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Ivanka Trump attends a panel discussion on the second day of the G-20 summit in Hamburg, Germany.

The United States is a democracy, where formal power is conferred by the people, not by ones family. Qualifications and experience, and not bloodlines, are the qualities that supposedly matter in White House appointments.

Those core notions have been trespassed against before in one famous instance of nepotism, John F. Kennedy made his brother Robert attorney general but seldom to the degree the country is witnessing under President Donald Trump. His inclination to give close relatives instrumental roles reflects a notion of a family, rather than an individual, in power. In that regard, its reminiscent of the way that third-world strongmen run their governments.

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That came into particular focus this past weekend, when first daughter Ivanka Trump on several occasions sat in for her father at a meeting of G-20 leaders. Thus the 35-year-old fashion businesswoman and socialite was at the table representing the United States in a confab that included Germanys Angela Merkel, Britains Theresa May, Chinas Xi Jinping, Russias Vladimir Putin, and Turkeys Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Visually jarring as that was, Ivanka and husband Jared Kushner also joined the president during his personal meeting with Merkel. Kushner, of course, is another family member Trump has installed in his inner circle and imbued with considerable power.

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Among Kushners many charges is bringing peace to the Middle East, acting as a point of contact with China, and leading efforts to make the US government operate more like a business. Any of those tasks would be an oversized portfolio for a young fellow whose principal qualification for White House service has been successfully courting Ivanka.

Ivanka Trump found herself thrust into a diplomatic scandal over the weekend after filling in for her father at the Group of 20 summit.

The danger of turning ones political quest into a family enterprise also came into focus with the news that, during the campaign, Donald Trump Jr. enlisted then-campaign chairman Paul Manafort as well as Kushner as fellow attendees at a meeting with well-connected Russian lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya. Trump Jr. agreed to that meeting in the hope of obtaining damaging information about Hillary Clinton.

But Team Trump has responded to the news exactly as youd expect. Although it contradicts the administrations past claims that there was no contact between Trump associates and Russians, Donald Jr. has scornfully dismissed it all as much ado about nothing. Kellyanne Conway of course attacked the media for focusing on it.

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Regarding Ivanka, President Trump played the double-standard card, tweeting that if Chelsea Clinton had similarly sat in for her mother, the Fake News would say CHELSEA FOR PRES!

Here, Trumps motives may be twofold. First, to water perennial GOP grievances over a perceived media double standard. Second, to subtly put in play the idea that Ivanka, like Chelsea, should be viewed as a first child with a promising political future.

In fact, neither Ivanka nor Chelsea should be seen as future political stars until they have accomplished something substantial on their own, outside their parents sphere of influence.

More to the point, Trump should staff his government with qualified, knowledgeable, experienced people. Turning important White House roles over to bumbling naifs whose only reason for being there is familial ties is a recipe for mediocrity.

Its not the way the country that once led the world should be run.

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The US is a democracy, not a family affair - The Boston Globe

Several hundred thousand protesters gathered yesterday in Istanbul, Turkey, joining thousands completing a 280-mile, 25-day march from Ankara in what is being called the largest protest gathering against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoan since 2013. Erdoan, who has been warmly embraced by President Donald Trump, is widely seen as an authoritarian strongman who has radically diminished the pillars of democracy in his own country.

Led by opposition leader Kemal Kldarolu, the head of the Republican Peoples Party, the march and rally drew supporters from across Turkey. Undaunted by the 104-degree heat and the very real possibility of a violent response from the government, protesters gathered in the Maltepe parade ground holding signs that read adalet (justice in Turkish).

They were protesting the Erdoan governments brutal crackdown on free press, the independent judiciary, and freedom of expression since the attempted anti-government coup that took place almost exactly one year ago. The immediate impetus for the march was the recent arrest and sentencing of Enis Berberolu, an opposition parliamentarian who was convicted on spy charges after he allegedly shared a video with the press showing official Turkish vehicles purportedly transporting weapons to Syria.

We will bring down the wall of fear, Kldarolu told those gathered. This last day of our walk for justice is a new beginning, a new first step.

It was a dramatic show of bravery. Only two weeks ago, Turkish police fired tear gas and rubber bullets at protesters who attempted to stage an LGBTQ Pride parade in defiance of a government-issued ruling banning the march. Activists said 41 people were detained in the aftermath of the rally.

