Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

Democracy in Crisis: Paul Ryan’s No Good, Very Bad Day – The Independent Weekly

Friday afternoon, after a dramatic capitulation, House Speaker Paul Ryan walked out before the press and conceded defeat on what had been his partys primary concern for the last seven years.

Obamacare is the law of the land, Ryan said. Were going to be living with Obamacare for the foreseeable future.

It was stunning. Even though the president insisted on Thursday that there would be a vote Friday, he called the Washington Post one minute after the floor debate was scheduled to end and said: We couldnt get one Democratic vote, and we were a little bit shy, very little, but it was still a little bit shy, so we pulled it.

For someone as vain as Trump, who has prided himself on The Art of the Deal, that must have been a blow. But that was nothing compared to what was coming to the Republicans in Congress when Ryan had to tell them that they were moving on from health care.

Now we're going to move on with our agenda because we have big, ambitious plans" Ryan told the press.

Hole. Lee. Shit.

Theyve been talking about this forever. They control the entire government and they back off of repealing Obamacare barely two months in.

Moving from an opposition party to a governing party comes with growing pains, Ryan confessed, looking even more like a recently spanked Eddie Munster than normal. But neither he nor the president would publicly cast blame on the otheralthough neither has achieved anything of legislative significance yet.

The president gave his all, Ryan said.

I dont blame Paul. He worked very hard on this, Trump told the Post.

Ryan also said he did not want to blame the Freedom Caucus, but made it clear that they had problems with the bill. The alt-right wing of the party that supports the president hates Paul Ryan and called the bill Obamacare 2.0.

But Trump wanted to blame the Democrats.

We couldnt get one Democrat vote, not one. So that means they own Obamacare and when that explodes, they will come to us wanting to save whatever is left, and well make a real deal, Trump said.

The Democratic leaders of the House, who gave a press conference immediately after Ryans, were happy to own it. "We owned it yesterday and the day before and in November," said minority whip Steny Hoyer.

Todays a great day for our country, minority leader Nancy Pelosi said. Its a victory.

Ryan denied that the defeat would hurt the Republicans other legislative efforts, but the Democrats, who only days ago seemed demoralized and defeated, are certainly feeling the momentum and may be encouraged to actually fight against bills that may have previously seemed inevitable.

When asked if she would have imagined on November 9 that Republicans would have abandoned health care by March, Pelosi said, "Quite frankly, I thought they might have accomplished something in the first few months. They have absolutely no record of accomplishment."

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Democracy in Crisis: Paul Ryan's No Good, Very Bad Day - The Independent Weekly

The democracy of American music – Washington Post

The brand-new festival celebrating American music at the Kennedy Center is hardly a new idea. Look through orchestra schedules this season, and youll find all manner of American festivals, including some of the vernaculars jazz, folk, even hip-hop that fit the popular perception of American music more readily than anything youll find in a concert hall. The twist of the week-long SHIFT festival, which starts Monday, is that it focuses on American orchestras this year, from North Carolina, Colorado, Atlanta and New York (the chamber orchestra The Knights). The festival grew out of the Spring for Music festival, held at Carnegie Hall in New York from 2010 to 2014, whose egalitarian premise was that a low ticket price ($25 per seat) and varied repertory would lure new audiences. It didnt. SHIFTs co-presenters, the Kennedy Center and Washington Performing Arts, are hoping, with their combined marketing muscle, to change that.

What is American music? And, perhaps more to the point, why do we care so much?

I remember being asked in Prague not so long ago, What is your obsession, you Americans, with American music? said Robert Spano, the music director of the Atlanta Symphony Orchestra, which will perform at SHIFT on March 31. The only answer I could give ... was: Its because we dont know who we are, and so were endlessly fascinated, because there are so many things that make up America ... so much to wrestle with and balance and try and understand. ... I was kind of defending our self-obsession.

Indeed, the most telling thing about the question What is American music? may be simply that we keep asking it and asking it and asking it.

