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U.S. Rep. Mike Gallagher was a rising star in the Wisconsin Republican Party before Feb. 10, when he suddenly announced his plans to retire.

Heavily recruited to challenge Democratic U.S. Sen. Tammy Baldwin, he was seen by top Republican strategists as their best shot to block Baldwin for a third term, according toPolitico.

In a closely divided purple state, Gallagher looked like the rare Republican who could break out beyond the hardcore base and match Baldwins strength garnering bipartisan support to win statewide elections. Young, friendly, a Marine Corps veteran with a forthright style and a reputation for seeking bipartisan consensus as the chair of a committee investigating China, Gallagher was widely perceived as the face of the Wisconsin Republican Partys future.

But that was before last weeks failed vote to impeach Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas a political stunt Gallagher refused to join. He enraged his pro-Trump colleagues with his sensible rejection of their effort to pin the entire broken U.S. immigration system on Mayorkas. He knew Mayorkas had been working on the bipartisan border security deal with Republicans before they reversed course and shot the whole thing down at the behest of former President Donald Trump, who wants to use border security as a wedge issue in the 2024 election. In aWall Street Journalopinion piece, he explained why he didnt believe in pursuing impeachment efforts aimed at maladministration. While repeating his partys hawkish talking points on immigration, he pointed out that none of their complaints against Mayorkas rose to the level of high crimes and misdemeanors.

Gallaghers refusal to go along sank the impeachment effort, which lost by a single vote. Immediately, MAGA political consultant Alex Bruesewitz announced he was launching aprimary challengeagainst Gallagher.

Gallagher denies there is any relationship between the challenge from the right and his decision to leave Congress. But all of the Republican candidates whoimmediately expressed interestin running for his seat are Trump loyalists.

Gallagher is no progressive. He supported the U.S. Supreme Court decision ending federally protected abortion rights, saying the power to make abortion law should have always rested with elected officials, and he hasavoided stating his positionon a national abortion ban. He was astaunch opponentof President Joe Bidens efforts to help Americans struggling with student loan debt.

His district in northeast Wisconsin, whileheavily Republican, is also home to increasingly Democratic Green Bay and Democrats had been considering mounting a serious challenge there for the first time in years, specifically focusing on the abortion issue, with OB-GYN Dr. Kristin Lyerly considering a run against Gallagher. When Gallagher stepped down, state Democrats put out a statement saying they look forward to competing in the 8th and bringing some stability and competence back to the House.

Well see how that goes and whether the national Democratic Party decides to invest money in even more winnable House seats including the 3rd Congressional District in Wisconsin, which it failed to do last time around.

But the upshot of Gallaghers departure is that Wisconsin is losing a voice of sanity within the increasingly Trump-captured Republican Party.

Thats bad news. Gallaghers rejection of the Jan. 6 insurrection, which he memorably referred to as banana republic crap, was an important moment of truth and courage in a time of dangerous political cowardice.

Although he ultimately voted against impeaching Trump (and wasaccusedby former Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Illinois), a member of the select committee that investigated Jan. 6, of acting out of fear that a vote to impeach would ruin his chances of being reelected) Gallagher called out his colleagues who were spreading the Big Lie.

In a forcefulvideohe posted while locked in his office during the Capitol attack, Gallagher addressed the Republican members of Congress who objected to certifying the 2020 presidential election.

The objectors, over the last two days, have told me there is no problem having a debate: We know were not going to succeed. So were just going to object. Were going to have a debate, Gallagher said in the video, adding that other Republicans claimed, There will be no cost to this effort.

This is the cost of this effort! he declared, as protesters stormed the halls outside his office, clashing with Capitol Police, while Vice President Mike Pence was hustled to safety. This is the cost of countenancing an effort by Congress to overturn the election and telling thousands of people that there is a legitimate shot of overturning the election today, even though you know that is not true, Gallagher said.

He called on Trump to stop the insurrection. Call it off, he said. This is bigger than you. It is bigger than any member of Congress. It is about the United States of America, which is more important than any politician.

We are going to miss having a Republican member of Congress who still believes that.

This column was originally published in the Wisconsin Examiner.

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Mike Gallaghers departure is a bad sign for democracy - Nevada Current

Anti-corruption campaigner Alexei Navalny, who according to Russian authorities died in prison on Friday at the age of forty-seven, was by far the most popular and effective opposition leader to challenge Russian President Vladimir Putin during his almost quarter century in power. Navalnys death at the hands of the state represents an immense setback to Russias democracy movement, but that movement has always been much bigger than just one man and will go on without him. The strategies and messages that Navalny developed for fighting the Putin regime have spread to a diverse group of Russian pro-democracy actors. That movement has proved itself resilient and able to adapt to more than a decade of increasingly harsh repression, and it will adapt to this devastating development as well. Martyrdom is an extremely powerful political narrative, and this cruel tragedy will likely cause many other Russians to devote still more effort to the struggle for freedom.