Calling yesterdays rally a beginning rather than an end, Kldarolu vowed that July 9 would henceforth be seen as a turning point in Turkish history. This is a rebirth for us, for our country and our children, he said. We will revolt against injustice.

We walked for the non-existent justice, he told the crowd. We walked for the rights of the oppressed, for the imprisoned lawmakers, the jailed journalists. ... We walked for the academics who were thrown out of universities.

US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson was also in Istanbul on Sunday receiving an honor at an oil industry conference. While there, he praised the bravery of Turkish men and women, honoring their courage. But Tillerson was referring not to the protesters whod made the long walk between Turkish cities, but instead to those who stood up to last years attempted coup.

We're all here in Istanbul at a momentous time, Tillerson said yesterday. Nearly a year ago, the Turkish people brave men and women stood up against coup plotters and defended their democracy.

Tillerson apparently made no public mention of the days protests, or of the increasingly authoritarian environment that has arisen in Turkey since the coup was thwarted.

Symbols of the opposition party were notably absent from the demonstration. Protest organizers were extremely careful not to be overtly political, fearing a misstep could lead to the rallys immediate shutdown or to violence by Turkish security forces under the rules of the state of emergency imposed on the country since last summer.

Under the state of emergency, Erdoans government has dismissed some 100,000 civil servants, shut down more than 170 news organizations, shuttered some 1,500 NGOs, and arrested some 50,000 purported to have some connection to the coup. Eighty-one journalists have been jailed.

This is not an anti-government protest, said Samet Akten, a spokesperson for the march, in a statement reprinted by the New York Times. It is important to recognize the exceptionally peaceful nature of this process as well as its very specific goal. We will be expressing a collective, nonpartisan desire for an independent and fair judicial system, which has lately been lacking in Turkey.

In April of this year, Erdoan organized a referendum to give himself even greater control over the state and judiciary. It represents a remarkable aggrandizement of Erdoans personal power and quite possibly a death blow to vital checks and balances in the country, Howard Eissenstat, an expert at the Project on Middle East Democracy, told the New York Times upon the referendums passage. Judicial independence was already shockingly weak before the referendum; the new system makes that worse.

Turkish police and security forces did not stop w yesterdays protests. But that doesnt mean Erdoan has gotten softer. In just the past two weeks, two leaders of Amnesty International have been detained, including Idil Eser, the director of Amnesty in Turkey. She stands accused of having a connection to last years July 15 coup, and of being a member of an armed terrorist organization.

[T]he accusations would be laughable were the situation in Turkey not so extremely grave for anyone who dares to criticize the government, Amnesty International said in a statement on July 8. The group demanded Esers immediate release, as well as that of Taner Kl, chair of Amnesty in Turkey, who was arrested a month ago.

Attendees of Sundays march told journalists they feared repercussions for those who led the protest. I am one of their targets, Mahmut Tanal, an opposition leader in parliament, told the New York Times.

But he struck a resolute position. If they try and arrest me, he said, I will welcome them.

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Turkey's leader is trying to undermine the country's democracy. Its people are fighting back. - Vox

Is this any way to run a democracy? Fresno Bee The electoral college can allow strange things to happen. We now have a president and an agenda that the voters did not vote for and do not want. We have a president with approval ratings in the 30s and disapproval in the 50s. We are watching this ...

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Is this any way to run a democracy? - Fresno Bee

Questions about the health of U.S. democracy, and especially its electoral system, have been front and center in the wake of a presidential contest influenced by Russian hacking and fake newsand which was won by the candidate who received fewer votes. Most recently, the Trump administration's new commission on election integrity, set up after repeated claims by the president of widespread voter fraud,has generated controversy by requesting voting data from the states. Many critics believe the group's real aim is to suppress voter turnout among minority and low-income Americans.

There's a long history of philanthropy's involvement in democracy issues and to veteran funders in this space,such grantmaking feels more urgent than ever.Beyond all the issues that surround voting, other matters that funders care about include campaign financing, redistricting, civic education, immigration and naturalization, and deliberative democracy. Two years ago, the Foundation Center rolled out a new database that documented the extraordinary scope and diversity of grantmaking on U.S. democracy.

