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Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has rejected calls from a growing chorus of Democrats for Republicans to cooperate with their efforts to replace Dianne Feinstein (D., Calif.) on the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Senate Republicans will not take part in sidelining a temporary absent colleague off the committee just so Democrats can force through their very worst nominees, the Kentucky senator and ranking Republican said on Tuesday, according to CNN.

Feinstein, the longest-serving female senator in American history, entered the body in 1992 and, at 89, is the oldest member in the chamber. She was hospitalized in early March following a bout with shingles and has yet to return to active political duty.

Feinsteins absence from the Judiciary Committee has reportedly led to the delay in the confirmation of at least a dozen of President Bidens federal judicial appointees. Moreover, the California senator has missed dozens of votes while she recovers at her home in San Francisco.

Last Wednesday, Feinstein released a public statement acknowledging the growing frustration over her lingering absence from Capitol Hill.

I understand that my absence could delay the important work of the Judiciary Committee, so Ive asked Leader Schumer to ask the Senate to allow another Democratic senator to temporarily serve until Im able to resume my committee work.

McConnell, who returned to the Senate on Monday following a fall that left him hospitalized in early March, has committed to blocking Democratic efforts to replace Feinstein, whose absence has narrowed the partys majority in the body to just one seat.

Replacing Feinstein would require 60 overall votes and at least ten Republicans to vote across party lines.

Leading House Democrats including Ro Khanna (D., Calif.) and Alexandria Ocasion-Cortez (D., N.Y.) have also called upon Feinstein urgently relinquish her duties for the sake of the party.

Its time for @SenFeinstein to resign, the California representative tweeted last Wednesday. We need to put the country ahead of personal loyalty. While she has had a lifetime of public service, it is obvious she can no longer fulfill her duties. Not speaking out undermines our credibility as elected representatives of the people.

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Fellow House representative Jamaal Bowman (D., Ny.) joined his colleagues supporting Feinsteins departure during an interview with CNN on Monday. Shes had a very long and stellar career, you know, but missing that many votes, stopping us from moving forward with our judge nominations, Bowman said.

However, fellow Senators Kirsten Gillibrand (D., N.Y.) and Tammy Baldwin (D., Wis.), have come to Feinsteins aid.

Shes a team player, and shes an extraordinary member of the Senate, Gillibrand insisted during a recent interview on CNNs State of the Unionon Sunday. Its her right. Shes been voted by her state to be senator for six years. She has the right, in my opinion, to decide when she steps down.

I think that is really an important, a responsible thing to do during her absence, because we have President Bidens nominees waiting for hearings and votes and we want to keep that moving. But I wish her well and hope she returns to the Senate very soon, Baldwin said during an appearance onMeet the Press.

Prior to her decades-long stint in the Senate, Feinstein served as the Mayor of San Francisco and unsuccessfully ran for Governor of California.

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McConnell Vows to Block Democrat Attempts to Remove Feinstein from Judiciary Committee - Yahoo News

WASHINGTON Senator Bob Menendez, one of the loudest and most powerful Democratic critics of the Biden administrations immigration policies, said this week that he had delivered a list of recommended executive actions to the White House to address illegal migration at the southern border in a more humane way.

The move is unusual for Mr. Menendez, a three-term Democrat from New Jersey and the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who has for years focused on immigration policy and introduced a number of bills meant to change the outdated system.

But Mr. Menendez acknowledged the reality that Congress was unlikely to pass immigration legislation soon. His decision to go public with his recommendations reflects his growing frustration that President Biden is falling short on his immigration promises.

I do believe that there are a series of executive actions the administration can take that would more effectively and humanely deal with our challenges, Mr. Menendez said in an interview with The New York Times.

Each of the past three presidents, including Mr. Biden, has resorted to executive actions to address immigration issues because Congress hasfailed to overhaul the countrys immigration laws for more than 30 years.

