Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

Community Voices: Getting rid of democracy will only make things worse – The Bakersfield Californian

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Community Voices: Getting rid of democracy will only make things worse - The Bakersfield Californian

Our Ancient Faith by Allen C. Guelzo book review – The Washington Post

Disenchanted with the current state of the nation, historian Allen C. Guelzo set out to inquire into Abraham Lincolns faith in democracy. Not only did President Lincoln lead the nation into and out of civil war, he also worried about polarization, immoral majorities, vengeful politics and voter fraud. Though Lincoln invoked the word democracy fewer than 150 times in his writings and speeches, and nowhere explicitly defined the term, Guelzo has plenty of source material worthy of reflection. The author of Gettysburg: The Last Invasion, among other histories, organizes his book around Lincolns views on intertwined themes: liberty, law, economics, race, slavery, emancipation.

A prolific Lincoln scholar, Guelzo gets his own politics out of the way at the start, describing the late 20th century as a time when the glue of American democracy was dissolving in a welter of gender and racial identity demands; as for the present moment, his twin enemies are progressives (in particular woke progressives) and authoritarian conservatives. Readers who disagree with Guelzos political leanings would nonetheless do well to continue reading Our Ancient Faith.

On the contested question of Lincoln and race, Guelzo captures the complexity quite nicely, contending that Lincolns long indifference to black civil equality weighs heavily against him, even as that indifference is not unmixed with a certain candor about the unfairness of inequality. Guelzo reminds us that opposition to racial slavery in the 19th century, including vehement moral opposition, was not synonymous with anti-racism, and early along he points to words Lincoln jotted down in 1858 that come closest to a definition of democracy: As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master, Lincoln wrote, helpfully adding, This expresses my idea of democracy.

Lincoln believed deeply in a harmony of interests between capital and labor. In this vision, any diligent worker could save his wages to climb the ladder of opportunity (here Guelzo acknowledges a degree of callousness in Lincolns attribution of economic failure to personal failure). Precisely because enslaved labor precluded aspiration and upward mobility, Lincoln despised the slave South. But Lincoln also believed deeply in natural rights for all human beings, and so he despised the slave South on moral grounds as well. Slavery, he said in 1854, was the great wrong of the world.

On the question of Lincolns wartime leadership, Guelzo takes the conventional view that the presidents aims evolved, from circumspect preservation of the union to the imperative for Black freedom. The Civil War, Guelzo writes, raised so many questions in Lincolns mind about the purpose and meaning of the war that he began to contemplate the possibility that God intended the outcome to be emancipation. Asserting a transformation in the presidents convictions about the wars purpose, Guelzo nevertheless rejects this same interpretation when considering Lincolns views of race, bemoaning that Lincolns defenders frequently resort to useless tropes like growth or evolution to argue that, over time, Lincoln changed for the better.

Race, slavery and emancipation are central to Guelzos story, and he writes movingly of Lincolns regard for the loyalty and sacrifice of Black soldiers during the war. Given that centrality, though, Guelzo misses the chance to consider the presence of African Americans in Lincolns world. When he describes Lincoln walking through the streets of the vanquished Confederate capital of Richmond on April 4, 1865, as if tempting some unbalanced Richmonder to ambush him, there is no mention of the well-known enormous crowds of elated Black men and women who might well have made it difficult for an angry Confederate to get near the president. More expansively, when Guelzo writes that all Americans had been invested in the evils of slavery (his emphasis), that phrasing unwittingly erases enslaved and free Black Americans from Civil War history.

In a book devoted to a careful assessment of Lincoln, it is surprising too that Guelzo omits the nuance of Frederick Douglasss words on this very subject. Guelzo quotes Douglasss 1865 oration proclaiming Lincoln emphatically the black mans president, yet omits the sentences context: Abraham Lincoln, while unsurpassed in his devotion to the welfare of the white race, was also in a sense hitherto without example, emphatically, the black mans President. Why elide that eloquent expression of Lincolns complexities?

