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From classrooms in public schools to doctors offices, from marriage equality to expanding voting access, accessible child care and action on climate change, Democratic candidates made the case Saturday that they represent the true party fighting for freedom.

The annual Steak Fry, hosted by Polk County Democrats, attracted candidates up and down the ballot to share their visions for serving Iowa at the state and the federal levels. And as they spoke, a theme emerged.

Deidre DeJear, the gubernatorial candidate taking on Gov. Kim Reynolds, put it bluntly in her speech.

When I came to the state of Iowa, what I found was my home but, in real life, what I found was freedom, she said. I had the freedom to get an education. I had the freedom to start a small business, I had the freedom to explore what my path was going to look like.

And now as we see, those freedoms, those pathways are getting smaller and smaller, and not just for us, but if its happening to us, we can only imagine whats happening to the most vulnerable amongst us, she continued.

DeJear talked about Iowa being far ahead of the national curve on desegregating schools and legalizing gay marriage. She also pointed toward the diverse field of candidates Democrats have on the ticket this year and in leadership positions.

This is freedom, DeJear said. Freedom is on the ballot and I am sure that freedom is going to ring in the state again.

Rep. Cindy Axneemphasized some of the other freedoms she and other Democrats plan to protect, especially if they grow their numbers in Congress.

We need to eradicate these childcare deserts that weve got all over this state. We need to make sure that theres affordable housing for every single person, thats the dignity that they deserve, Axne said. Weve got to ensure that our kids have the mental health support that they need. And weve got to protect our public school system.

Axne also talked about some of the big bills Democrats have passed since President Joe Biden was inaugurated to boost Americas manufacturing power, upgrade the countrys infrastructure and ease some of the burden of the pandemic.

When he spoke, Senate candidate Mike Franken emphasized how the progress under Democrats has just gotten started and its more than possible for it to continue with more.

Democrats in the state of Iowa, lets regain the glory of yesteryear for a progressive state thats about education, health care, elder care, environment, union labor, fair wages, human dignity, and civil affairs, he said.

And State House Minority Leader Rep. Jennifer Konfrst connected what Iowans want with the principles of the Democratic Party.

Do Democrats, do Iowans want to give more tax breaks to corporations and the richest Iowan? No, Konfrst said. Do Iowans want reproductive freedom? Yes. Do Iowans want the ability to live a good life in a state where everybody is equal, you can love who you love, you can be who you want to be, you can have a job you believe in and you can make a difference with your neighbors and friends? Is that what Iowans want?

I have such good news for them, she continued. Democrats are here.

Nikoel Hytrek09/18/22

Have a story idea or something I should know? Email me at nikoel@iowastartingline.com. You can also DM me on Twitter at@n_hytrek.

Iowa Starting Line is part of an independent news network and focuses on how state and national decisions impact Iowans daily lives. We rely onyour financial supportto keep our stories free for all to read. You cancontribute to us here. Also follow us onFacebookandTwitter.

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Iowa Democrats Pitch Themselves As Real Party Of Freedom At Steak Fry - Iowa Starting Line

Yesterday was the 235th anniversary of the Constitution of the United States. It's one of the most influential documents in history and the world's oldest active codified constitution. Yet you would have never known, given the deafening silence on the social media accounts of our country's president and vice president. While they often pander to crowds, touting the importance of the Constitution, neither President Joe Biden nor Vice President Kamala Harris appeared to acknowledge Constitution Day on their social media accounts.

The Constitution is one of the greatest documents in the history of the world, so it is a little peculiar that our country's leadership failed to acknowledge Constitution Day on any of their social media platforms. Instead, President Biden and Vice President Harris spent the day tweeting about the need for abortion, the Inflation Reduction Act, and climate change. Considering both made multiple posts across different platforms celebrating National Hispanic Heritage Month on Sept. 15, just two days earlier, it's a telling sign that neither posted about the significance of Sept. 17.

Yet this lack of patriotism and appreciation for the Constitution did not stop with Biden and Harris. This slight appeared to be widespread among the Democratic Party. Neither the Senate Democrats nor House Democrats' Twitter accounts acknowledged Constitution Day. Neither did the Democrats' Twitter account. However, all managed to post about National Hispanic Heritage Month.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) also failed to acknowledge Constitution Day but did acknowledge National Hispanic Heritage Month multiple times. But somehow, he managed to find time out of his busy day to tweet about something called "Passport Month." But when it came to Constitution Day, Schumer's Twitter had a deafening silence. And, probably to no one's surprise, neither Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) nor any of the "Squad" members appeared to acknowledge Constitution Day.