The Biden administration has focused some of its executive actions onmanaging a record number of illegal border crossings amid relentless Republican attacks. It has also embraced some Trump-era policies that many Democrats and immigration advocates expected Mr. Biden to end upon taking office. Some of the actions came as the administrationprepared for the expiration on May 11 of the public health measure known as Title 42, which allowed authorities to swiftly expel migrants, even those seeking asylum.

Mr. Menendez has criticized some of those actions, saying last month that he feared Mr. Biden would become the asylum denier in chief. His recommendations, which he delivered to the White House on Friday, include streamlining deportations, developing programs to support migrants in Latin America and raising penalties for criminal activities thatfacilitate illegal migration.

He also recommended the creation of a new pathway for parole paired with states need for workers. Governors, including some Republicans, have been calling for immigration laws to change to fill vital work force shortages. This month, the Labor Department reported 9.9 million job openings around the country as of February.

In the absence of being able to find Americans to do those jobs, this is an opportunity, an escape valve on which people can regularize a process, come do some critical work in the United States, help us grow our prosperity, Mr. Menendez said.

Mr. Menendez also suggested that the administration increase the salaries of Border Patrol agents and officers at Customs and Border Protection.

The White House declined to commenton Mr. Menendezs recommendationsbut defended Mr. Bidens track record on immigration policies.

This administration has taken unprecedented action to expand lawful immigration pathways, reduce unlawful migration and secure record funds for border security, said Abdullah Hasan, a White House spokesman.

But only Congress can update decades-old laws and provide the resources to truly fix our long broken immigration system.

Americans remain divided over who should be allowed to come into the country. A nationwide survey conducted in February found that 44 percent of respondents said immigration should be reduced, while only 20 percent would like to see more immigrants allowed into the country.

On his first day in office, Mr. Biden sent Congress a frameworkthathe described as layingout a return to a fairer and more humane immigration system. Less than a month later, Mr. Menendez and Representative Linda T. Snchez, Democrat of California, introduced bills based on that framework.

But the legislation effectively died in Congress, and the White House refocused its effortson passing the presidents infrastructure bill.

The administration has blamed Republicans for refusing to find a compromise to increase border security and allow migrants to come to the United States legally and instead focusing on partisan efforts to build an impeachment case against the homeland security secretary, Alejandro N. Mayorkas.

In general, Democrats favor comprehensive immigration legislation, but they, too, are worried about wasting political capital to build support because they expect Republicans, who control the House majority, would not cooperate and any legislation would die in the House, congressional aides said.

The Republican House leadership has already said it would consider only bills about border security and not other issues driving illegal migration.

Karoun Demirjiancontributed reporting.

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Senior Democrat Urges Executive Actions From Biden on Immigration - The New York Times

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met Monday with a delegation of American congressional Democrats, as he continued to dismiss the notion that his governments ties with the party and the United States more broadly were strained.

The meeting with the 12-member delegation led by House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries took place in Jerusalem, against the backdrop of polling showing waning popularity for the longtime Israeli leader among both parties in Washington.

Already unpopular with Democrats due to strains during the Barack Obama administration, Netanyahu has seen his image take a further hit since the establishment of his new hardline government four months ago, and he has yet to receive a hotly anticipated White House invitation.

The Israeli cabinet has butted heads with US President Biden administration over its effort to overhaul the judiciary as well as its policies toward the Palestinians.

The Prime Ministers Office said Netanyahu used the Monday meeting to focus on two favored topics the Iranian nuclear threat and expanding the Abraham Accords.

The prime minister thanked Congressman Jeffries and the members of the delegation for their support for the State of Israel and emphasized to them the importance of the relationship between Israel and the United States, Netanyahus office said.

Aside from Jeffries, the delegation included Reps. Gregory Meeks, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, Yvette Clarke, Dean Phillips and Sara Jacobs.

Also sitting in on the meeting were Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, who has served as a point-man for Netanyahu on relations with the US, and US Ambassador to Israel Tom Nides.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (R) meets with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries in Jerusalem on April 24, 2024 (Amos Ben Gershom/GPO)

In an interview on CBSs Face the Nation a day earlier, the premier acknowledged shrinking support for Israel among Democrats but noted that it began before his current government came to power and can be traced to the demonization of Israel in the media, which he said emphasizes the collateral damage incurred by Palestinians in the process of Israel defending itself from terror.

