Archive for the ‘Democrats’ Category

Medicare’s trust fund faces insolvency in 2026. Here’s how that squares with Democrats’ efforts to expand the health insurance program – CNBC

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It's a situation that appears incongruous: Congressional Democrats want to expand Medicare's benefits while a trust fund that supports the program is facing insolvency.

Indeed, some Republican lawmakers have seized on that looming problem as a reason to oppose a proposal to add dental, vision and hearing coverage to Medicare. The provision is included in Democrats' 10-year, $3.5 trillion spending plan that would expand the social safety net and battle climate change, among other policy goals.

"Democrats are ramming through a reckless new expansion of Medicare just as it's a few years from bankruptcy," said Rep. Kevin Brady, R-Texas, in prepared remarks at a House Ways and Means Committee session on Thursday as debate began on portions of Democrats' massive legislative package.

Because of how Medicare is structured, adding dental, vision and hearing coverage would have little impact on the trust fund that's forecast to be insolvent beginning in 2026.

"In short, we're largely talking about different pots of money," said David Lipschutz, associate director and senior policy attorney for the Center for Medicare Advocacy.

Medicare has about 62.8 million beneficiaries, the majority of whom are at least age 65 or older. That's the age when most Americans must enroll unless they meet an exclusion (such as having qualifying health insurance elsewhere).

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Basic Medicare consists of Part A (hospital insurance) and Part B (outpatient care coverage). There also is Part D, which is prescription drug coverage. About 44% of beneficiaries choose to get those benefits through an Advantage Plan (Part C), an option offered by private insurance companies that may include limited coverage for dental, vision and hearing.

In simple terms, it's the Part A trust fund that is facing a shortfall beginning in 2026, according to the latest trustees report. Unless Congress intervenes before then, the fund would only be able to pay roughly 91% of claims under Part A beginning that year.

That trust fund gets most of its revenue from dedicated taxes paid by employees and employers.

Generally, workers pay 1.45% via payroll tax withholdings (although an additional 0.9% is imposed on income above $200,000 for single taxpayers or $250,000 for married couples). Employers also contribute 1.45% on behalf of each worker. Self-employed individuals essentially pay both the employer and employee share.

The expansion of benefits under Part B would have no direct impact on the solvency challenges facing the Part A hospital insurance trust fund.

Tricia Neuman

Executive director for the Kaiser Family Foundation's program on Medicare policy

Meanwhile, Part B which the expanded benefits would fall under gets its funding from monthly premiums paid by Medicare beneficiaries as well as from the federal government's general revenue. Same goes for Part D. And each year, premiums and revenue allocations are adjusted to reflect anticipated spending and ensure there's no shortfall.

"The expansion of benefits under Part B would have no direct impact on the solvency challenges facing the Part A hospital insurance trust fund," said Tricia Neuman, executive director for the Kaiser Family Foundation's program on Medicare policy.

Nevertheless, she said, adding dental, vision and hearing would have an effect on overall Medicare spending. A 2019 congressional report, based on a bill that would have added those benefits, estimated the cost to be $358 billion.

However, also included in Democrats' current spending plan is the goal of allowing Medicare to negotiate with drug manufacturers which currently is prohibited as a potential way to help pay for the expanded benefits.

"The prescription drug savings would be used to offset these new costs but there are a lot of competing spending priorities for the savings that are on the table," Neuman said.

The Democrats' massive legislative package is in the early stages of being debated. In addition to adding Medicare benefits, some Democrats want to include a lower eligibility age for Medicare (currently age 65).

Other health-care-related goals include extending the expanded premium subsidies for health-care insurance through the Affordable Care Act's public marketplace now in effect for just 2021 and 2022 and, in states that have not expanded Medicaid, providing coverage for eligible individuals.

It remains unclear whether the legislation that ends up being voted on will include everything being debated or whether current details of various provisions will end up modified. For the expanded Medicare benefits, the House measure would implement vision and hearing coverage in 2022 and 2023, respectively, while dental benefits would not begin until 2028.

"This is the closest we've come since the inception of the program for adding these benefits," said Lipschutz, of the Center for Medicare Advocacy.

"There's a sense that if we don't take advantage of this opportunity, another won't come along for a long time," he said.

As for the insolvency issues with the Part A trust fund, there are several options that could help remedy the problem, Neuman said. For instance, Medicare could cut payments to providers (hospitals, skilled nursing facilities, etc.) or to Advantage Plans. Or, cost-sharing for beneficiaries i.e., deductibles or copays could be increased.

Alternatively, additional funding sources could be identified. That could include ensuring certain taxpayers can't dodge the Medicare employment tax which has been proposed by Democrats as a way to increase revenue or redirecting other taxes to the trust fund.

"None of the policy options are politically appealing, but at some point Congress will need to address this issue to be sure that beneficiaries can get benefits to which they're entitled and providers get paid," Neuman said.