Toward the end, Guelzo asks the perennial question, What if Lincoln had lived? He believes that Lincoln (unlike his disastrous successor, Andrew Johnson) would have rewarded Black men with the vote and speculates that, given Lincolns earnest faith in hard work, he may even have championed the radical act of redistributing land from former masters to formerly enslaved people. When Guelzo quotes Lincolns optimistic conviction, a few days before the assassination, that the reunited nation would soon celebrate the resurrection of human freedom, he wisely adds, We can only say perhaps.

Guelzos Lincolnian future would embrace an equality in which no privileged groups claim superior sanction for power; it would be a world that both protects American industry and productivity and empowers and organizes workers, a world that demolishes class alienation via a determination to relieve poverty. In Lincolns democracy, all people would live lives free from domination and exploitation.

In 1861, worrying about democracys fragility, Lincoln fretted over the possibility that the people may err in an election by elevating an anti-democratic leader. The true cure, he said, is in the next election. Lovers of democracy can only hope that Lincoln was right.

Martha Hodes is a professor of history at New York University and the author, most recently, of Mourning Lincoln and My Hijacking: A Personal History of Forgetting and Remembering.

Lincoln, Democracy, and the American Experiment

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Our Ancient Faith by Allen C. Guelzo book review - The Washington Post

Trump is no Navalny, and prosecution in a democracy is a lot different than persecution in Putin’s Russia – El Paso Inc.

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Trump is no Navalny, and prosecution in a democracy is a lot different than persecution in Putin's Russia - El Paso Inc.

Opinion | Alexei Navalny died in struggle for democracy – The Washington Post – The Washington Post

When Alexei Navalny returned to Russia in 2021, after treatment abroad for a near-fatal poisoning by Russian government agents, he knew he would likely be imprisoned for his opposition to President Vladimir Putin. And he knew that, in Russia, a prison sentence could become a death sentence. Despite the risks, he went back to confront Mr. Putins deepening repression, and refused to be silent, even when he was sentenced to 19 years on trumped-up charges which he was serving at a remote Russian penal colony in the Arctic. That is where Mr. Navalny died on Friday at the age of 47; we dont know exactly how he met his end, but we know why. Mr. Putin bears responsibility.

The Kremlin leader has a taste for the trappings of wealth but only distaste for true political competition. After coming to power in 2000, he easily shoved aside wealthy oligarchs, muted the independent media and installed his own cronies as the new elite. But in later years, he faced in Mr. Navalny a true rival. Mr. Navalny summoned tens of thousands of people to the streets to protest the party of crooks and thieves, as he called Mr. Putin and his cadre of former KGB men. Mr. Navalny captured the hopes of many Russians to be a normal country a democratic one.

Mr. Putin undoubtedly hopes that Mr. Navalnys death not only eliminates an irrepressible, principled and courageous opponent, but also will squelch the aspirations he embodied for so many others: to live without fear from the state, to choose their leaders, to say and think what they believe, to make free choices in a free market and to travel the world. All of these liberties were denied in the Soviet Union, where Mr. Navalny was born; they were unleashed tentatively under the last Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, and then fully during the presidency of Boris Yeltsin, when Mr. Navalny came of age.

Yeltsin failed in one crucial respect, to establish the rule of law. Russia was thrust into an era of fierce oligarchic capitalism: wild, violent and corrupt. This profoundly shaped Mr. Navalnys early career after law school, when he focused on fighting corruption by exposing it. He was also a youthful nationalist who campaigned against immigration to Russia from Central Asia and who took part in a march in Moscow that drew some extremists.

As Mr. Putin pushed Russia deeper into dictatorship, especially after the protests of 2011-2012, Mr. Navalny evolved into more of a champion of democracy and practical political action. His campaign for mayor of Moscow in 2013 displayed a flair for grass-roots mobilization. It spawned a national movement. Mr. Navalny pioneered Smart Voting, an app that challenged United Russia, the Kremlin-backed party, by helping voters find local candidates opposed to Mr. Putins party. Mr. Navalny and his associates also demonstrated extraordinary talent with video, creating a series of YouTube documentaries that exposed the lavish lifestyles of Mr. Putin and his elite. Even from his Arctic jail cell, Mr. Navalny just a few weeks ago proposed ways that millions of Russians could protest on the day of Russias upcoming presidential election, which Mr. Putin is certain to win without serious competition.