One place where democracy funders come together is the Funders Committee for Civic Participation (FCCP). Founded in 1983 by a cadre of grantmakers interested in boosting voter registration (including activist funder Richard Boone), FCCP embraces a big-tent network oriented toward equity and the enfranchisement of underrepresented communities. Over the years, its chairs and co-chairs have included some of the most well-known grantmakers in the democracy space, such as Geri Mannion, of the Carnegie Corporation, and Michele Lord of NEO Philanthropy. It's currently co-chaired by Connie Malloy of the Irvine Foundation and Steve Cole-Schwartz of the Partnership Funds.

In the era of Trump, a forum like FCCP seems particularly timely. But according to FCCPs executive director Eric Marshall, who leads a small staff,a longer view is necessary. [FCCP seeks to provide] space and context to understand the landscape were currently in. Its not just about Trump, but also about how we got here. In some sectors, actors have looked to erode confidence in the ability of our democracy to function. That has led to apathy, low turnout.

Through gerrymandering, negative politicking, and the weakening of democratic normsas well as outright voter suppressionMarshall argues that the cracks in Americas democratic foundation may be widening. But the news here is not all bad, or about apathy amid an authoritarian drift. On the flip side, theres a lot of energy in the country. People who havent engaged in the past are making their voices heard.

Over its long history, FCCP has embraced varied priorities, including expanding voter registration and participation,campaign finance reform, experimenting with new approaches to civic engagement, and ensuring accurate census data. Those priorities remain, but FCCPs current work goes beyond specific issues.Similar to other affinity groups weve covered, its been thinking more holistically about harnessing a network of talent, knowledge and resources to empower communities and nonprofits from the ground up.

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Says Marshall, Civic engagement is local. People are best reached by nonprofit organizations that are rooted in that community year-round. National organizations do good work, but if youre not based in that community, theres only so much you can do.

The local level is also where the intersectionality of different funding priorities, often discussed in airy terms in philanthropy circles, plays out in concrete ways.Engaged citizens and activists rarely think about only a single issue at a time. They tend to be concerned by a range of issues that affect their community. And right now, more funder affinity groups want to encourage this broader perspective by helping their members connect with one another and funders in the other spaces to advance change.Breaking down silos might be a nonprofit sector cliche, but its becoming de rigueur for funder affinity groups.

FCCP is somewhat unique among funder networks in that its core issue, civic engagement, underpins the landscape of almost every other issue.According to Marshall, money in politics is a good example of a democracy challenge that affects a wide array of issuesand creates the possibility for new kinds of alliances, including ones that cross ideological boundaries.Theres opportunity for alignment around shared values and fairness, as well as the dangers of lobbying and special interests. Marshall cites a fair judiciary as another issue that can draw a range of people together. I would add that redistricting is a third area that can animate players who have a range of concerns and viewsand yet are united in a desire to reform a system that contributes to polarization and legislative gridlock. Indeed, this issue has lately drawn in some new funders who defy easy ideological labels, such as the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. (LJAF is not a member of the FCCP.)

So whos in the Funders Committee for Civic Participation? FCCP counts 70+ member organizations, and a list is available here. Theres a liberal bent, its true, but given the groups focus on marginalized communities that's hardly surprising.

Looking ahead, the U.S. census is an important focus for FCCP, with much work to be done between now and 2020. Historically, census counts have tended to miss people from poor and marginalized communities, with negative results in political representation and the apportionment of government assistance.And with the Trump administration in charge of things this time around, there are fears that the census could go worse than usual. FCCP has a Funder's Census Initiative that's working to get ahead of the curve, here, and "achieve a democracy where everyone is counted so everybody counts." In the lead-up to the 2010 census, FCI says it helped mobilize $34 million in philanthropic support for work in this area. It wouldn't be surprising to see funders step forward with larger sums for the 2020 census, given today's political climate.

Another long-term effort by FCCP is to ensure more steady support for voter participation work, an area that Marshall says is plagued by big gyrations of funding linked to the electoral cycle. As presidential contests approach, there's usually a surge in grantmaking to increase civic participation or engage disenfranchised communities. But those resources tend to dry up after the polls close, and according to Marshall, funding gaps can impair community organizations as they undertake the ongoing work of engaging people in democratic life and building power.Downswings in funding can also mean losing good leaders and staff.

One way FCCP is addressing this challenge is through its State Infrastructure Funders Table (SIFT), which was launched in 2010 to get funders to better collaborate and align their efforts to "build the democratic infrastructure that can strengthen civic participation and win real change in peoples lives."