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Medicare's trust fund faces insolvency in 2026. Here's how that squares with Democrats' efforts to expand the health insurance program - CNBC

Its the worst time for Democrats to push tax breaks for the rich – The Boston Globe

The SALT deduction, as the tax break is known, was pitched as a break for middle-class taxpayers in high-tax states most blue ones by giving them some relief on their taxes in the form of a federal tax deduction for state and local taxes they paid.

But a law ushered by the Trump administration capped deductions at $10,000, a move that mostly impacted the highest-earning residents of high-tax states like Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and California because many top-earning taxpayers could no longer deduct the full amount of their local tax liability.

Now, as Democrats hash out the details of their budget plan a plan that will need near-unanimous support on their side of the aisle in both houses of Congress, given the Democrats razor-thin majorities some lawmakers are drawing a line in the sand on lifting or repealing that SALT deduction limit.

Leading the call to repeal the SALT deduction cap altogether is Tom Suozzi, a Democrat from New York.

That would be a great political victory because it would help a lot of people in my district and in many districts throughout the country, Suozzi said last week.

Certainly high earners in Suozzis district and elsewhere would reap the benefit of his proposal. But studies, including one by the Tax Policy Center, showed that 96 percent of the savings from the SALT deduction went to the top 20 percent of wage earners, proof that it is not at all a lifeline for the middle class.

On its face, it sounds good to say that Congress should offer tax relief during a pandemic, said Richard V. Reeves, a senior fellow in Economic Studies at the Brookings Institution.

But the people who will benefit from lifting the SALT cap are not the people who were hurt by the pandemic, Reeves said. If the idea here is to help the people who were hardest hit, then this is the least well-targeted policy in economic history because the pandemic disproportionately hit people in lower-income jobs.

Few, if any, essential front-line employees and wage workers who suffered the most economically over the last year and a half are in the position to claim enough itemized deductions to even qualify for the SALT deduction. And the top 20 percent didnt feel the pandemic pain in nearly the same way.

Margaret Boyle, spokeswoman for House Ways and Means Committee chairman Richard Neal, who is helping hash of the bill, said in an e-mail that Neal is continuing to work with members on a path forward on this issue.

Meanwhile, some of the wealthiest earners in several states, including Massachusetts, already got a big boost from state law workarounds to the SALT deduction caps, allowing them to still claim federal deductions for state and local taxes if they have a pass-through company that will let them do so.

That too is an unfortunate move depriving federal coffers of needed funding for other crucial programs, but it also undercuts the urgency of calls from Suozzi and others that the budget bill should be held up on this issue if states are acting on their own.

Lawmakers should draw their own line and send a clear message: There is no good time to push tax breaks for the rich at the expense of programs for the lower and middle classes. But during a pandemic recovery is the worst time.

Editorials represent the views of the Boston Globe Editorial Board. Follow us on Twitter at @GlobeOpinion.

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Its the worst time for Democrats to push tax breaks for the rich - The Boston Globe

Democrats Eye Taxing Stock Buybacks and Partnerships – The New York Times

The Finance Committee is also leaning toward changing the rules that large business partnerships have used to avoid taxation and evade Internal Revenue Service audits. Congress drafted the rules when partnerships were dominated by small businesses, like doctors offices. But increasingly, partnerships are large companies or subsidiaries of major corporations, arrayed in complex, overlapping configurations to allow their owners to shift profits, losses and deductions to evade taxes.

Some 70 percent of partnership income now goes to the top 1 percent of earners, and the tax minimization methods have become so complex that ordinary I.R.S. agents are not allowed to conduct certain audits without the assistance of top-flight I.R.S. lawyers.

The constant theme running through our tax code is, paying taxes is mandatory for working people, but optional for wealthy investors and mega corporations. Thats especially true when it comes to pass-through businesses and partnerships, the preferred tax avoidance tools for those at the top, Mr. Wyden said.

To change all that, Democrats want to constrain partnerships from gaming the system. Under the new rules, if two partners who were members of a single corporate group sold a shared asset, the profit would have to be divided equally, not parceled out disproportionately to maximize tax advantages. Similarly, partnership debt, which allows partners to take deductions and claim cash distributions, could not be shuffled from partner to partner to reduce their tax liabilities.

Those changes, without any increase in tax rates, would raise $172 billion over 10 years, according to the Joint Committee on Taxation, Congresss official scorekeeper on tax matters.

Though it would raise less revenue, about $100 billion, the tax on buybacks could be the more far-reaching measure. Over the past decade, Apple has been the king of the stock buyback, spending $423 billion to retire its stock. Microsoft, in a distant second place, spent nearly $129 billion.

Some Democrats have favored setting the tax so high that buybacks would make no economic sense. But Democratic tax aides said on Thursday that they were trying to balance the desire to curtail stock buybacks with the need to raise revenue. At the very least, a 2 percent tax on buybacks could encourage companies to use excess cash to pay higher dividends, which shareholders pay taxes on.