Each festival represents a slightly different answer. The San Francisco Symphony and Michael Tilson Thomas have celebrated the composer-as-maverick: outsiders as varied as Lou Harrison and the Grateful Dead. The SHIFT festival is focusing on how orchestras present the music, featuring not only concerts but also distinctive outreach programs. The Boulder Philharmonic, for example, will lead a nature hike in Rock Creek Park on March 27.

Another American element of SHIFT is the democratic approach represented by that $25 ticket. The idea of the orchestra as a democratic institution may seem odd today, when we associate it with elitism, but in the early days of this nation, many people saw a symphony, made up of many people playing together and thus a tangible form of democracy in action, as the quintessential American art form.

We tend to think of American orchestral music as a relatively recent phenomenon. Charles Ives, Aaron Copland, Elliott Carter and John Cage leap to mind, Spano says, as somehow defining a distinct American music from European tradition. In fact, though, American composers began writing American symphonies in the early days of the nations history.

In an illuminating book called Orchestrating the Nation, about American orchestral composers in the 19th century, Douglas Shadle demonstrates that many of the features of American orchestral concert life today the inferiority complex with regard to Europe; questioning what American music is or should be date back 200 years and more. American composers, although often successes with the public, had to fight so hard with the prejudices of the Eurocentric gatekeepers the conductors, the presenters and, especially, the critics that their music was not able to take root. For generations, American audiences have been taught that Beethoven is greater than American works. When it comes to orchestral music, resistance to the new is part of our national musical DNA.

Shadle cant fully make a case for these forgotten works as lost masterpieces. Some of the pieces he describes, created in the name of finding an American voice, sound like curiosities now: a Santa Claus Symphony by William Henry Fry (1853), or a sprawling 14-movement Hiawatha: An Indian Symphony, by Robert Stoepel (1859). In an effort to be distinctively American and to create music that every listener could understand, composers took up American subjects and instrumental sound effects (drums standing in for gunfire in musical depictions of the Battle of Bunker Hill, for instance), only to come under fire from critics who felt that program music was a lower form than abstract music. But when a composer did write abstract music, it was often seen as too derivative of European models. That dynamic hasnt entirely disappeared.

Many of the 19th-century composers have been forgotten (although some of their music is now being revived on, to name one example, Naxoss American Classics series). And many 19th-century assumptions about American music have survived into the 20th and even 21st centuries: American music is still often viewed as lighter than European music, more illustrative and more populist. The tension between populist American music and absolute American music was as alive in 1876, when John Knowles Paine was praised for writing an abstract rather than programmatic symphony, as in 1971, when Leonard Bernstein was criticized for folding Broadway and rock elements into his hybrid Mass.Only in recent decades has it started to soften.

These days, theres a discernible generational American thing going on, Spano says. I think of the composers Im most closely associated with, and he names a few: Jennifer Higdon, Osvaldo Golijov, Adam Schoenberg and Christopher Theofanidis, who wrote Creation/Creator, a multimedia work involving projections, vocal soloists and several choruses that the Atlanta Symphony is performing at the SHIFT Festival. I always thought of them as very different from each other. [But] they share some things. Writing tunes, for one thing. There is a renewed interest in melodic contour. They all use tonality in some way, even if not in a traditional sense. And theyre all influenced by popular or world music, or both.

Its not only 19th-century American work thats neglected. Last summer, the Aspen Music Festival and School (where Spano is also music director) focused its summer season on midcentury Americans in the hope that turning the spotlight on Roger Sessions, Roy Harris, Peter Mennin and others might help bring them back into the repertory. Similarly, Leonard Slatkin worked hard for years to turn the National Symphony Orchestra into a distinctively American, national orchestra; but those efforts seem to have left relatively little lasting mark on the institution.

Of course, focusing on orchestras glosses over the powerful emergence of non-orchestral American musical expression. Steve Reich, Meredith Monk and Philip Glass who did evolve into a prolific symphonist later in his career were leaders in making important new work performed by their own, non-orchestral ensembles, and many young composers have followed in their footsteps.

