Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

Vote NOW to Protect Democracy | News, Sports, Jobs – The Express – Lock Haven Express

Diane Ebken

Port Matilda

This years off-year election has huge implications for our community and the 2024 national election. Its essential to vote now!

Three key races will determine access in future elections, reproductive rights, educational integrity and the overall quality of our lives.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court determines the interpretation of state laws. Justices have the last word on many legal questions from election policy to abortion. The Democratic candidate for Supreme Court Justice, Dan McCaffery, is endorsed by Planned Parenthood and labor unions and stands up for values shared by Democrats. In contrast, the Republican candidate is endorsed by organizations opposing abortion access, and said that no-excuse mail ballots are very bad for our commonwealth.

Centre County Commissioners determine many aspects of daily life. Mark Higgins and Amber Concepcion have worked hard and successfully to serve us, and should continue as Commissioners. They are responsible for ensuring election integrity and are committed to accurate vote counting and broad participation, including access to ballot drop boxes (in contrast to their opponents). They work tirelessly for mental health services, affordable housing, economic development, broadband services and sustainable energy initiatives.

The State College School Board determines educational opportunities and resources. Slate for State candidates Bader, Brandt, Demo, Kolbe and Miller prioritize academic success for all, trust, transparency and fiscal stewardship. Their opponents, supported by Moms for Liberty, are focused on banning books.

Dont take anything for granted. Vote on Nov. 7 for candidates who will preserve Democratic values.

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Vote NOW to Protect Democracy | News, Sports, Jobs - The Express - Lock Haven Express

Political Repression in Georgia: What Funders Can Do to Protect … – Nonprofit Quarterly

Image credit: Photo by Thirdman onpexels.com

The challenges to the already precarious state of our democracy continue. Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr resorted to extreme measures of political repression in September, targeting 61 activists and organizers of the Stop Cop City Movement with Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) indictments.

The ongoing attacks on organizers in Georgia are part of a concerted effort to suppress community voices and the right to protest. This is a critical time for philanthropy to stand with movements and protect democracy.

This move is an abuse of power. The indictments undermine the freedom of organizations and attack the driving principles of social movements such as collectivism and solidarity. These approaches to power building are rooted in love and community care, which have long been a lifeline for those most impacted by unjust systems.

As we shared in June, the ongoing attacks on organizers in Georgia are part of a concerted effort to suppress community voices and the right to protest. This is a critical time for philanthropy to stand with movements and protect democracy.

Carrs RICO indictmentsalong with money laundering charges for three bail fund organizers and domestic terrorism charges for five othersare a direct assault on the foundational principles of our democracywith the goal of eroding public and philanthropic trust in critical social movements.

In the indictments, Attorney General Carr twists RICO statutes created in the 1970s to more easily target the Mafia by tying together apparently unrelated crimes with a common objective into a prosecutable pattern of racketeering. Members of the Stop Cop City movement are accused of being part of a vast criminal conspiracy whose actions, such as distributing flyers in a grocery store parking lot, attending a concert in the park, or participating in mutual aid programs, are, as the indictments put it, overt acts in furtherance of the racketeering conspiracy.

With the push for this indictment, Carr conflates dissent against the state as violence toward the statean egregious overreach. The use of RICO indictments as a tool to stifle dissent is not just a violation of Constitutional rights, such as the freedom of speech, the freedom to assemble, and the right to petition the government for a redress of grievances. It is also meant to have a chilling effect on everyone who works toward justiceincluding you.

Chris Carr wants you to think twice before you attend a protest, join a meeting of like-minded individuals, or contribute to causes you believe in. He isnt alone in this endeavor, either. This is part of a disturbing trend among law enforcement, reactionary prosecutors, and far-right politicians. But the RICO indictments and similar suppression efforts began not with the protests of Cop City in 2021, but rather on May 25, 2020the day George Floyd was killed by police and the largest protests in the nations history began.

After the murder of George Floyd, the FBI and local prosecutors in Phoenix attempted to define the protests as gang activity. In 2021, Ron DeSantis championed HB 1, an anti-riot law in Florida that allows for bystanders to be prosecuted for acts of property destruction. A federal district judge has temporarily blocked this part of the law.

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Other influential ultraconservative voices applaud Carrs actions as a blueprint for suppressing movements advocating for change across the country. But it is not just conservatives obstructing core principles of democracy. The Democratic mayor of Atlanta, Andre Dickensa strong supporter of Cop Cityhas been emboldened by the Republican attorney generals actions and has refused to count and verify the more than 116,000 signatures collected by Stop Cop City organizers in a referendum that would put the issue on the ballot for Atlanta voters in 2024.