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Democrats Eye Taxing Stock Buybacks and Partnerships - The New York Times

Democrats may rein in big estates without reforming the estate tax – CNBC

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Democrats may scuttle tactics used by the rich to pass wealth to heirs with little to no tax, part of a broader plan to raise money for an expansion of the U.S. safety net.

Specifically, the party is considering disallowing some complex trust-planning techniques used by wealthy Americans to avoid estate tax, according to a discussion list of potential tax reforms obtained by CNBC.

Congressional Democrats may also ask the Treasury Department to update regulations to "prevent the abuse of non-economic valuation discounts," according to the list. This concept applies, for example, to entrepreneurs who give a minority interest in their business to their kids at a discounted rate.

The reforms are largely aimed at multimillionaires or billionaires who use the strategies to remove wealth from their estate and transfer it to heirs tax-free, according to estate-tax experts.

"Basically, you've got this basket of loopholes that collectively can be used to defeat the estate tax at really any level, even billionaires," according to Robert Lord, counsel for progressive group Americans for Tax Fairness.

The list, a draft of ideas lawmakers assemble before formally pitching them in the House or Senate, doesn't contain many specifics. It identifies "grantor-retained annuity trusts" and "intentionally defective grantor trusts" as the trusts in question.

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Interestingly, Democrats don't seem to be weighing reforms to the estate tax itself, such as a higher tax rate or a reduced asset threshold that would subject more estates to federal levies.

A 40% federal tax rate currently applies to estates and gifts valued at more than $11.7 million for individuals and $23.4 million for married couples.

That asset threshold will fall after 2025 even if Democrats don't touch it, due to sunset provisions in the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. (Roughly $6 million and $12 million, respectively, would be exempt from the tax half the current value at that time.)

Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-VT, and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-NY, on Capitol Hill on Aug. 9, 2021.

BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI | AFP | Getty Images

The proposed estate-tax reforms are part of Democrats' broader theme of raising taxes on the wealthy to help fund climate, paid leave, childcare and education measures, the cost of which may be as high as $3.5 trillion.

President Joe Biden has said households earning less than $400,000 a year would not see a higher tax bill.

Some of the potential estate-tax reforms share elements of recent Democratic proposals, such as the "For the 99.5% Act" co-sponsored by several lawmakers like Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt.

Critics argue the burden of some estate-tax reforms wouldn't only impact the rich but would extend to others like family farmers.

"Many Democrats love to talk about taxing the richest of the rich, but in reality, their proposals would hurt Main Street far more than Wall Street," Rep. Glenn Thompson, R-Penn., ranking member of the House Agriculture Committee, said of the various recent estate-tax proposals.

Let's look at grantor-retained annuity trusts, one of the techniques in question, as an example of how individuals sometimes use trusts to shield wealth from tax.

These trusts also known as GRATs have been leveraged by numerous millionaires and billionaires, including the Trump family, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, the Walton family (of Wal-Mart fame) and former Goldman Sachs Chairman Lloyd Blankfein. Casino magnate Sheldon Adelson, who died earlier this year, reportedly used the trusts to shield billions of dollars from tax.

Individuals often use the trusts to transfer assets that are expected to grow significantly in value, according to Charlie Douglas, a certified financial planner who runs a family office in Atlanta.

Generally, heirs benefit from tax-free appreciation and the owner reduces or avoids a federal estate or gift tax. (The concept is similar for the aforementioned intentionally defective grantor trusts and valuation discounts, Douglas said.)

Let's say an individual puts $1 million of stock into a GRAT with a term of two years. The stock grows 50%, or $500,000, over that period. The trust yields a double benefit: Heirs get the $500,000 growth without tax and the appreciation is removed from the owner's estate, thereby limiting or perhaps even eliminating tax the estate owes upon the owner's death. It becomes the equivalent of a tax-free gift. (The owner would get back the $1 million principal plus a small amount of interest.)

Tax experts say some gaming can also occur, whereby owners intentionally lowball the value of an asset (like real estate) placed in the trust. Heirs would get more tax-free wealth as a result.

The "For the 99.5% Act," a guide for how Democrats may be thinking of new rules, would restrict these trusts as a wealth-transfer tool.

The legislation would increase the amount of time assets must remain in the trust to a minimum 10 years a potential deterrent since tax benefits are lost if the owner dies before the end of the term. Asset appreciation would also no longer be 100% tax-free, for example.

However, these policies may not end up in a final Democrat bill, or may be significantly amended if they do.

"If anybody says they know what's going to happen, they're crazy," Douglas said.

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Democrats may rein in big estates without reforming the estate tax - CNBC

Democrats push bill linking public transit to affordable housing – The Albany Herald

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Democrats push bill linking public transit to affordable housing - The Albany Herald