Take Caroline Shaw, who won the Pulitzer Prize in 2013: her piece Lo, which the North Carolina Symphony will play at SHIFT on March 29, and which she wrote at a residency at Dumbarton Oaks in Washington in 2015, is her first-ever work for orchestra. Shaw, 35, born in North Carolina, trained as a violinist and also sings professionally. She doesnt have a career in Europe yet; but she has collaborated with Kanye West.

Lo, she says, is a kind of conversation with American optimism and how it expresses itself in music. But its not a deliberate attempt to be American. The orchestra, she says, is a very particular kind of wood to carve from, and has a whole tradition with it. If I write something that sounds like [Aaron] Copland, thats intentional. Its a conversation with Copland. But its not about a national identity. When Im writing music, Shaw says, I try to block those conversations out as much as I can.

In the 19th century, there was much debate about what authentic American music might sound like. In the 21st century, we have a whole catalogue of examples. Yet stereotypes tend to persist. Copland has been effectively embraced as our national composer, mainly on the strength of Appalachian Spring, and his work is often said to evoke American landscapes. Bernstein offers syncopated athleticism and a stylistic melting pot. Ives is a maverick; Cage, an iconoclast. American music is new and bracing, yet also lithe and melodic.

Some are more precise. In 1948 Virgil Thomson, the composer and critic, identified a couple of specific compositional tics he felt were distinctive to American composers (the nonaccelerating crescendo and a steady ground-rhythm of equalized eighth notes, for the record). Yet Thomson was the least prescriptive of observers. The way to write American music is simple, he wrote. All you have to do is be an American and then write any kind of music you wish.

The SHIFT festival features the Boulder Philharmonic on March 28, the North Carolina Symphony on March 29, the Atlanta Symphony on March 31, and the Knights on April 1, with free outreach events on other days. Tickets are $25; residency events, like the Boulder Philharmonics nature walk on March 27, are free.

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The democracy of American music - Washington Post

Trump’s incessant lies dishonor our democracy – The Commercial Appeal

Eugene Robinson, Washington Post Writers Group 4:00 a.m. CT March 25, 2017

The chairman of the House intelligence committee said Wednesday that the communications of Trump transition officials, possibly including President Donald Trump himself, may have been scooped up in legal surveillance and improperly distributed throughout the intelligence community. (March 22) AP

FILE - In this Monday, Jan. 23, 2017, file photo, President Donald Trump signs an executive order to withdraw the U.S. from the 12-nation Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact agreed to under the Obama administration in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington. With his rejection of an Asian trade pact, Trump has started tackling policy changes that could inadvertently give China room to assert itself as a regional leader and worsen strains over the South China Sea and Taiwan. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci, File)(Photo: Evan Vucci, AP)

President Trump called himself "instinctual" this week, but the word he must have been groping for was "untruthful." He lies incessantly, shamelessly, perhaps even pathologically, and his lying corrodes and dishonors our democracy.

Of course we've had presidents who lied to name a few, Lyndon Johnson about Vietnam, Richard Nixon about Watergate, Bill Clinton about Monica Lewinsky. But the key word in these examples is "about." Other presidents had comprehensible though illegitimate reasons for lying about specific things. Trump often lies for no discernible purpose other than to pump up his own fragile ego.

He even lies about his own lies. In an interview with Time magazine, he made the "instinctual" claim and portrayed himself as a modern-day Nostradamus. "I predicted a lot of things," he claimed. "Some things that came to you a little bit later. But, you know, we just rolled out a list."

His list begins with Sweden. At a rally in Florida last month, Trump made an ominous reference to "what's happening last night in Sweden." In fact, nothing remarkable had happened in Sweden the previous night; Trump apparently saw a news report about immigration issues there, and must have mistakenly thought he heard a reference to a specific recent event an honest mistake, for most people.

But Trump can't admit it was a mistake at all. The day following his remark, Sweden did see unrest in immigrant neighborhoods. So he counts that as a win, as if he had somehow seen the future.

