Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

How to Hate Each Other Peacefully in a Democracy – The Atlantic

It is difficult to imagine it now, but continental Europe struggled with foundational divideswith periodic warnings of civil waras recently as the 1950s. Belgium, Switzerland, Austria, and the Netherlands were divided into ideologically opposed subcultures, sometimes called spiritual families or pillars. These countries became models of consensual democracy, where the subcultures agreed to share power through creative political arrangements.

If we have learned anything, though, it is that lessons learned in Europe are not easily applied to the Middle East. Consensual democracy works best when there are multiple centers of power in society, none of which is strong enough to dominate on its own. While this more or less holds true in Lebanon, and even then precariously, it is not applicable in much of the region. In countries like Egypt, Turkey, and to a lesser extent Tunisia, the perception that Islamists are too strong and secularists too weak makes polarization significantly worse than it might otherwise be.

Is Islam Exceptional?

In continental Europe, the lines were also drawn more clearly. In Belgium, for instance, there were distinct groups of Flemish and Walloon that could be plainly identified. Egypt, Turkey, and Tunisia, however, relatively homogenous. More homogeneity is almost always viewed as a positive factor in forging national identity, but it can also have its drawbacks. Islamists and non-Islamists are different, but not different enough. They live in the same cities, go to the same schools, visit each other on holidays, and sit together at family dinners. This can make it better. It can also make it worse.

Despite this surface-level homogeneity, the underlying principles of consensual democracythat power should be shared, dispersed, and restrainedcan still be useful. A pure parliamentary system with only a ceremonial president could have helped alter Egypts course. But this is not what Egypt had. From independence onwards, the Egyptian president had always been a towering figure in the countrys politics, casting a shadow on everything else. As the first elected, civilian president in 2012, Morsi was, in fact, weaker than all of his predecessors, yet he still enjoyed disproportionate powers in Egypts centralized, top-heavy system. Not surprisingly, then, he became a lightning rod for the opposition. The fact that presidential contests are all or nothingonly one person, after all, can win heightened the existential tenor of political competition. These dynamics allowed the military to capitalize on the anger that had coalesced around the person of President Morsi.

A parliamentary system, on the other hand, would have put power in the hands of a strong prime minister, who could have more easily been replaced, without necessitating a rejection of the democratic process Egyptians had agreed to less than a year prior. Early elections and no-confidence votes are regular features of parliamentary democracy. Presidents, on the other hand, are generally difficult to impeach, requiring voters to wait four years or longer to express their buyers remorse. Despite their claims to the contrary, presidents invariably represent one partytheir own. A prime minister is more likely to govern in coalition with other parties, making him accountable to a larger number of stakeholders. All other things being equal, parliamentary systems also make coups against elected leaders less likely. Of course, coups can and will still happen, but here, too, parliamentarism is the better option. Ousted parties can more easily reconstitute themselves in parliamentary systems, as Turkeys recurring cycle of military intervention followed by Islamist success suggests.

Designing better political systems can only take you so far, however. At some point, parties and politicians must work in good faith to lower the political stakes. There are any number of creative possibilities. Parties, for example, can agree to postpone debates on the divisive issues that are likely to fracture the unsteady, diverse coalitions that toppled the authoritarian regimes in the first place. This, though, is anathema to how we like to think about democracys development. After 30 years of Hosni Mubaraks rule, it was only natural to expect Egyptians to want to debate anything and everything among themselves; discussions over the role of religion had been suppressed for far too long.

But by instituting an interim period before contending with the most divisive issues, democratic competition can be regularizedboth sides could, potentially, gain enough trust in each other. Of course, the ideological polarizationover perennial touchstones like alcohol consumption, sex segregation, womens rights, and educational curriculawould still inevitably come. At least then, though, Egyptians would have had a fighting chance.

* * *

One way to address foundational divides is to build liberal vetoes into the political system from the beginning. The most effective way to do this is through permanent guarantees in the constitution. The U.S. Bill of Rights is, in this respect, a towering achievement, imposing clear limits on the desires of the majority. If members of Congress wanted to issue legislation prohibiting Muslims from holding cabinet positions, for instance, they wouldnt be able to, however large their majority. The constitution wouldnt allow it. But this raises its own set of difficult questions. After a revolution, who gets to write the constitution?