When the engine of our democracy fails, there will be no one left to bend the long arc of history toward justice.

This effort to silence protestors and attack democratic principles is a threat to all of us, no matter our area of focus: climate, economic, health, or racial justice. If attempts by Carr and others are successful, then our social movements grind to a halt. And when the engine of our democracy fails, there will be no one left to bend the long arc of history toward justice.

As the growing shadows of authoritarian oppression loom large, we are compelled to confront the ominous, mounting threats against democracy in this country and take a stand now. Time and again, we ask ourselves: What can we as advocates for justice and democracy do in the face of such alarming developments?

The answers are clear.

In the face of adversity, our commitment to justice and democracy must be unwavering. There is no turning back; the only way is forward.

We call upon all concerned philanthropists and advocates to stand with us in defending the principles that define our great nation. Together, we can ensure that justice prevails and that democracy remains a beacon of hope for generations to come.

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Political Repression in Georgia: What Funders Can Do to Protect ... - Nonprofit Quarterly

In Person or Online? Researchers Find People’s Stated Support for … – Georgia State University News

ATLANTAAmericans may be less satisfied with U.S. democracy than previously thought and new survey methods may have something to do with that disconnect, according to researchers at Georgia State University.

Judd Thornton, an associate professor in the Department of Political Science, recently conducted a study using American National Election Studies data from 2012 and 2016 to gauge how satisfied U.S. citizens are with American democracy, and how much that sentiment may be influenced by how they were surveyed.

The basic idea was that when people are by themselves, answering questions over the internet, they could be a little more truthful, Thornton said. Theres some idea that liking democracy is good, so you dont tell someone whos knocking on your door that you arent satisfied with it.

This study is a continuation of work on a theory first put forward in the 1940s that now has a lot of literature to back it up.

Thorntons study, Survey Mode and Satisfaction With Democracy, found there was a 20 percent decline in reported satisfaction with democracy when comparing the results from the 2012 and 2016 surveys.

According to the article, 65 percent of respondents in 2012 were interviewed online, while 71 percent had been interviewed online in 2016. In the years prior to 2012, the interviews were conducted almost entirely face to face, with a small percentage over the phone.

The optimistic take is that some of the documented decline in positive attitudes is actually a function of switching over to interviewing by the internet, he said. I think through 2010 or so, were probably overestimating satisfaction levels.

The person-to-person nature of surveys before 2010 most likely caused more people to report that they were happy with American democracy than actually were, he said.

Thorton and his fellow researcher, Georgia State political science Ph.D. student Hamad Ejaz, also looked at results from the 2020 survey, which reported even lower satisfaction than 2016.

Survey mode doesnt account for all of the decline though, so there is a genuine decline in warmth for democracy, but this is a specific incident in this long-standing theory about survey method, Thornton said.

He also noted this decrease in reported satisfaction in democracy is part of a global trend.

Political scientists have spent a lot of energy over the last 20 years documenting attitudes about democracy, especially as democracies are on the retreat in certain parts of the world, Thornton said.

In the U.S. specifically, citizens may just be tired of political polarization, which is the focus of the next study Thornton is working on.

The public just doesnt want every election to feel like this existential choice, he said.

By Katherine Duplessis

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In Person or Online? Researchers Find People's Stated Support for ... - Georgia State University News

Pita blames concentration of power and wealth for decline of … – Nation Thailand

Pita suggested that countries should not focus only on profitability, but their interest should also be extended to the environment, land rights, land ownership redistribution, and building a social welfare state that takes care of labour empowerment.

That's almost like social democracy to us. It doesn't matter if you agree or disagree. But it's about really coming together to really think about how we create this architecture of how we proceed forward, he said.

Pita, who is now the chief adviser to the new Move Forward leader, added that whenever he and his party can change Thailand through demilitarisation and decentralisation, they would start thinking about foreign policy and look outward to the world.

His message to the world would be Thailand is back. Thailand means business.

He pointed out that the kingdom is a middle power that is the second largest country in Asean, a region that has a combined population of 670 million people and a total GDP of US$6 trillion. You cannot ignore us, he said.

Pita also said that amidst many ongoing conflicts around the world, Thailand really needs to look outward to make sure that you know we are part of the international community.