Trump often uses clairvoyance as a justification for falsehoods. The most vivid recent example and perhaps the most damaging to the dignity and credibility of the presidency was the string of tweets that began with this: "Terrible! Just found out that Obama had my 'wires tapped' in Trump Tower just before the victory. Nothing found. This is McCarthyism!"

A host of present and former intelligence officials, including FBI Director James Comey and Trump's handpicked chief of the National Security Agency, Michael Rogers, state categorically that there is no evidence any such thing took place. Trump initially sent press secretary Sean Spicer out to stand by the claim and demand a congressional investigation. The White House finally admitted that one version of the allegation came from a Fox News legal analyst who was promptly refuted by his own network and pulled off the air.

But on Wednesday, House Intelligence Committee Chairman Devin Nunes, R-Calif., dashed to the White House to tell Trump he had learned from unnamed sources that there may have been some "incidental" collection of intelligence from members of the Trump transition team. Asked by reporters if this supported Trump's wiretapping claim, Nunes acknowledged that no, it did not.

Not one of the "facts" Trump claimed was backed up there is no evidence that President Obama ordered anything, no evidence that Trump Tower was wiretapped, no evidence that any of the "incidental" information was collected "before the victory." But the president continues to insist he was right, because "a lot of information has just been learned, and a lot of information may be learned over the next coming period of time. We will see what happens."

Trump offered to Time that same I'm-a-soothsayer defense for his ridiculous claim that millions of people voted fraudulently in the election, thus causing him to lose the popular vote. No election official in any state has reported seeing voter fraud of this magnitude, or in fact of any magnitude. It did not happen.

Except, of course, in Trump's imagination. "You have tremendous numbers of people" who committed fraud, Trump said. "In fact I'm forming a committee on it. ... We'll see after the committee. I have people (who)say it was more than that."

Trump also claimed that "I predicted Brexit," except I can find no record of any such thing. When asked beforehand whether Britain would vote to leave the European Union, he said he didn't know what would happen. That's a shrug, not a forecast.

The Wall Street Journal's editorial page, a conservative bastion, had this to say on Tuesday: "If President Trump announces that North Korea launched a missile that landed within 100 miles of Hawaii, would most Americans believe him? Would the rest of the world? We're not sure, which speaks to the damage that Mr. Trump is doing to his presidency with his seemingly endless stream of exaggerations, evidence-free accusations, implausible denials and other falsehoods."

The president's response: "I thought it was a disgrace that they could write that." But no, Mr. Trump, the disgrace is all yours.

Eugene Robinson's email address is eugenerobinson@washpost.com.

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Trump's incessant lies dishonor our democracy - The Commercial Appeal

Our democracy is not so decadent after all – mySanAntonio.com

Photo: George F. Lee /Associated Press

Our democracy is not so decadent after all

Under the dark gray cloud, amid the general gloom, allow me to offer a ray of sunshine. The last two months have brought a pleasant surprise: Turns out the much feared, much predicted withering of our democratic institutions has been grossly exaggerated. The system lives.

Let me explain. Donald Trumps triumph last year was based on a frontal attack on the Washington establishment, that all-powerful, all-seeing, supremely cynical, bipartisan cartel (as Ted Cruz would have it) that allegedly runs everything. Yet the establishment proved to be Potemkin empty. In 2016, it folded pitifully, surrendering with barely a fight to a lightweight outsider.

At which point, fear of the vaunted behemoth turned to contempt for its now-exposed lassitude and decadence. Compounding the confusion were Trumps intimations of authoritarianism. He declared I alone can fix it and I am your voice, the classic tropes of the demagogue. He unabashedly expressed admiration for strongmen (most notably, Vladimir Putin).

Trump had just cut through the grandees like a hot knife through butter. Who would now prevent him from trampling, caudillo-like, over a Washington grown weak and decadent? A Washington, moreover, that had declined markedly in public esteem, as confidence in our traditional institutions from the political parties to Congress fell to new lows.

The strongman cometh, it was feared. Who and what would stop him?

Two months into the Trumpian era, our checks and balances have turned out to be quite vibrant. Consider:

The courts.