Through it all, Mr. Putin tried desperately to repress Mr. Navalny and his movement using censorship, subversion, arrests and the attempted poisoning of Mr. Navalny with the nerve agent Novichok while he was on a trip in central Russia in August 2020. Mr. Navalny survived and fought back with an incredible, steely determination. An Oscar-winning documentary film about his struggle shows him on the phone with one of the poisonings perpetrators an officer of Russias Federal Security Service coaxing the man into a devastating confession.

For all his personal suffering, Mr. Navalny never succumbed to despair or lost his mordant sense of humor. Trapped in solitary confinement in prison, he noted on X (formerly Twitter) that he was held in a 2.5 x 3 meter concrete kennel. Most of the time, these cells were cold and damp, he said, but I got the beach version its very hot and theres almost no air. He was often denied a pencil and paper but, in November, having been imprisoned for more than 1,000 days, he posted an appeal for Russians to read books about their own recent history.

Mr. Navalnys death is a reminder to the United States and its allies that, in Mr. Putin, they are up against a ruthless foe whose primary method is to use force. Mr. Navalnys death is an enormous loss to his family and friends, and to the ideal of a free and democratic Russia. But such ideals cannot be slain. Mr. Navalnys legacy will be a never-ending struggle to realize them.

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Opinion | Alexei Navalny died in struggle for democracy - The Washington Post - The Washington Post

Malcolm X Assassination: New Details Pointing to FBI, NYPD Conspiracy – Democracy Now!

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. Im Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: It was 59 years ago this week that civil rights leader Malcolm X was assassinated, February 21st, 1965, as he stood at the podium before a crowd here in New York in Harlems Audubon Ballroom. His wife, Betty Shabazz, pregnant with twins, and his four daughters were in the ballroom looking on. As Malcolm began speaking, a man shouted, accusing another of picking his pocket, creating a disturbance. A smoke bomb was thrown. Amidst the confusion, three gunmen at the front of the hall opened fire. Malcolm was hit 17 times in the ensuing hail of bullets. He died on the stage as chaos erupted.

On Wednesday night, at what is now the Malcolm X and Betty Shabazz Center in Washington Heights, Malcolms daughter Ilyasah Shabazz recalled that horrifying day.

ILYASAH SHABAZZ: My parents young lives were filled with joys, and they were filled with challenges. And one week before my fathers assassination, our family home was targeted. A firebomb was thrown into the nursery where my sisters and I slept as babies. History records that we escaped unharmed. Yet, a mere seven days later, my family witnessed the unimaginable. Our father was gunned down as he prepared to speak right here in that location. My pregnant mother placed her body over my three sisters and me to protect us from gunfire and to shield us from the terror before our eyes.

AMY GOODMAN: Malcolm Xs daughter Dr. Ilyasah Shabazz, speaking last night at the former Audubon Ballroom, now the Malcolm and Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Education Center, during a commemoration marking the 59th anniversary of the assassination of Malcolm X. Malcolm X often began his speeches, including the one that was cut short by that hail of bullets, by addressing everyone in the room. This a speech he gave in 1964 at the Audubon Ballroom.

MALCOLM X: As-salamu alaykum. Mr. Moderator, our distinguished guests, brothers and sisters, our friends and our enemies, everybody whos here.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, 59 years after Malcolm Xs assassination this week, two former members of his security team have come forward for the first time to reveal details of their entrapment and imprisonment by New York police just days before he was killed. Yesterday, one of the two men and family members of Malcolm X appeared at a press conference. This is 81-year-old Khaleel Sultarn Sayyed.

KHALEEL SULTARN SAYYED: From its creation in 1964 to 1965, I attended public events organized by the Organization of Afro-American Unity, the OAAU, founded by el-Hajj Malik Shabazz, Malcolm X. It was widely known by my acquaintances that I had deep fondness for Malcolm X, as I spoke frequently with respect for Malcolm X, and I always made an effort to attend his speeches.