This was in stark contrast to the Republicans, and honestly, this revelation shouldn't be surprising. Unlike their left-wing counterparts, the House Republicans and Senate Republicans' Twitter accounts tweeted about Constitution Day and the 235th anniversary of our country's governing document. Sens. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Rand Paul (R-KY) were among the many, many Republicans who tweeted about Sept. 17. Oh, and Republicans also tweeted about National Hispanic Heritage Month, effectively showing it was possible to tweet about both. Republicans decided to do so. Democrats chose not to.

But this is quite odd given the Democrats' constant rhetoric about constitutional rights. It's even stranger that 16 days after Joe "Soul of the Nation" Biden gave the most hateful and divisive speech by any president in our nation's history, at the site where the Constitution was ratified, he did not mention anything about its 235th anniversary.

The same goes for Vice President Harris. Count how many times she uses the phrase "constitutional rights" in her speeches. Yet she couldn't find the less than five seconds it takes to send out a message on any social media platform commemorating the Constitution of the United States of America.

Then again, given that Biden and the Democrats repeatedly fail to follow the Constitution's principles or adhere to many of its guidelines, maybe this slight wasn't unintentional. Perhaps it shouldn't be all that surprising that Democrats failed to celebrate Constitution Day on social media like they did National Hispanic Heritage Month or Passport Month. Clearly, Democrats have shown their priorities.

Biden, Harris, and all the Democrats that failed to acknowledge this date should be ashamed of themselves. It's disgraceful. It's indicative of the lack of patriotism the Left has for the country. When the cameras are rolling or it benefits them politically, they tout the Constitution. Yet, when it comes to honoring one of the greatest documents in human civilization, Biden and his Democrats largely were nowhere to be found. On the date that honored the 235th anniversary of the Constitution of the United States, Biden, Harris, and many others on the Left revealed their true colors and they weren't red, white, and blue.

Read more:
Biden, Harris, and other Democrats don't acknowledge anniversary of Constitution - Washington Examiner

Iowa Democrats say conservatives are too busy fighting culture wars in the statehouse to work on improving Iowas rural areas to attract younger people to the states 38 most rural counties.

Iowas population rose 4.7 percent since the 2010 Census, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Iowas 38 rural counties, however, saw a net population loss since the 2010 census. While Iowas five most populous, liberal counties saw a net population increase.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, eight in 10 college students in the U.S. move back to or within 10 miles of where they grew up. Although a Washington Postinvestigation into brain drain found that more than 25 percent of college students who study in Iowa leave Iowa after graduation or move to Illinois.

Ryan Melton, a Democrat running for Iowas 4th congressional seat currently held by Rep. Randy Feenstra, R-Iowa, said Republican policies are driving young people out of the state, in a tweet on Saturday.

Too many of our young people are leaving the state. This will get worse if we have officials in office who dont respect them and they ask for affordable college, robust career opportunities, and reproductive rights, Melton wrote in the tweet.

Iowa Rep. Bobby Kaufmann, R-Wilton, said in an interview with The Daily Iowan that this has been a bipartisan issue, not partisan politics.

In totality where we are at,its a pretty bipartisan issue, Kaufmann said. So, thats kind of one of the fun areas to work when you can have everybodys input, Democrats and Republicans.

With bipartisan support for retaining rural residents, Iowa legislation on the issue moved forward in the statehouse. Last year, the Iowa Legislature passed bills on broadband, childcare, rural economic development, and recreation development in the state.

But many Democratic legislators are looking to do more blaming Republican policies for driving away young people from the state.

A July survey by the U.S. Census Bureau said economic factors were the largest factor in consideration when young people move.

Iowa Senate Minority Leader Zach Wahls, D-Coralville, said Republicans have no plans to save small towns.

They have completely abandoned small towns in rural Iowa, and instead are focusing all of their attention on culture war issues that are driving young people out of our state, Wahls said. There are growing gaps between the haves and the have nots, both in our small towns and our big cities, and Republicans made that issue worse when they passed a tax cut that is going to overwhelmingly benefit the ultra-rich and big corporations earlier this year.