There are two main possibilities. Historically, elite commissions and committees often drafted constitutions, the most notable example being the United States in 1787. The post-war Japanese constitution, meanwhile, was commissioned by General Douglas MacArthur and drafted by approximately two dozen Americans during Japans postwar occupation, with relatively minor revisions made by Japanese government officials and virtually no public consultation, writes the legal scholar Alicia Bannon. When Corazon Aquino, Asias first female president, led the Philippines democratic transition in the 1980s, she appointed a fifty-member commission which drafted a constitution that continues to govern the Philippines to this day. Such top-down approaches have generally fallen out of favor.

Today, the most common approach, adopted by both Tunisia and Egypt in 2011, is to do it democratically. Tunisia directly elected a parliament which doubled as a constituent assembly, while in Egypt, the elected parliament selected the 100 men and women whose sole job was to draft a new constitution. This is the most obviousand I would argue fairapproach. To the extent that societies should be able to chart their own course, why shouldnt the population have a say on the basic framework of their political system-to-be? To shut ordinary citizens out is to undermine the legitimacy of any constitutional document, particularly in polarized societies where one group is likely to dominate any appointed body to the exclusion of others. There is simply no way to achieve fair representation except through some kind of democratic selection process (which is precisely why we have democracy in the first place). To appoint, rather than elect, a committee also raises the question of who exactly is doing the appointing.

Tunisia and Egypts constitution-drafting processes were reflective of the international consensus around the need for popular participation and buy-in. The democratic approach to constitution-drafting, however, is problematic for the same reasons that democracy is problematicit can lead to illiberal outcomes in societies where a large portion, perhaps even a majority, of the population espouse illiberal beliefs and attitudes. If Egypt had directly elected its constituent assembly, close to 75 percent of the members would have been Islamist. As it turned out, 50 percent werenearly 25 percent less than their actual electoral weight would have suggested. But while Islamists may have seen this as a concession, liberals, rightly, saw the constituent assembly as what it still was: an Islamist-dominated body.

In her study of Kenyas early-2000s constitution drafting process, Alicia Bannon labels the presumed need for broad participation the participation myth. Certain conditions, she argues, can make broad participation either helpful or undesirable in light of an individual countrys circumstances. While also citing negative experiences in Nicaragua and Chad, Bannon notes that the broadly participatory process in Kenya was not only expensive, in terms of expense, time, and opportunity cost, but also divisive, leading to ethnic pandering and polarization.

Lastly, instituting a democratic selection process while, at the same time, agreeing on a limited number of supraconstitutional principles is a third, alternative path. Islamists and secularists, however, are unlikely to agree on nonnegotiables. (If they could, then the ideological divide wouldnt be nearly as large as it is.) In the end, somethingor someonehas to give. Either Islamists voluntarily concede some of their preferences, agreeing for example to include only mildly Islamic language, or a supreme body, perhaps one where Islamists are underrepresented, formulates something resembling a bill of rights binding on all participants.

This third way would loosely mirror the constitution-drafting process in post-apartheid South Africa. Nelson Mandelas African National Congress initially wanted to elect a constituent assembly to draft the constitution but gave in to the objections of F.W. de Klerks National Party, which feared a new constitution would not adequately protect the white population. In 1993, 26 parties negotiated a set of supra-constitutional principles, similar to the United States Bill of Rights, before directly electing a constituent assembly. Mandela and de Klerk soon shared the Nobel Peace Prize.

Practicality aside, the South African modelin part because we know, after the fact, that it was successfulsounds appealing. I should include a major caveat here, however. As a small-d democrat, I am deeply uncomfortable with non-democratic solutions that circumscribe self-determination. Democracy is about representing and reflecting the popular will, and to limit or subvert that on something as fundamental as a constitution sets a troubling precedent. Why shouldnt Egyptians, Jordanians, or Turks have the right to try out an alternative ideological project outside the confines of liberal democracy, however much we might disagree with it? That should be their choice, not anyone elses. That conversation, however, is moot if democracy fails to take hold in the first place. A democratic approach to constitution drafting in Egypt ended up fueling polarization and pushed liberals to considerand then supportextra-legal regime change. If we wish to prioritize the survival of democracy in hostile conditions, then some things, at least in the short run, will need to be prioritized over others. These are necessary evils.