In or about January 1965, I attended public events Im sorry. On or about January 1965, I was introduced to Raymond A. Wood. I only interacted with Wood on approximately two occasions. Robert Collier, a new acquaintance, told me that he wanted to introduce me to his friend, who had some ideas. This friend was Raymond Wood. When Collier introduced me to Wood, I had only known Collier for two or three months. Collier would invite also invited Walter Bowe to attend. Since Wood was undercover, I had no idea he worked for law enforcement. I later found out Wood was an undercover police agent or, Im sorry, Wood was an undercover police officer from the New York City Police Department in the Bureau of Special Services and Investigations.

The idea Wood introduced was a conspiracy to destroy national monuments, specifically the Statue of Liberty. Those at the meeting laughed, so I assumed Wood was not serious about this idea. I said very little at the meeting. In the weeks leading up to my wrongful arrest and incarceration, I never heard the idea again.

I was asked by a close follower of Malcolm X to serve as security at Malcolm Xs home after it was firebombed on February 14th, 1965. I was offered this opportunity because it was widely known that I respected Malcolm X and was interested in the OAAU. It was a small group of individuals who were asked to serve as security for Malcolm Xs home, only two or three individuals per shift. I would always have made myself available to serve as security for Malcolm X, as I had I would always have made myself available to serve as Malcolm Xs security, had I not been wrongfully arrested. It was widely known that Malcolm Xs life was frequently in danger and under constant threat.

On or about February 16, 1965, five days before Malcolm Xs assassination, I was detained and arrested by the New York City Police Department related to the Woods conspiracy. I was shocked to hear the New York Police Department accusing me of conspiracy to destroy the Statue of Liberty. I lost 18 months of my young life for a crime I did not commit. I was only 22 years old at the time of my arrest. I spent four years as a student at Howard University working toward a degree in electrical engineering. I was helping my father during I was helping my father in his store during a gap year in my studies, when I was arrested. As a result my detention, I never graduated from Howard University.

I believe I was detained in this conspiracy by the NYPD, BOSSI and FBI in order to ensure Malcolm Xs planned assassination would be successful. Had I not been arrested, I would have attended his speech and could have served as part of his security detail.

AMY GOODMAN: So, that was 81-year-old Khaleel Sultarn Sayyed, speaking Wednesday alongside our next two guests, who are fighting for justice for Malcolm Xs family to expose the depth of the governments involvement in the assassination of the civil rights icon, both the NYPD and the FBI. Were joined now by Ben Crump, civil rights attorney, and Flint Taylor, lawyer and co-founder of the Peoples Law Office in Chicago.

We welcome you both back to Democracy Now! Ben Crump, lets begin with you. Can you put that testimony in context? I was there last year for the 58th anniversary of Malcolm Xs assassination, when you also held a news conference revealing new information. Talk about this year and the significance of what these two men had to say.

BENJAMIN CRUMP: Thank you so much, Amy.

It is quite significant when you consider last year Mustafa Hassan, who was shown in photographs in The New York Times was present in the Audubon theater the day Malcolm X was assassinated in fact, he was the one who was seen grabbing one of the assailants as he tries to escape after shooting Malcolm X. And his testimony was very riveting, because he said there was no presence of uniformed New York police officers, and they came up after all the chaos after Malcolm had been shot, and the first thing he heard them say, Is he with us? Is he one of us? as if even NYPD knew there were undercover police officers in the Audubon theater that day, and they didnt know what they had done in the theater that day.

And now this year, we have two additional witnesses, who have never before spoken, come and offer new evidence. These were members of Malcolm Xs security team: Walter Bowe, who is now 93 years old, who was a charter member of the OAAU with Malcolm X, as well as Khaleel Sayyed, who we just heard from. And both of these individuals were framed by Ray Wood, who, unbeknownst to them, was an undercover police officer working with BOSSI and the FBI. And he

AMY GOODMAN: Explain what BOSSI is.