The circumstances of Navalnys death remain unclear, but whatever details may be revealed, there can be no question that responsibility lies squarely with the regime that unjustly imprisoned him and with Putin personally. The Russian states intention to murder Navalny slowly was apparent as it held him prisoner for the last three years: It tortured him and denied him adequate medical care, even as his health deteriorated from the brutal conditions of his incarceration and from the side effects of his exposure to a deadly nerve agent during a 2020 assassination attempt by Russian security services.

Navalnys rise to public prominence was a result of his insight that the Putin regimes pervasive and massive corruption posed a major political liability. His skill as a corruption investigator enabled him to expose the eye-catching, gaudy excesses on which Russias political elites frittered away the enormous wealth they stole from the Russian people. His skill as a political communicatorthe clear charisma that shone through the clever, entertaining videos he producedbrought the results of his investigations to mass audiences in Russia and around the world. As his political career developed, his critiques of the Putin regime broadened to include its widespread human rights abuses and its brutal military interventions in Ukraine and Syria.

Navalny emerged as an important political leader during Russias Bolotnaya protests of 2011-2012, as Russians took to the street over Putins return to a third term as president. This year, on the cusp of a fifth Putin term, Russias rapid descent into repression and militarism could make Navalnys vision for a democratic and peaceful Russia seem further than ever from realization. Yet Navalnys activism since 2011 has also contributed to the development of a broader democratic movement capable of continuing without him.

While Navalnys personal popularity at times drew criticism of a personalistic style of politics, in truth his political strategy always centered on movement-building. In 2013, his highly competitive campaign for Moscow mayor attracted thousands of volunteers and launched the political careers of several other oppositionists who have gone on to become important figures in their own right. In 2018, his shadow campaign for president (which he continued even after being denied access to the ballot) built a nationwide network of dozens of local offices spanning Russias huge territory that continued after the election to serve as incubators of local political and civic activism. The Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK)the nongovernmental organization Navalny founded to carry out corruption investigations and raise public awareness of how Putins elite have looted Russia for decadeshas continued to produce high-impact investigations during his imprisonment. Despite a 2021 extremist designation that forced FBK into exile as several staff were jailed, the organization remains one of the most important in Russian civil society. FBKs Navalny Live YouTube channel is one of Russias most popular, reaching millions of Russians each month. Beyond those with direct connections to Navalny are thousands more (overwhelmingly young) Russian activists who were inspired by Navalnys work to make their own efforts to build the better future for their country. He built a movement that was bigger than himself.

This is the legacy Navalny leaves for Russian society. His vision, his political skills, and his personal courage helped sustain Russias democratic movement through a period of sharply intensifying repression. Perhaps his most important political insight was his recognition of how his own moral leadershipthe sacrifices of his health and freedom he was willing to make on behalf of his causecould cut through the cynicism that so often dominates Russian political life. His martyrdom magnifies that moral leadership immeasurably.

In an interview shown in the 2022 Oscar-winning documentary about his work, Navalny is asked what message he would want to send in the event that he is killed. His message, he responds, is a simple one: You are not allowed to give up. If they [decide to kill me], it means that we are incredibly strong. We need to use this power . . . All that is needed for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing.This simple but powerful sentiment that has guided Navalnys life has become an even more powerful message in his deathone capable of inspiring Russians to even greater efforts to build a better future.

Dylan Myles-Primakoff is a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Councils Eurasia Center and a senior manager for Eurasia Programs at the National Endowment for Democracy.

Image: Supporters of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny attend a rally in Moscow, Russia October 7, 2017. REUTERS/Sergei Karpukhin

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Russia's democracy movement will survive the death of Navalny - Atlantic Council

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Community Voices: Getting rid of democracy will only make things worse - The Bakersfield Californian

Disenchanted with the current state of the nation, historian Allen C. Guelzo set out to inquire into Abraham Lincolns faith in democracy. Not only did President Lincoln lead the nation into and out of civil war, he also worried about polarization, immoral majorities, vengeful politics and voter fraud. Though Lincoln invoked the word democracy fewer than 150 times in his writings and speeches, and nowhere explicitly defined the term, Guelzo has plenty of source material worthy of reflection. The author of Gettysburg: The Last Invasion, among other histories, organizes his book around Lincolns views on intertwined themes: liberty, law, economics, race, slavery, emancipation.