Trump rolls out not one but two immigration bans, and is stopped dead in his tracks by the courts. However you feel about the merits of the policy itself (in my view, execrable and useless but legal) or the merits of the constitutional reasoning of the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals (embarrassingly weak, transparently political), the fact remains: The president proposed and the courts disposed.

The states.

Federalism lives. The first immigration challenge to Trump was brought by the attorneys general of two states (Washington and Minnesota) picking up on a trend begun during the Barack Obama years when state attorneys general banded together to kill his immigration overreach and the more egregious trespasses of his Environmental Protection Agency. And state governors Republicans, no less have been exerting pressure on members of Congress to oppose a Republican presidents signature health care reform.

Congress.

The Republican-controlled Congress (House and Senate) is putting up epic resistance to a Republican administrations health care reform. True, thats because of ideological and tactical disagreements rather than any particular desire to hem in Trump. But it does demonstrate that Congress is no rubber stamp. And Trumps budget was instantly declared dead on arrival in Congress, as it almost invariably is regardless of which party is in power.

The media.

Trump is right. It is the opposition party. Indeed, furiously so, often indulging in appalling overkill. Its sometimes embarrassing to read the front pages of the major newspapers, festooned as they are with anti-Trump editorializing masquerading as news. Nonetheless, if you take the view from 30,000 feet, better this than a press acquiescing on bended knee, where it spent most of the Obama years in a slavish Pravda-like thrall. Every democracy needs an opposition press. We damn well have one now.

Taken together and suspending judgment on which side is right on any particular issue it is deeply encouraging that the sinews of institutional resistance to a potentially threatening executive remain quite resilient.

Madisons genius was to understand that the best bulwark against tyranny was not virtue but ambition counteracting ambition, faction counteracting faction.

You see it even in the confirmation process for Neil Gorsuch. Hes a slam dunk, yet some factions have scraped together a campaign to block him. Their ads are plaintive and pathetic. Yet I find them warmly reassuring. What a country where even the vacuous have a voice.

The anti-Trump opposition flatters itself as the resistance. As if this is Vichy France. Its not. Its 21st-century America. And the good news is that the checks and balances are working just fine.

letters@charleskrauthammer.com

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Our democracy is not so decadent after all - mySanAntonio.com

A Last Chance for Turkish Democracy – The New Yorker – The New Yorker

On April 16th, Turkey will vote on a referendum that, if passed, would dramatically increase the powers of President Recep Tayyip Erdoan.CreditPHOTOGRAPH BY KAYHAN OZER / ANADOLU AGENCY / GETTY

The first time I met Selahattin Demirta, the leader of Turkeys largest Kurdish political party, known as the H.D.P., he arrived at a restaurant in Istanbul with a single assistant accompanying him. Demirta is warm and funny. Among other things, he is anaccomplished playerof the saz, a string instrument that resembles the oud. At the timeit was 2011Demirta was trying to lead his party and people away from a history of confrontation with the countrys central government. It wasnt easy. Like other Kurdish leaders in Turkey, Demirta had spent time in prison and seen many of his comrades killed. I remember him telling me how, in the nineteen-nineties, when civil unrest in the countrys Kurdish areas was hitting its bloody peak, a particular make of cara white Renaulthad been notorious in Kurdish towns. The cars were used by Turkish intelligence officers, who had developed a terrifying reputation for torturing and executing Kurds. Ive been inside the Renaults, Demirta told me. A lot of people I know never made it out of them.

The last time I met Demirta, in September, it was at a tea shop in the trendy neighborhood of Taksim. He was surrounded by bodyguards. Things were going badly for himnot because he had given up on democratic politics but because he had succeeded so well; in 2015, the H.D.P. captured an astounding eighty seats in the Turkish parliament. The Party had even begun to attract non-Kurdish voters. Soon, however, Turkeys President, Recep Tayyip Erdoan, began cracking down on the Kurds. Thousands of members of the H.D.P. were detained. In November, two months after our last meeting, Demirta, who is forty-three years old, was arrested and jailed. Now, facing what appear to be preposterous chargessupporting an armed terrorist organizationhe is facing a prison sentence of as long as a hundred and forty-two years.