BENJAMIN CRUMP: Its the Bureau of Special Services, that was specifically targeted to infiltrate Black organizations. They infiltrated the Black Panthers, CORE, as well as Malcolm Xs organization and the Nation of Islam there in the city of New York. They were an arm, if you would have, like a little brother to the FBI there in New York. And so, what they were doing, we believe, was carrying out the deeds at the behest of J. Edgar Hoover at the very top.

And these young men, just as other individuals have been wrongfully convicted to cover up for the conspiracy to assassinate Malcolm X, they were arrested five days before Malcolm X was assassinated. They believe that their arrests had everything to do with Ray Wood and BOSSI and the FBI trying to be complicit, if you would, in Malcolm Xs assassination. And so, thats why attorney Flint Taylor and I and Ray Hamlin and our legal team are trying to peel back the layers to finally, after 59 years, get some measure of justice for Malcolm Xs family.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Ben Crump, could you explain what was the pretext for their arrests? Can you talk about the destroy the Statue of Liberty conspiracy?

BENJAMIN CRUMP: Absolutely. So, this wasnt the only time we saw the workings of Raymond Wood, this undercover New York police officer. He also used this to have the members of the Panther 21. Afeni Shakur, Tupac Shakurs mother, was a member of the Panther 21. And they were all arrested under this pretense that they were endeavoring to bomb United States monuments namely, the Statue of Liberty. Well, thats the same exact thing that they said about Khaleel Sayyed and Walter Bowe, Malcolm Xs security members. They said that they were out to bomb the Statue of Liberty. I mean, you would think that they could come up with something new. But all of these Black self-determination organizations, they would infiltrate them and try to say, Oh, they were conspiring to bomb the Statue of Liberty, so we have to arrest them. And so, thats exactly what they did to Panther 21, and its exactly what they did to Malcolm Xs security detail. They came up with a bogus theory and had them convicted of crimes that was orchestrated by undercover police officers.

AMY GOODMAN: Now, Ben Crump, can you talk about the man who was in the Audubon Ballroom with a long gun under his trench coat, the one who was set free?

BENJAMIN CRUMP: Certainly. As attorney Flint Taylor from the Peoples Law Office in Chicago, who has joined our legal team to get justice for Malcolm Xs family, articulated, Bradley, this individual, who we know from the files that have been revealed, had a shotgun and was one of the killers of Malcolm X, yet he was not arrested. He was able to leave the Audubon Ballroom free. And they arrested two innocent people, we believe, to cover up for those individuals who they knew were responsible for Malcolm Xs death.

And this Bradley fellow was then, four years later, arrested for a bank robbery, he and his accomplice. His accomplice was in prison for 25 years, but yet Bradley was allowed to escape walk away out the jail scot-free. And so, you know that they have something connected with this Bradley character, if he continues to commit major crimes, federal crimes, and yet the government lets him walk scot-free, as if he has something that they are connected, to say that he will have no culpability for his dastardly deeds.

And thats why we want these files. We want these files to see what connections, to see who were those undercover agents that were in the Audubon Ballroom the day Malcolm X was assassinated. And the reality is this here. Its 59 years later. Who are they trying to protect? What persons life will be put in danger 59 years later? They continue to offer us excuse after excuse after excuse every time we get FOIAs for the information. They even went so far as to tell us that one of the reasons they cant give us the information that we request on the surveillance of Malcolm X and the documentation that they have on Malcolm X is because Malcolm X is potentially still alive.

AMY GOODMAN: Is potentially still alive? Lets bring Flint Taylor in right now. You stood there in the Audubon Ballroom, the site where Malcolm X was gunned down 59 years ago this week, yesterday with the family of Malcolm X, with Dr. Ilyasah Shabazz, with Ben Crump. But youre actually based in Chicago. And if you can talk about why it is possible, almost 60 years later, all of these documents do not become public, and the experience you have back in Chicago trying to get information on another leader, the Black Panther leader, Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, when they were gunned down in 1969?