Over the last decade, the bottom 20 percent of Iowa households' wages decreased by 6.1 percent, according to the Economic Policy Institute. While the middle 20 percent grew by 4.3 percent and the richest 20 percent grew by 8.5 percent, according to the study.

The bottom 20 percent of an Iowa households average yearly salary was $24,800, while the richest 20 percent of households average yearly salary was $215,900.

Iowas minimum wage is the same as the federal minimum wage, which is currently $7.25 per hour if a person works a 40-hour work week. A person would make $15,080 a year before taxes if making minimum wage.

The average yearly salary in Iowa is $51,873 a year; the U.S. average is $51,916.27. While the median wage in the U.S. is $34,248.45 , Iowas is $39,083.20 slightly above the national median.

Looking at these data points, Iowa is on track with the national average in yearly salaries. However, the state still suffers from income inequality.

Kaufmann said in his district income inequality isnt a major issue, that there are companies that offer high wages that support his district.

We have a strong job market. We've got, I mean, in my district, I can name companies off the top of my head that have strong wages, good benefits, that are in small towns, Kaufmann said.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics in July 2022 Iowa had an unemployment rate of 2.5 percent. According to the Iowa Workforce Development, there are 84,059 on their online job posting board as of Sept. 14.

Wahls also said young people are concerned about climate, reproductive rights, the cost of college, and wages.

Young people are rightly concerned about the future existence of our planet, which I think is a totally rational concern, not an extreme one at all. Young people are concerned about maintaining bodily autonomy, which is a totally normal and rational concern that's shared by a wide variety of age groups, Wahls said.

According to a Pew Research Center poll, 74 percent of adults age 18 to 29 think abortion should be legal in all or most cases, while only 25 percent think be illegal in all or most cases.

According to another Pew Research Center poll, 67 percent of Gen Z and 71 percent of Millennials think climate solutions should be the top priority.

Wahls said young people are looking for public education to be funded in the state. Republicans have voted to cut funding from Regent universities in recent budgets.

Republicans have systematically underfunded our region's universities and institutions, which has directly resulted in the increases of tuition that are making college increasingly unaffordable for middle class families, Wahls said.

Republicans have capped the yearly annual increases in the states public education budget at 2.5 percent to account for inflation.

Democrats and teachers have said 2.5 percent isnt enough. Deidre DeJear, the Democratic candidate for governor in Iowa, recently put forth her education policy plan that includes a 4 percent annual increase to the states public education budget and a $300 million influx of cash from the states budget surplus to Iowas schools to use at their discretion.

RELATED: Deidre DeJear puts public education as top priority at campaign event

Kaufmann said the Iowa legislature has moved forward on key issues that affect young people like childcare and Broadband internet.

If you are young and want to have a family, look to childcare. We've been making some significant policy changes and investment in childcare, I think, Kaufmann said. If you look at broadband, there's some pretty big [coverage] desert areas in Iowa. The governor asked for and we gave 100 million dollars two years ago and then again last year to complete that.

In 2021, the Republican controlled Iowa legislature passed a budget resolution funding $100 million dollars into the states broadband program Empower Rural Iowa. Gov. Kim Reynolds also created a task force to address the childcare shortage in Iowa and distributed $13 million in Future Ready Iowa Child Care Grants.

RELATED: Gov. Reynolds creates task force focussed on expanding childcare availability

Wahls said this was only part of what is important to young people, with social issues and political culture being important as well.Wahls also accused Republicans of weaponizing cynicism, to siphon the hope out of the left.

Republicans and kind of the right wing authoritarian forces in this country want young people to feel disaffected, to feel like there's no difference between the parties. That's their strategy, right, is to muddle the differences, Wahls said.

Wahls also said that policies involving education, recreation, and social issues are on the ballot this November.

To fight for our interests, the most important thing that we can do is to participate in the electoral process, make sure that our friends and classmates are registered to vote, and have a plan to vote and show off this November, Wahls said. And the Republicans are hoping that we don't do that. That's their whole political strategy.

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Iowa Democrats say Republicans fighting culture wars instead of focusing on improving the state - UI The Daily Iowan

Seven weeks out from the midterm elections, Democrats are facing better prospects than when they entered the summer of 2022. Inflation has improved, gas prices are dropping, and as they go back home, congressional Democrats can claim a host of accomplishments from their time in DC.

