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Can Terrorism Destroy Democracy? - Entertainers/Athletes - Bjoern Ulvaeus
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Can Terrorism Destroy Democracy? - Entertainers/Athletes - Bjoern Ulvaeus - Video
Opposition leader Danielle Smiths decision to join Albertas Progressive Conservative government, bringing eight Wildrose MLAs along with her, has prompted the most frequently asked question about Alberta politics: Why is it so weird?
For one answer, we can turn to a classic in Canadian political science. In 1953, C.B. Macpherson published his most famous book, Democracy in Alberta, arguing that Albertas homogeneous class system and history explain its small number of political parties. Many things have changed since then, but one of the books arguments remains relevant: Albertas political culture has always preferred a non-partisan, business government. Business governments are primarily interested in making policy through consensus inside a party, rather than having it emerge from a fight between rivals. In other words, business governments do not want the Legislative Assembly to be the factory where you see the sausages made, but the supermarket where you buy them in a nicely packaged tray.
Lets try looking at Albertas history through Mr. Macphersons eyes: Albertas disapproval of parties dates back to its first non-partisan elections to a territorial parliament, with parties emerging only when their federal counterparts interloped, forming rival Liberal and Conservative teams. Alberta then became a province, and four consecutive Liberal majorities quickly followed.
Later, the Non-Partisan League was popularizing the idea of business governments throughout western North America. The campaign caught the eye of the United Farmers of Alberta, a non-partisan lobby group that uncomfortably became a political party. It eventually ran in only three-quarters of the ridings in 1921, somehow still winning a comfortable legislative majority. Its first cabinet was appropriately non-traditional: leaderless during the campaign, it named a non-MLA as premier, and one cabinet minister was from the opposition.
Social Credits sweeping 1935 victory is usually explained in the context of the Great Depression or as a populist movement led by a charismatic evangelical radio host, but for Mr. Macpherson, it was more of a trade of business government managers. The party abandoned its idea of paying social credit dividends, and the opposition collapsed, even running as an organized group of independents in 1940.
After the publication of Mr. Macphersons book, Social Credit won four more majorities, undefeated until 1971, when the PCs won office as a new set of more competent managers. Soon after, Social Credit MLAs were either defeated or crossed the floor, and a familiar story unfolded: former Social Credit opposition leader Raymond Speaker became a PC cabinet minister.
Using the concept of business governments from Mr. Macphersons Democracy in Alberta can help us grapple with this weeks strangeness. The seemingly mind-boggling language about reunification makes sense if you think about it as seeing conflict between parties as regrettable. It also explains why parties can do well against incumbents when they present themselves as competent mangers (like the Liberals did in 1993, travelling the province with a debt clock in an election they could have won), but have trouble winning when they are more ideological.
Preserving the PC dynasty is then, in Mr. Macphersons view, more about the maintenance of business government than it is an ideological struggle. After all, the PCs have won elections by campaigning against the threats of both left-wing and right-wing parties. Thinking about Alberta in this way, the Wildrose crossings are not a weird power grab but just another event in Albertas long history of business governments.
Mr. Macphersons book might also point the way forward to how a party will finally displace the PCs: a group will successfully present itself as more competent than the incumbents, and usher in some new managers of yet another business government.
Paul Fairie is a political scientist at the University of Calgary, where he studies voter behaviour.
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Democracy in Alberta is about management, not ideology
Protesters holding yellow umbrellas are stopped by police after trying to gain access to the area where President Xi Jinping is staying in Macau. Photograph: Isaac Lawrence/AFP/Getty Images
Xi Jinping has visited a drizzly Macau for the 15th anniversary of its return to China with onlookers barred from using umbrellas the emblem of democracy protests in nearby Hong Kong.
The Chinese presidents two-day trip to the former Portuguese enclave comes just days after Hong Kong police cleared the last of three camps where protesters had spent nearly three months demanding free leadership elections for the city.
But in the spirit of Hong Kongs Occupy movement which gripped the city from late September, hundreds of pro-democracy protesters are planning a march on Saturday from Macaus historic city centre.
Authorities were on guard on Friday for signs of dissent, with reporters at the airport waiting for Xi not allowed to hold umbrellas, and handed raincoats instead.
They said you couldnt open umbrellas at the airport because it would affect the flights, said a Hong Kong-based reporter who was among up to 40 journalists at the scene.
Another reporter said airport authorities had explained it was too windy to safely unfurl an umbrella.
Despite the light rain, no one in the official receiving party used them either.
However, dozens of enthusiastic elementary school pupils braved the cold weather to wave Chinese and Macau flags, and posies of flowers, to greet Xi.
The presidents visit is intended to drive home the message that the semi-autonomous territory needs to diversify away from casinos, which have seen revenues dive owing to a national anti-corruption drive and a stuttering economy
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Umbrella ban in rainy Macau as Chinas president Xi Jinping arrives for visit
Khem Veasna_LDP Party_League for Democracy Party_Khmer low Educated By Khem Veasna
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