FLINT TAYLOR: Good morning. Thank you for having me on.

Yes, it was a very powerful experience standing there, for the first time for me, in that ballroom. And as you may know, I stood in the blood of Fred Hampton the morning that he was assassinated 55 years ago. And, of course, that had a similarly powerful effect on me and the people in the Peoples Law Office at that time. And that started us on a 13-year battle to find out the truth and to change the narrative of what happened to Fred Hampton, the young, 21-year-old, very articulate, very powerful, very charismatic leader, young Black Panther leader.

And, of course, at first, they talked about it as a shootout. And as we got into the litigation and as the community raised the case in the public eye over years, we were able to fight to get evidence that was covered up, by the FBI predominantly, that there was this COINTELPRO program, Counterintelligence Program, a super-secret program that was targeting the Black Panthers, attempting to destroy the Black Panthers at that time it came from Hoover in Washington and that it also claimed as part of its program dealing with what they call messiahs, who would bring together and lead the Black liberation movement. And they cited to Malcolm X as one of those messiahs.

So, theres evidence that is starting to come out about Malcolm X. That piece existed back then. But whats coming out now, as attorney Crump has mentioned, is this file on William Bradley, an FBI file, and a statement straight from Hoover that said there were nine informants, FBI informants, in the ballroom, and that at all costs they should not let those informants be known, and at all costs not let it be known what they might have been doing, and whether they were working, of course, for COINTELPRO, because we know that what the FBI was doing was trying to foment the split between the Nation of Islam and Malcolm and his organization. So, you put this evidence together, and you demand more evidence about Bradley, about those informants, about BOSSIs role. And BOSSI seems to be kind of a junior FBI COINTELPRO program in New York. I shouldnt say seems to be, but was. And so, thats where we stand.

And thats one of the reasons that attorney Crump asked me and my office to come in, because we fought this case, similar case, an assassination case, that had in it the FBI covered up the Chicago police informants. Of course, the main informant in our case in Chicago was William ONeal, who set up the assassination of Fred Hampton. So those same questions come up here. And after Cyrus Vance revealed the tip of the iceberg with regard to the FBI files that had been suppressed and the BOSSI files that had been destroyed, thats when attorney Crump and, of course, the family and now the Peoples Law Office have become involved.

And we feel that its not only a civil case for justice, but that its a human rights case. And its not only a case that has significance in New York, not only significance nationally, but it has international significance. And I think attorney Crump and I are both calling on the mayor of the city of New York and the federal government for transparency, for giving us these files and for, in fact, all these years later, making reparations. And thats what it is. Its reparations, not unlike the reparations that we fought for and obtained in Chicago for the survivors of police torture. Its reparations to the family. Its reparations to the community of New York and nationally, in terms of justice and in terms of compensation.

AMY GOODMAN: Ben Crump, lets end with you. Flint just mentioned the mayor of New York, right? Eric Adams is a former police officer. Have you spoken with him? Is he joining the call for the documents, both in BOSSI and the New York Police Department and the FBI, to be opened, more than a half a century after Malcolm Xs assassination?

BENJAMIN CRUMP: At this time, we are unaware if he will join us in that call for transparency. I know that in past conversations, Ilyasah and myself have felt assured that New York Police Department would Im sorry, the city leadership in New York would do the right thing here and help Malcolm Xs family finally get justice. Now, with attorney Flint Taylor and I and our legal team, we have put the ball squarely in their court to be able to tell us if theyre going to be on the right side of history 59 years later. Will they give up their records?

AMY GOODMAN: Well, Ben Crump, were going to leave it there. Were going to ask you to stay for a few minutes so we can ask about the Houston police shooting of Eboni Pouncy, an amazing story, with video just revealed, and well post it at democracynow.org. Ben Crump, civil rights attorney. Flint Taylor, co-founder of Peoples Law Office of Chicago. To see all our coverage of the Malcolm X assassination, go to democracynow.org. Im Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh. Thanks for joining us.

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Malcolm X Assassination: New Details Pointing to FBI, NYPD Conspiracy - Democracy Now!