But theres one win some Democrats are concerned may be more of a liability than an asset: the Biden administrations plan to cancel up to $20,000 in student loans.

Before the plan became a reality, the country was split in its support of debt forgiveness: Republicans largely opposed it, but it had long been a hit among a large subset of younger voters, according to progressive pollsters. Now, polling shows a stark partisan split in support for the plan, and concerningly for Democrats in tight races, soft support among independents.

Timed curiously after a score of legislative wins and a few months before elections, the announcement sparked outrage among conservatives who thought the bailout was unfair to those who did not seek a college education or had already paid off their loans. At the same time, the policy announcement landed as President Joe Biden saw a rebound in support, especially among younger Americans. But on the campaign trail, the plan hasnt made the positive electoral impact that many proponents had touted as one of the political advantages of forgiving student debt. And its providing fodder to Republican candidates wholly opposed to Bidens economic agenda.

Thats part of the reason a handful of vulnerable Democratic incumbents (and challengers) criticized the policy when the White House announced it. Some of those campaigns have since told me that they either arent making it an issue in their races or simply arent hearing much about it from Democratic voters.

Negative blowback to the policy hasnt yet registered in polling on whats motivating voters, but theres still time for either side to make it an issue. If Republicans are successful in doing so, some Democrats worry the policy could cost them badly needed support in swing states and races, and could eat away at their chances of keeping a Senate majority while limiting losses in the House.

Biden had already extended the moratorium on student loan payments four times ahead of his August 24 announcement and had been hesitant to commit to loan cancellation for most of his first year in office. Hed faced criticism from progressives in his party and from advocacy groups, including the charge that he was breaking a campaign promise (even though he never committed to full loan cancellation). In response, he gave himself a September deadline and promised a decision on debt relief or another extension of the moratorium.

This years spring and summer, however, delivered devastating approval numbers for Biden, driven in large part by high inflation. The president and his party were shedding support from young voters and liberal Democrats and his numbers with independents were underwater. Many progressive advocacy groups and student loan relief activists argued that erasing student debt would be one easy, major way to stop the bleeding.

Polling leading up to the decision showed a divided country. Nationally, more than six in 10 Americans supported some kind of student loan forgiveness in a February Data for Progress poll that student loan relief champions used as evidence of popularity. But complete loan forgiveness had the support of only a quarter of respondents. Broken down by party and age, a majority of Republicans and a plurality of older Americans opposed any action, while half of Democrats and a plurality of young Americans and independents backed some, but not all, debt cancellation.

That partisan split still exists. The country is divided nearly in half in support and opposition to Bidens policy, and its unpopular with independent and Republican voters, according to a Politico/Morning Consult poll taken immediately after the announcement. Support from independents remains roughly equally divided, while Republicans have grown more opposed to it.

Before Bidens announcement, there was a risk that such a decision, which helps many (but not just those) in the Democratic base, could alienate swing voters independent, working-class, and non-college-educated voters that Democrats in tight races are trying to persuade. Now the divide that shows up in national polling has sparked concerns from pundits, political strategists, and vulnerable Democratic candidates that aside from placating the left flank, there might not be a tremendous political boost.

Regardless of the electoral effect, the most progressive constituents of the Democratic party say the Biden action was worth it because it will energize voters disillusioned with Democrats. It helps galvanize the base to understand that Biden and the Democrats are listening, Dakota Hall, the executive director of the Alliance for Youth Action, told me. Its a sign of good faith that Biden did this before the election, to show the base that he is listening, that he wants to make good on his promises.

It remains to be seen, however, just how much student loan forgiveness will bring out young voters. Its important to remember that even young voters were split on just how much debt relief to support (a third opposed any action earlier this year). Some of the speculation about the policys impact on younger voters rests on the common wisdom that younger Americans are more progressive than older cohorts, but that is only partially true. Young Americans are still more moderate than you might expect.

What is apparent is that Bidens action is not as popular with the kind of voter that tends to matter in midterm elections in swing states: older white Americans and independents. And Republicans in battleground states are already folding criticism of student debt relief into their bigger case against Democrats centered around inflation and economic mismanagement in states like Arizona, Nevada, Florida, and Wisconsin.