Netanyahu was presented with the results of a recent Gallup poll that showed, for the first time, Democrats are likelier to sympathize with Palestinians than with Israelis.

I think we have to work harder to persuade our Democratic colleagues or those of our Democratic colleagues who forget perhaps that Israel is the solitary democracy in the Middle East that America has no better friend and no better ally than Israel, Netanyahu said.

A separate Pew Research Center poll from last week showed that Americans are more likely than not to see Netanyahu in a negative light, and a plurality of young Republicans have never heard of the longtime conservative premier.

Still, the seniority of the delegation in Israel this week also indicated that the Democratic Partys leadership remains closely invested in Israel, despite the hardline nature of the current government.

Bereaved families and Israelis stand next to memorial candles during a protest against the Israeli governments planned judicial overhaul in Tel Aviv on April 22, 2023. (Erik Marmor/Flash90)

Netanyahu was pressed during the Sunday interview on why he is willing to meet with Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, who is slated to announce his candidacy for president, when the Israeli premier already is seen as overly close to the Republican party.

Of course [Ill meet DeSantis], I meet with everyone, Republican and Democrat, he responded. Its my job, and I think its important for Israels bipartisan support in the US.

Biden said last month that Netanyahu would not be invited to the White House in the near term, noting his distress over the governments judicial overhaul effort and urging the premier to walk away from the legislation it had been advancing on the matter.

Netanyahu said Sunday that he valued Israels alliance with the US and his personal friendship with Biden, and insisted that nothing can get in the way of that.

Its an internal matter we have to resolve, and the way were doing it is by seeking consensus, he said, pointing to ongoing negotiations at the Presidents Residence in Jerusalem aimed at reaching a compromise with the opposition on the judicial overhaul. The talks were launched after Netanyahu agreed last month to temporarily pause the legislative blitz in response to massive pushback at home and abroad.

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Netanyahu meets with Democrats as he looks to buck notion of strained US ties - The Times of Israel

President Bidens 22 judicial confirmations from January to the April recess are more than any of his predecessors in the comparable period (President Trump had 12). Still, as I speculated in late January, President Biden is unlikely to top Trumps 231 lower court appointments second only to President Carters 262.

Senate Democrats narrow voting majority has confronted some snags, including within-ranks opposition to some candidates and, more prominently, Senator Dianne Feinsteins possibly extended absence for health reasons, making it almost impossible to move more controversial nominees (however defined) out of the Judiciary Committee. But even if, or when the committee is back to full strength, the administration likely faces a dearth of fillable vacancies, the essential precursor to nominations and confirmations.

Figure 1 and Figure 2 present key metrics for court of appeals and district court confirmations at the Senates April recess in recent presidents third years. Each presidents first three bars are the numbers of confirmations, pending nominations; and vacancies with no nominees (vacancies in-place and announced).

The fourth and fifth bars show additional nominations and additional confirmations through the end of the fourth year. The first and final bars equal the total four-year confirmation numbers shown with presidents names.

Trumps 37 confirmations by the third-year April recess topped all five presidents. Only Bidens 31 comes close, reflecting the priorities that those presidents and their Senate allies gave to staffing the appellate courts.

At the recess, Trumps prospects for 54 total confirmations may have seemed bleak, with only five pending nominees and five more nominee-less vacancies. But eleven more vacancies occurred, and the Senate was able to confirm 17 additional nominees.

Biden also came to the April recess with few pending nominees and nominee-less vacancies, and, to boot, he has six fewer confirmations than Trump. Biden will have 42 confirmations if he gets his six pending nominees confirmed and gets nominees in place and confirmed for the five nominee-less vacancies (not counting the two recent post-recess nominees). Those eleven confirmations are hardly sure things; one nominee has been pending over 460 days and another has provoked within-ranks public opposition.