He suggested that Thailand should join other Asean founding members in telling the world that right makes might and might doesn't make right.

He suggested a review of Thailands foreign policy after 10 years under what he called military rule.

We want to be able to rebalance once again. Its not about taking sides, it's about sticking to principles. We want to be able to criticise our friends and talk to our foes, he said.

Under General Prayut Chan-o-chas government, Thailand adopted neutrality in its foreign policy in international conflicts backed by worlds powers.

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Pita blames concentration of power and wealth for decline of ... - Nation Thailand

Is There Democracy Without Voting? Elections by Lot in Ancient … – The Collector

Why do we tend to favor democracy over other forms of political governance? Is it because democracy treats all citizens fairly and equally, which makes democratic decisions inherently good? Or is it because certain political decisions possess inherent superiority, and democracy is simply the most reliable method of making them? In other words, do good democratic decisions derive their goodness from their democratic nature, or are they democratically made because they are good? The philosopher David Estlund calls this question Euthyphros dilemma of democracy. And, like many other philosophical questions, we can trace this one back to Ancient Greece. There is no better place to look for an answer than the cradle of democracy itself: ancient Athens.

According to Aristotle, the Athenian polis was one of the largest in the Hellenic world. While there were common features shared by all poleis, there were also numerous differences in terms of size, location, economic activities, rules, laws, and more. Despite these differences, however, many city-states had their own (more or less) permanent political structures that were specific to certain groups of poleis. Thus, we can observe the coexistence of democracies, oligarchies, and tyrannies in Ancient Greece. These city-states were bordered by a non-Hellenic world, which included the great empires of Egypt and Persia.

The Greek poleis were constantly changing due to population growth, economic activities, colonization, wars, famines, and epidemics. Additionally, internal political frictions, conflicts, and clashes between different factions also contributed to these changes. Each faction had its own vision of the ideal organization of the community, which they sought to impose on others. Since the inception of Athenian democracy and the various reforms introduced by Solon and Cleisthenes, lawmakers made significant efforts to restrain these factions. All efforts to further democratize Athenian institutions aimed to reduce factionalism among the different tribes.

In the end, Athens had settled on ten geographically devised tribes. Each tribe consisted of members from three opposing political factions, and no faction could attain a majority within a single tribe. Over time, the Athenian state aimed to cultivate a sense of belonging to a particular tribe among its citizens. It was expected that members of the same tribe would cooperate, both in times of peace and during times of war. Therefore, Athenian democracy emerged as a collective endeavor to eradicate the potential concentration of political power in the hands of a single individual or a small group.

The highest political body of the Athenian democracy was the assembly (ekklesia), comprising all adult citizens. Unlike most modern democracies, in the Athenian assembly, every citizen had the direct ability to decide on all matters concerning the daily life of the polis. Each participant enjoyed the freedom of speech and the right to propose legislation. In practice, this meant that anyone could come forward with proposals, criticize the actions of officials, or challenge existing laws. More significant decisions usually required a quorum of approximately 6,000 citizens. However, the executive power rested with the boule, a council consisting of 500 citizens, with 50 representatives from each tribe. The new council was chosen every year, and each citizen could serve in a boule only twice in their lifetime. This is where we face another big departure from contemporary practices. Instead of voting-based elections, the Athenians employed a method called sortition, or election by lot. They utilized the same process to select juries for public courts.

Recall the dilemma presented at the beginning of this article. Here, we can see that Athenian democracy cherished both ways of defending what we may call democratic legitimacy. Its institutions were designed with the goal of ensuring equality among all citizens (although the criteria for citizenship were highly exclusive and discriminatory). But they also believed that democracy tends to produce high-quality decisions. And even Aristotle, who was not always fond of democracy, claimed that crowds of people produce better decisions when compared to a single politician, due to their diversity of perspectives. And so, the Athenians placed great importance on procedural fairness, with sortition being seen as the embodiment of their concept of fair and just selection, and a way of ensuring diversity. The entire process was facilitated through the use of a device called the kleroterion.

Aristotle provides us with a detailed description of the kleroterion. In the past century, scholars were uncertain whether Aristotle was referring to an actual object or a room, which led to numerous inaccurate translations. However, the discovery of several fragments of such devices dispelled any doubts. It is now evident that the Athenians did employ a sophisticated machine for the selection of government officials. Thanks to Aristotles description and archaeological evidence, the device has been successfully reconstructed, allowing us to precisely understand its appearance and functionality.