This article has been adapted from Shadi Hamids book, Islamic Exceptionalism: How the Struggle Over Islam Is Reshaping the World, which has just been released in paperback.

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How to Hate Each Other Peacefully in a Democracy - The Atlantic

Identity Politics Hurts Discourse, Democracy – Wall Street Journal (subscription)


Wall Street Journal (subscription)
Identity Politics Hurts Discourse, Democracy
Wall Street Journal (subscription)
William Galston is right (Darkness in Pragueand Beyond, Politics & Ideas, May 31) when he writes, From without and within, democratic institutions and ideals are under threat. What stands out, however, is his total silence on the decline of ...

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Identity Politics Hurts Discourse, Democracy - Wall Street Journal (subscription)

New York obstructs genuine democracy: Republicans and the IDC are blocking reforms that would amplify ordinary … – New York Daily News

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New York obstructs genuine democracy: Republicans and the IDC are blocking reforms that would amplify ordinary ... - New York Daily News

Corbin: America’s democracy should not be a circus | Columnists … – Mason City Globe Gazette

Living in a democracy permits us to enjoy triumphant celebrations while having the fortitude to persevere during troubling times. Americas democracy should not be a circus, but it appears we are moving in that direction.

Having witnessed the current presidential atmospherics during the pre- and post-election and returning from a May 21-June 1 European trip where I visited with people from nine countries about USAs political environment, all agreed Trump lacks credibility and they cant trust him or the USA as to what well say or do next.

USAs president has produced a crisis that is unprecedented, including questionable Twitter statements, James Comey-Donald Trump interactions, FBI investigations into campaign collusion with Russia, Jared Kushners backchannel attempts, apparent violation of Foreign and Domestic Emoluments Clause and controversies that surround Jeff Sessions, Steve Bannon, Michael Flynn, Marc Kasowitz, J.D. Gordon, Rex Tillerson, Roger Stone, Michael Cohen, Tom Price, Paul Manafort and Carter Page.

Shall we continue the bloodletting by Trump foes on this scandal-tarred presidency or is it time to rein in democracy and prove to ourselves and the world the USA is not a circus? Its time to get serious.

Yes, Trumps behavioral style is self-serving, controlling and driven by narcissistic dreams of glory. Yes, Trumps daily press briefings have evolved into a reality TV show: Beat Up the Press.

Yes, of Trumps 663 campaign promises, he broke 80 of them in his first 100 days of office. Yes, Trumps promise to drain the swamp has turned into his cabinet being the wealthiest in presidential history; $12 billion collective net worth.

Yes, 442 of 556 key Trump administration positions still require Senate confirmation with no nominees identified. Yes, after Michael Dubke resigned as White House communications director, four successors declined to be considered citing the volatile administration has driven candidates away from normally highly coveted West Wing jobs.

Yes, even seasoned Republicans in Congress and conservative journalists are starting to use the word unfit for Trumps presidency, citing he might be unsuitable in terms of judgment, knowledge and personal stability.

Yes, PolitiFact reveals about 5 percent of Trump statements are accurate. Trump falsehoods have become no laughing matter for 326 million Americans, 28 million small businesses, 19,000 corporations and our 224 trading partners.

And finally, yes, not one significant issue confronting Americans, including reformations of health care, tax code, immigration, infrastructure, budget deficit, business regulations, education, urban development and militarychanges the country needshave seen the light of serious Congressional action.

Since Americas democracy and political system should not be made into a circus, intervention with Mr. Trump is needed. The intervention starts with Congress.

The sheer gravity of this circus drama demands our utmost attention. En masse, we must write, email or call (202-224-3121) our Representative and Senators and insist they deliver the following message to Mr. Trump: Do your job. Stop wasting time on frivolous things like your inane Twitter diatribe statements, visiting any of your 144 companies located in 25 countries and playing golf. Stop carping about the press. Release your tax returns. Request a special prosecutor to investigate campaign-Russia collusion allegations. Ask five Democrat and five Republican House of Representatives and five Democrat and five Republican Senators to meet with you and develop a plan focused on resolving a multitude of issues that affect Americans and our 224 trading partners. Grow up. Act like a leader and not a presidential campaigner. Become an honorable versus embarrassing president as a sense of tragedy is before us, Americas democracy is in jeopardy and we are not a circus act.