A prolific Lincoln scholar, Guelzo gets his own politics out of the way at the start, describing the late 20th century as a time when the glue of American democracy was dissolving in a welter of gender and racial identity demands; as for the present moment, his twin enemies are progressives (in particular woke progressives) and authoritarian conservatives. Readers who disagree with Guelzos political leanings would nonetheless do well to continue reading Our Ancient Faith.

On the contested question of Lincoln and race, Guelzo captures the complexity quite nicely, contending that Lincolns long indifference to black civil equality weighs heavily against him, even as that indifference is not unmixed with a certain candor about the unfairness of inequality. Guelzo reminds us that opposition to racial slavery in the 19th century, including vehement moral opposition, was not synonymous with anti-racism, and early along he points to words Lincoln jotted down in 1858 that come closest to a definition of democracy: As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master, Lincoln wrote, helpfully adding, This expresses my idea of democracy.

Lincoln believed deeply in a harmony of interests between capital and labor. In this vision, any diligent worker could save his wages to climb the ladder of opportunity (here Guelzo acknowledges a degree of callousness in Lincolns attribution of economic failure to personal failure). Precisely because enslaved labor precluded aspiration and upward mobility, Lincoln despised the slave South. But Lincoln also believed deeply in natural rights for all human beings, and so he despised the slave South on moral grounds as well. Slavery, he said in 1854, was the great wrong of the world.

On the question of Lincolns wartime leadership, Guelzo takes the conventional view that the presidents aims evolved, from circumspect preservation of the union to the imperative for Black freedom. The Civil War, Guelzo writes, raised so many questions in Lincolns mind about the purpose and meaning of the war that he began to contemplate the possibility that God intended the outcome to be emancipation. Asserting a transformation in the presidents convictions about the wars purpose, Guelzo nevertheless rejects this same interpretation when considering Lincolns views of race, bemoaning that Lincolns defenders frequently resort to useless tropes like growth or evolution to argue that, over time, Lincoln changed for the better.

Race, slavery and emancipation are central to Guelzos story, and he writes movingly of Lincolns regard for the loyalty and sacrifice of Black soldiers during the war. Given that centrality, though, Guelzo misses the chance to consider the presence of African Americans in Lincolns world. When he describes Lincoln walking through the streets of the vanquished Confederate capital of Richmond on April 4, 1865, as if tempting some unbalanced Richmonder to ambush him, there is no mention of the well-known enormous crowds of elated Black men and women who might well have made it difficult for an angry Confederate to get near the president. More expansively, when Guelzo writes that all Americans had been invested in the evils of slavery (his emphasis), that phrasing unwittingly erases enslaved and free Black Americans from Civil War history.

In a book devoted to a careful assessment of Lincoln, it is surprising too that Guelzo omits the nuance of Frederick Douglasss words on this very subject. Guelzo quotes Douglasss 1865 oration proclaiming Lincoln emphatically the black mans president, yet omits the sentences context: Abraham Lincoln, while unsurpassed in his devotion to the welfare of the white race, was also in a sense hitherto without example, emphatically, the black mans President. Why elide that eloquent expression of Lincolns complexities?

Toward the end, Guelzo asks the perennial question, What if Lincoln had lived? He believes that Lincoln (unlike his disastrous successor, Andrew Johnson) would have rewarded Black men with the vote and speculates that, given Lincolns earnest faith in hard work, he may even have championed the radical act of redistributing land from former masters to formerly enslaved people. When Guelzo quotes Lincolns optimistic conviction, a few days before the assassination, that the reunited nation would soon celebrate the resurrection of human freedom, he wisely adds, We can only say perhaps.

Guelzos Lincolnian future would embrace an equality in which no privileged groups claim superior sanction for power; it would be a world that both protects American industry and productivity and empowers and organizes workers, a world that demolishes class alienation via a determination to relieve poverty. In Lincolns democracy, all people would live lives free from domination and exploitation.

In 1861, worrying about democracys fragility, Lincoln fretted over the possibility that the people may err in an election by elevating an anti-democratic leader. The true cure, he said, is in the next election. Lovers of democracy can only hope that Lincoln was right.

Martha Hodes is a professor of history at New York University and the author, most recently, of Mourning Lincoln and My Hijacking: A Personal History of Forgetting and Remembering.

Lincoln, Democracy, and the American Experiment

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Our Ancient Faith by Allen C. Guelzo book review - The Washington Post

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Trump is no Navalny, and prosecution in a democracy is a lot different than persecution in Putin's Russia - El Paso Inc.