The machine consisted of one or more stone slabs containing numerous slots divided into columns. Each column represented one of the ten Athenian tribes and was labeled with a corresponding letter of the alphabet. Each eligible citizen who wanted to be a councilman (or a juror, or some other state official, depending on the type of election), possessed a token called a pinakion, which was used for their identification.

Although Aristotle stated that pinakia were made of boxwood, the surviving pieces we have today are made of bronze. Each pinakion was engraved with the name and tribe of the corresponding citizen, serving as a type of ancient ID card.

The process of selection by the kleroterion was run by ten overseers, one from each tribe. Their role was to collect the pinakia belonging to their tribesmen and arrange them in the appropriate column. Once all the tiles were lined up, the actual selection process could commence.

A crucial component of the kleroterion was a narrow tube with a funnel-shaped extension at the top. The overseers would insert a specific number of white and black bronze dice through the funnel, allowing them to arrange themselves randomly inside the tube. The number of dice used depended on the ratio between the total number of citizens and the number being elected. For instance, if they were to choose 100 representatives from a pool of 300 citizens, they would need 30 dice ten white and twenty black.

Using a mechanism consisting of two wedges, the operator of the machine released the dice one by one through the lower end of the tube. Each dice determined the fate of one row in the kleroterion. If a black dice was drawn, the entire row was eliminated; if it was white, the entire row was selected. Since each row contained exactly one representative from each tribe, this procedure ensured that, regardless of the outcome, all tribes would always have equal representation.

We must emphasize some of the consequences of election by lot. Firstly, the Athenians regarded randomness as an embodiment of true democracy. Sortition not only ensured equality of opportunity but also provided equality of chance. It nullified any material, rhetorical, or other advantages one might possess in the political arena. Secondly, the lottery eliminated the possibilities of pre-election manipulation. It was impossible to bribe voters when no voting was involved. Athenians were not alone in this practice; the Spartans were also known to employ it. In Sparta, voting served only to narrow down the number of potential candidates, while the winners were ultimately decided by lot. Thus, although the popular vote played a role in the process, attempting to buy votes was futile since no one could guarantee election victory through voting alone.

The third important point is that the use of the kleroterion was a public event. The Athenians typically placed a high value on openness and transparency in all spheres of public life. The very idea of a secret lottery would have been repugnant to them. Lastly, despite the Ancient Greeks reputation as mathematicians and their fondness for various games of chance, they never developed a theory of probability. They attributed any event whose causes could not be reliably predicted to the will of the gods.

Ancient Greeks believed in fate and held prophecies in high regard. According to their worldview, being chosen by the kleroterion simply fulfilled something predetermined long ago. Hence, sortition was not seen as a way of generating a random outcome; rather, it signified a decision that someone else had already made on their behalf. The act of playing dice was believed to have originated from fortune-telling through bone-throwing. Similarly, the Athenians placed their faith in the kleroterion because it provided another means of deciphering ones fate. If one was destined to be a public official, their appointment was universally accepted. Therefore, the Athenians employed democracy as a safeguard against human imperfections. To err is human, but a decision made by the gods could not possibly be wrong.

Some contemporary theorists propose the concept of voting lotteries which would grant suffrage to a randomly selected group of citizens. If this random group is a representative sample of the entire population, their decision would only slightly deviate from the one made by the entire electorate. This could save a significant amount of time and money and make mass participation less necessary. Other proposals involve implementing a modern kleroterion that would randomly choose public officials from a pool of citizens. Similar to the ancient kleroterion that ensured an equal representation of all Athenian tribes, we could achieve a much better representation of specific demographic groups in public institutions in comparison to modern elections by vote.

Should we expect changes in our political decision-making processes in the future? Is the new kleroterion on its way? The answer is likely not. We must remember that the ancient tradition of democracy differs fundamentally from the modern one. The ancient ideals of direct democracy and election by lot, even if attainable, may appear as foreign to contemporary citizens as representative democracy would to an ancient Athenian. Even if we assume that randomly selecting officials would have positive effects in todays context, it would need to be implemented in a much more technologically advanced manner. However, in a world where electronic voting remains insecure, the notion of choosing public officials through an electronic device seems like a nightmarish proposal. Even if such a system was completely reliable, many would still have doubts. Nonetheless, we should admire the ingenuity of the ancient Athenians and we are free to imagine how our world might look today if we attempted to live according to the democratic ideals of their time.

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Is There Democracy Without Voting? Elections by Lot in Ancient ... - The Collector