Steve Corbin is an emeritus professor of marketing at the University of Northern Iowa. Reach him atSteven.B.Corbin@gmail.com.

Link:
Corbin: America's democracy should not be a circus | Columnists ... - Mason City Globe Gazette

Weaver: Donald Trump is damaging our democracy – Daily Commercial

To all the Trump enthusiasts: he lies. The Washington Post has fact checked his lies during his first 100 days in office. Trump has made 492 false or misleading claims. Trumps says "he plays to people's fantasies." Actually, he is playing to their fears, ignorance and prejudices.

He calls the national press the enemy of the people" and "fake news" and recommends possibly arresting or suing journalists. At the same time, he gets his misinformation from Infowars.com, Alex Jones (of insulting Chobani fame), Breitbartnews.com (of white nationalist and anti-Semitic fame), Fox News (Roger Ailes and Bill O'Reilly fame) and the National Enquirer (supermarket tabloid).

Trumpcare will not lower cost of or give people better healthcare. It will do just the opposite give tax cuts to some of the wealthiest and make healthcare unaffordable for millions of Americans while weakening Medicare and Medicaid.

Trump's tax plan may give small tax cuts to lower income workers but huge tax cuts to himself, ending the alternative minimum tax, reducing his pass-through income to a 15 percent rate and ending the Estate Tax, which already has a tax exemption of $10 million for couples.

Trump hasn't drained the swamp his staff appointments and department heads that paid large amounts to his campaign and the Republican Party make his administration look more like a cesspool. Consider the appointment of Steven Bannon of Breitbart (funded by Robert Mercer) as chief strategist who wants to "deconstruct our government" and Kellyanne Conway, "alternative facts" friend of Mercers daughter who lead the family super PAC that backed the Trump's campaign.

Now for a few of Trump's politicians: Scott Pruitt (Oklahoma, State Attorney General), head of the Environmental Protection Agency, is rolling back regulations for air, water and pesticides these are industry demands without regard for public health or environmental protections. Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Session III (U.S. Senator) not only has a racist background but lied at his Senate confirmation hearing. Secretary of Health and Human Services Tom Price (Representative, Georgia) traded in stocks companies, his committee regulated. Conflict of interest?

Now for Trump's million dollar donors who are holding positions in Trump's administration: Linda McMahon confirmed as head of Small Business Administration contributed $7.5 million. Betsy DeVos confirmed as Education secretary contributed $1.8 million, is hostile to public schools and favors charter schools, vouchers and cuts to low income student loans.

Steven Mnuchin (Goldman Sachs), confirmed as Treasury Secretary, contributed $425,000. Mnuchin presented the president's proposed tax cuts for the top 1 percent. Trump wants to do away with much of the Dodd-Frank bill, which was enacted after the 2008 financial meltdown to stop future bank fraud. Trump's reason is banks aren't loaning because of this bill. But the truth is "recent data from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis showed U.S. commercial-bank lending at a 70-year high, climbing steadily since late-2010."

Mnuchin is just one of the Goldman alums that Trump has named to his administration, along with James Donavan, Deputy Treasury Secretary, Gary Cohn, Director of White House National Economic Council, Dina Powell, White House senior counselor for economic initiatives and Steven Bannon, chief strategist. Does this look like "pay for play" and Wall Street bankers running his administration?

President Trump has begrudgingly acknowledged the Russians did hack the DNC emails there is no debate within the U.S. intelligence community. As we have seen with his firing of FBI Director James Comey, Trump tried to stop the investigation. With so many of Trump's campaign in contact with Russians, the investigation by Robert Mueller as Special Counsel is an important step towards learning the truth.

We have the courts, our First Amendment rights of free speech, freedom of the press, the right to peaceably assemble and to petition our government for redress of grievances, but this could change. Our greatest fear shouldn't be "fear itself" at this time in our history it should be the damage Donald Trump is doing to our democracy.

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Weaver: Donald Trump is damaging our democracy - Daily Commercial