If you follow Turkish politics, you know that Demirtas case is not uniquein fact, in the Erdoan era, it is unremarkable. Erdoan, who came to power following nationwide elections in 2002, has spent the past decade doing his best to strangle Turkeys democratic order. It now seems clear that Erdoan, who is sixty-three, intends to arrogate dictatorial powers to himself, have them ratified by a subservient political order, and stay in power for years to come.

This hardly seemed possible as recently as three years ago. In late 2013, Erdoan seemed to be on the ropes, entangled in a corruption scandal that appeared to implicate both him and his son Bilal. (In a series of taped conversations that weremade public, Erdoan could be heard telling Bilal, Eighteen peoples homes are being searched right now with this big corruption operation . . . So Im saying, whatever you have at home, take it out. O.K.? Later, Bilal responded, So theres something like thirty million euros left that we havent been able to liquidate.)

But Erdoan is a master at self-preservation. He beat back his accusers and then, last July, in what must be regarded as a political gift from the heavens, elements inside the Turkish military tried to overthrow his government. Erdoannot without some justificationblamed the attempted coup on the movement of Fethullah Glen, a Muslim preacher who lives in exile in the United States. After successfully putting down the attempted putsch, Erdoan launched a sweeping, and still ongoing, campaign to destroy the countrys democratic opposition. Since July, more than forty thousand people have been arrested, and a hundred thousand government employeesincluding judges, prosecutors, and academicshave been fired. Tens of thousands remain in prison, including more than a hundred and fifty journalists and media workers. The government has closed a hundred and seventy-nine newspapers, television stations, and Web sites. Turkey is now the most prolific jailer of journalists in the world.

That bring us to a constitutional referendum scheduled for next month, and to Demirta. On April 16th, Turkish voters will be asked to approve a series of changes to the constitution that wouldyou guessed itgrant extraordinary powers to the job that Erdoan now holds. On paper, Turkey still has a parliamentary system, with significant powers reserved for the Prime Minister, parliament, and the judiciary. The referendum proposes to radically alter that system, eliminating the position of Prime Minister, drastically curtailing the powers of parliament, scaling back the independence of the judiciary, and vesting sweeping powers in the Presidency. Whats more, the new constitution would give Erdoan the right to run for two more five-year terms, potentially giving him another decade in power.

What the referendum amounts to, essentially, is an attempt to overturn Turkish democracy, and to rubber-stamp the authoritarian powers that Erdoan has been pursuing for the past decade. (You wont hear any criticism of Erdoan from Europe, by the way. Erdoan, having agreed last year to hold back the tide of refugees from the Middle East,hasthe continents political leaders over a barrel.)

Yet for all of Erdoans bullying, its not at all clear that Turkish voters will approve the referendum. Erdoan, sensing how high the stakes are, has been trying to flatten his opposition in the run-up to the vote. This is where Demirta and his colleagues fit into the picture. After the failed coup last summer, Erdoan began moving to crush the H.D.P.s leadershiphe knew, given the history of the relationship between Kurds and the central government, that they would never endorse an expansion of the Presidents powers. Along with Demirta, twelve other H.D.P. members of parliament have recently been jailed. According to Human Rights Watch, which released anew reporton Turkeys deteriorating situation this week, more than five thousand members of the H.D.P. and another locally based Kurdish party, the B.D.P., are currently behind bars, and the mayors of eighty-two Kurdish towns have been summarily sacked and replaced by Erdoans agents. Erdoan knew that he couldnt count on the H.D.P., so he just took them out of the picture, Emma Sinclair-Webb, Human Rights Watchs Turkey director, told me.

Polls show that the referendum has the support of only around fifty per cent of likely Turkish voters. A no vote would be a crushing rebuke to the Turkish President, and, in the short-term, could provoke a violent reaction from him. But, if the Turkish people are serious about stemming Erdoans drive to dictatorship, this may be their last chance.

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A Last Chance for Turkish Democracy - The New Yorker - The New Yorker