That has many campaigns in swing states concerned. And because of that, they arent necessarily talking up the policy in the general election, either to not unsettle independent voters or to avoid giving Republicans more fodder to attack them.

In swing-state Ohio, where Rep. Tim Ryan is in a tight race with former venture capitalist and author J.D. Vance for an open seat, Ryan has openly opposed Bidens plan.

Tim believes using executive action to wipe away six-figure earners debt goes too far, his communications director Izzi Levy told Vox in a statement. [He] believes the administration would have been better served by prioritizing across-the-board economic relief that benefits all working- and middle-class Ohioans, whether or not they attended college.

A member of Ryans campaign leadership told me that his stance is due to both the working-class nature of the states electorate (only about a quarter of the population has a college degree) and because voters havent really brought it up in conversation, as opposed to topics like inflation and affordability.

In Colorado, a swing state that is trending Democratic, Sen. Michael Bennet also criticized the presidents plan, saying in August that the administration should have further targeted the relief, and proposed a way to pay for this plan. While immediate relief to families is important, one-time debt cancellation does not solve the underlying problem.

About four in 10 Coloradans have a college education, but a Bennet campaign spokesperson told me that he hasnt heard much about student loan cancellation on the trail. Costs, climate, and public lands are top of mind, the spokesperson told me. Most of all, were hearing concerns abortion will become illegal following the SCOTUS decision on Roe.

Its hard to gauge just how much student debt relief is motivating voters without specific polling in each state. In Nevada, for example, 61 percent of voters polled oppose the action, according to a recent Emerson College poll. That survey also showed the ultra-right-wing Republican election denier Adam Laxalt with a one-point lead against incumbent Democratic Sen. Catherine Cortez-Masto, who has struggled to maintain high support throughout her reelection campaign. Cortez-Masto also came out against the plan after it was announced. In neighboring Arizona, however, incumbent Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly has endorsed the presidents executive action. No recent in-state polling shows how people feel about the policy, but Arizona has more than 30 percent college-educated residents to Nevadas more than 25 percent.

Still, it may be too early to judge the effect student loan cancellation is having on races or whether, despite Republican attempts to make it an issue, it will have any effect at all. The policy is most popular with a very specific subset of the country Democrats often see as their base: younger Americans, college-educated voters, and fervent liberals the sort of voters who would have likely voted for Democrats even if loans had not been forgiven.

Ultimately, the policy might have had the effect of stopping the bleeding of support that Biden and Democrats were experiencing among their base, and changing the narrative of whether Democrats especially young ones would be as motivated or engaged to vote this year as Republicans.

There are also plenty of other issues taking precedence in voters minds, especially inflation for independents and young voters, and abortion for college-educated and white Democrats. Republicans may find opportunities to tie debt relief to inflation worries (plenty of Americans are worried about the effect of loan cancellation on inflation), but as a standalone issue, running on or against student loan cancellation seems like a wash.

Politics aside, when the action goes into effect next year, it may be one of the most recent direct pieces of evidence that government and electoral politics are capable of delivering tangible, positive effects for a swath of working people, people of color, and younger Americans who held debt that was forgiven. That shouldnt be understated. For now, though, student loan relief seems like a slight political vulnerability likely to be outweighed by deeper, longstanding economic and social concerns that are already motivating the voters most likely to cast ballots.

Read more from the original source:
Student loan forgiveness isnt the midterms savior some Democrats wanted - Vox.com

Last fall, in a panic surrounding moderate Democrat Terry McAuliffes loss in Virginias gubernatorial race, the House of Representatives rushed to finally pass an infrastructure law. House progressives who had insisted on linking the bipartisan legislations passage to the success of a broader plan focused on climate change and social spending capitulated and delivered their votes.

Over the following eight months, the fate of that broader plan twisted and turned on the whims and wants of Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.). All the while, President Joe Bidens approval rating continued to slip, and Democratic political fortunes seemed destined to follow. According to a FiveThirtyEight tracker, Bidens net approval rating dropped 8 percentage points, bottoming out at just 39% approval with a 55% majority disapproving.

In late July, however, Manchin reached an agreement with Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) on a scaled-down version of the package, now called the Inflation Reduction Act. Both chambers of Congress quickly passed it on party-line votes, and Biden signed it into law Aug. 15.