Forty-two confirmations, even if unlikely, is still 12 short of Trumps 54 (although way ahead of predecessors). The starting point for 12 more appointments is at least 12 more vacancies. Vacancies occurring between the third-year April recess and the end of the fourth year (not shown on Figure 1) ranged, for Bidens four immediate predecessors, from seven to 13. For Trump the figure was eleven, nine from retirements, one from death, and one from then-Judge Barretts Supreme Court appointment.

It seems unlikely that 12 more vacancies will occur and, if so, Biden can fill them. At the end of January 2023, 16 Democrat-appointed court of appeals judges were eligible to retire, on salary, from active status, but since then, only one has done so (one more becomes eligible this summer, and another Democratic appointee resigned). Key to Bidens prospects is whether more will retire, perhaps including some of the six who have been eligible for over ten years. (Twenty-four Republican-appointed circuit judges are similarly eligible, but only four have retired since Biden took office, and one was apparently health-related, and another was a Democrat whom George W. Bush appointed in a deal. Other vacancies may occur.)

And a vacancy is not necessarily a filled vacancy. While Trump was able to fill nine of his 11 post-April recess vacancies, for example, Obama, in his first term, could only fill two of his 13.

Trumps district appointment situation at the April recess was the opposite of the circuit nominee picture the lowest of the five presidents shown, 30 fewer than Bidens 88.

Yet, Trump had more pending nominees and more nominee-less vacancies than any of the others. He and the Senate (with a stronger Republican majority, 53, up from 51 in 2017-18, and having concentrated on appellate appointments in the first two years) seated a record number of district judges.

To Trumps 75 pending nominees at April recess, Biden has 30. To Trumps 84 nominee-less vacancies, Biden has 61. Confirming those 91 current or potential nominees would lift Bidens four-year total to 179, two over Trumps, but a 100% confirmation rate would be unprecedented.

Moreover, five of his 30 pending district nominees have been waiting from 456 to 577 days, suggesting insufficient Democratic support for successful floor votes, a situation unlikely to change as the 2024 elections approach. And one of Mississippis senators has announced her opposition to a recent nominee there, using the so-called blue-slip rule that currently gives home-state senators of either party a virtual veto over nominees.

Indeed, of Bidens 61 nominee-less vacancies, 40 are in states with one or two Republican senators. Of Bidens 119 district nominees, only 15 (13%) have been in states with a Republican senator including four each in Pennsylvania and Ohio.

Bidens avoiding red and purple state vacancies may be because many Republican senators are threatening blue slip vetoes and perhaps because the administration finds it easier to deal with Democratic senators; median days from vacancy to nomination was 399 for the 15 red and purple state nominees, versus 253 for blue state nominees. (Trumps 132 pre-April recess district nominations included 60 to vacancies in blue states 45% compared to Bidens comparable 13%. And Trumps blue and purple state nominees also took longer 446 median days to 229 for red state nominations.).

Bidens pace may be picking up five of the 15 red and purple state nominees came since November but any hope of 177 district appointments will be just that unless large numbers of judges in blue states retire or the pace of red and purple state nominations accelerates rapidly. But that requires Democratic leaderships ending or modifying the blue slip rule without provoking Republicans to use the parliamentary tools at their disposal to shut the process down completely.

In sum, Senate Democrats hoped that their one-vote working majority, compared to Bidens first two years, would give an impetus to their impressive first-two-year confirmation record. Vagaries of life and realities of fillable judicial vacancies have challenged those hopes.

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The Feinstein absence is not the Democrats biggest judges problem - Brookings Institution

1. Another House Democrat Pushes For Clarence Thomas Impeachment Amid Ethics Scandal  Forbes
2. Democrats eye a hearing on Clarence Thomas following gift revelations  NBC News
3. Democrats urge Justice Thomas to step down amid ethics concerns  WOODTV.com

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Another House Democrat Pushes For Clarence Thomas Impeachment Amid Ethics Scandal - Forbes