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Amid Civic Fears, a Democracy Funders Network Is Going Strong - Inside Philanthropy

Voters Rights Association

Published Jul 10, 2017 at 8:00 am (Updated Jul 10, 2017 at 7:16 am)

Although Bermudas Parliament held its first session in 1620, it is only relatively recently that it has enjoyed proper representative democracy.

The islands first General Election held on the basis of universal adult suffrage and equal voting took place on May 22, 1968, so Bermudas is an immature democracy a young democracy that still has plenty of growing to do.

It is in that context that the Voters Rights Association is campaigning for a Voters Bill of Rights to put into law some things that we believe will enhance, and therefore strengthen, the democratic process in Bermuda.

At present, the party in power invites you to vote at its election, so we want to see the right to vote enshrined in law and we also want to see the right to fixed-term elections. It is up to the government of the day to pick the date of the General Election, giving the ruling party an unfair advantage.

Is it right that a candidate can be parachuted into a constituency they have never lived in? We dont think so, and so we want to see election candidates be from the constituency they live in or an adjoining constituency.

That will lead to a better understanding and representation of that constituency and therefore be of increased benefit to the people who live there.

Debate is important to determine the facts and to see if the potential representative understands the constituents needs, not just the partys needs, so we want the right for all election candidates in a constituency to participate in open debate.

One of the most important issues we want to see addressed is the right of constituents to recall parliamentarians they have elected. Is it OK that an MP should declare themselves as an independent even though they have not been elected as one?

All eligible Bermudians overseas should have the right to vote. We have witnessed discussions and promises but no action. The right to a fair absentee ballot voting system must be enshrined in legislation.

Referendums are used in jurisdictions around the world and if Bermuda is to be truly democratic, there should be a right to voter referendums.

The government must listen and act when the people have spoken. Referendums are an appropriate vehicle to raise and determine public issues and citizens initiatives, and it takes representative democracy one step farther.

There are two other areas where urgent action is necessary.

The Auditor-Generals powers need to be strengthened to ensure full and proper access to all relevant financial and other supporting files and records, including those of government suppliers. The Auditor-General should also have the power of subpoena.

The Human Rights Commission should be an independent commission established in the Bermuda Constitution. The commission should be proactive in looking after the rights of Bermudians not acting as a defence unit to protect the Government. The VRA also believes that it is critical that the powers of the Ombudsman are increased to include the power to be able to subpoena Cabinet ministers and junior ministers.

All these can be included in a Voters Bill of Rights.

The VRA has written to all the parliamentary candidates seeking election to the House of Assembly on July 18.

We wrote: The VRA is adopting the position of negative resolution, whereby only in the instance where you object to any principle of the Voters Bill of Rights will your objection be noted and subject to open debate.

Having observed the process of onboarding and the difficulty of reaching consensus, we are offering you the opportunity for offboarding instead; that offboarding to take shape in the form of declaring any objection to the basic principles of the Voters Bill of Rights.

We ask that you clearly state your objection to any particular principle and put forth your reasoned arguments against that principle concisely and clearly.

The letter adds: Party politics has gone astray and this sentiment is being voiced consistently in the community; and the VRA feels that supporting the principles of a Voters Bill of Rights is a great opportunity for both political parties and individual candidates to stand for a respectful and participatory process that will move to deepen engagement in our democracy.

Both political parties profess their desire to make Bermuda better and the Voters Bill of Rights is an important and fundamental course of action to fulfil and honour that goal.

If you believe in strengthening democracy in Bermuda, we would ask that you approach your parliamentary candidates and ask them to support a Voters Bill of Rights. Make it plain to them that you are dissatisfied with the present system, and that the electorate deserves a bigger role.

Our mission statement says: The mission of the Voters Rights Association is to provide a voice and a vehicle within the political process for voters to participate more fully in the policy decisions that affect their collective lives.

Please make your voices heard.

Submitted by Ian Macdonald-Smith (chairman), Richard Powell (vice-chairman), Sakeena Talbot (secretary), Tasha Jones (committee member), Stuart Hayward (co-chairman emeritus) and Geoff Parker (co-chairman emeritus)

Comments are closed on political content from July 4 to 19 to stem the flow of purposefully inflammatory and litigious comments during the General Election cycle. Users who introduce extreme partisan comments into other news content will be banned.

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Growing pains of a young democracy - Royal Gazette