Since then, the presidents approval rating has risen by a net 4 percentage points on the FiveThirtyEight tracker. While this is not nearly enough to defy historical precedents and deliver Democrats a whopping midterm victory in November, its a major reason why some of the partys most ambitious challengers and endangered incumbents feel better about their electoral chances today.

Isolating the impact of either law is nearly impossible: The Inflation Reduction Act was passed as gas prices were dropping in much of the U.S., and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law arrived as much of the nation realized inflation was set to be a sticky economic problem. But polls, as well as interviews with and advertising from Democrats around the country, make it clear that the IRA is providing a more substantial political boost than the infrastructure law did.

For the progressives who wanted to link the two pieces of legislation together, its a belated justification of their abandoned plan and proof that their priorities are popular. For moderate Democrats who insisted that the infrastructure law was a model of what the American people wanted from Washington incrementalism that can bring the two parties together its a splash of water to the face.

According to Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), who chairs the Congressional Progressive Caucus, the reason is simple. It has things that affect peoples everyday lives, she said in an interview with HuffPost, pointing to the Inflation Reduction Acts investments in clean energy and provisions limiting the costs of prescription drugs for seniors to $2,000 a year.

The infrastructure law funds a lot of projects, and those are big projects. But it isnt something where people can wake up and feel the impact on their lives, she added.

Both laws are popular in public surveys, and Democrats are embracing them in the run-up to Novembers elections. Biden held an event Monday in Boston to highlight the infrastructure laws investments in airports, and he hosted a celebration of the Inflation Reduction Act on Tuesday in Washington.

But its the IRA especially its health care provision boosting subsidies and limiting drug costs that is proving politically valuable for Democrats in tough races. A survey from Priorities USA, a Democratic super PAC, found that parts of the Inflation Reduction Act were the three most popular policy achievements of the Biden administration out of 22 tested. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law ranked fifth, the political action committee said.

Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine), perhaps the House member facing the toughest reelection in the country, mentions the IRAs prescription drug provisions in a spot touting how hes brought Maine common sense ... back on the table in Washington. Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) brags about how he stood up to Big Pharma in a separate ad released late last month. And Senate Majority PAC, which is controlled by allies of Schumer, aired an ad attacking Adam Laxalt, the GOPs nominee for Senate in Nevada, for opposing the law after taking donations from pharmaceutical companies.

Though the infrastructure law has popped up in campaign ads Kelly boasted about money for a highway, and Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.) is touting port funding, for example surveys have also indicated that voters know relatively little about it. Third Way, a moderate Democratic think tank, released a report in July finding that while the deals provisions were popular, only a quarter of voters even knew that the law had passed.

The media cycle around the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law was not that helpful for Democrats, said Aliza Astrow, a senior political analyst for Third Way, adding that coverage of the law remained overshadowed by questions about what would happen to the social spending and climate package. Democrats got a clean win out of the IRA.

Astrow also said that the path for the latter from the multitrillion-dollar Build Back Better plan to the $780 billion Inflation Reduction Act made the law significantly more moderate and likely palatable to persuadable voters.

Its helpful that its not a complete overhaul of the system, she said. A more moderate bill is actually going to mitigate that backlash that parties often experience when they try to implement their own agenda.

The relative moderation of the IRA also means that Republicans will be the ones who delivered the biggest shock to the political status quo over the past two years, following the Supreme Courts overturn of Roe v. Wade in June. Democratic strategists of all stripes agreed that protecting abortion rights will be a bigger part of the partys midterm message than either piece of legislation.

The bipartisan law also delivered another benefit. It forms a bedrock piece of Bidens argument that he was able to bring Congress together in a way his predecessors could not.

I was determined to work with Republicans, and Ive done that on historic laws like [the] infrastructure law, Biden said Tuesday, also highlighting the CHIPS Act to increase semiconductor production and a law protecting veterans exposed to the militarys waste disposal burn pits as bipartisan successes.

In fact, I think its fair to say weve achieved more bipartisan agreement in these nearly two years in my ... [presidency] than anyone thought was even remotely possible when I entered office.

He quickly moved on to the more urgent pre-midterm message. I believe Republicans could have and should have joined us on this bill [the Inflation Reduction Act] as well, he said, before ticking off the laws provisions.

Read this article:
Why The Inflation Reduction Act Boosted Democrats While The Infrastructure Law Failed - HuffPost