, theres abut thatsI mean, its not controversial in India. But its always interesting to see how, you know, the same people who are happy to bomb whole countries to smithereens, to massacre people, to destroy whole populations, suddenly begin to talk about abortion in this way, you know? And its the same in India. I mean, I remember watching people demonstrating outside the Irish Embassy because an Indian woman who could not get an abortion had died in Dublin. And they were the same people who are celebrating the massacre of women in Gujarat.

Yesterday, by the way, in the Brooklyn Academy, you know who was present? The daughter of the Ehsan Jafri, the member of the Legislative Assembly who was hacked to death in 2002 Gujarat. His wife, Zakia Jafri, has spent all these years in court after court trying to get justice. Nothing.

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Full Extended Interview: Arundhati Roy on Democracy Now! - Democracy Now!