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Leaning against a light blue convertible and waiting to take his place in the annual homecoming parade in Marshall, Minn., Collin Peterson recounted a recent 3 a.m. phone call from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.

I told her, This whole campaign is about you. Theyre saying Ive become a liberal and Im doing whatever you tell me, which is ridiculous, he vented through his face mask. On the call, he proposed to Pelosi a solution: What we need to do is have you come up here and tell them Im a completely soulless S.O.B.

Minnesotas Seventh District congressman for three decades, Peterson has developed close working relationships with Pelosi and other House leaders over his long tenure, forming allies in both parties that helped him rise to chair the powerful House Agriculture Committee. But at 76, his increasingly tenuous ties to urban Democrats in his party have been a weight around his neck in his rural, conservative Minnesota district. Its a weight that gets heavier each election cycle.

Four years ago, Donald Trump won Petersons Seventh District by more than 30 percentage points over Hillary Clinton. Peterson, meanwhile, beat a little-known Republican challenger by 5% of the vote. This year, Republicans see an opening with Trump back on the ballot. Theyve recruited former lieutenant governor and state senator Michelle Fischbach and are investing millions in what they see as one of their best chances to flip a blue district red this fall.

Its a new twist on an old problem for Peterson, who has held on to his seat through multiple Republican waves while other conservative Democratic allies were defeated or left an increasingly polarized Congress. This cycle, hes more isolated than ever.

He was among 45 Democrats who voted against the 2010 version of the Affordable Care Act that became law. Now, hes one of three left. He was one of two Democrats who voted against impeaching Trump late last year. The other member, Rep. Jeff Van Drew of New Jersey, is now a Republican. He opposes abortion and is the lone Democrat in Congress with an A-rating from the NRA. If I hear the words common sense gun legislation one more time, he said last year, Ill throw up. Many of those left in the Blue Dog caucus might have been considered insufficiently conservative when he originally co-founded the group.

The Blue Dogs were for conservative Democrats, said Peterson. Im the only conservative Democrat left, basically.

His conservative positions have, at times, earned him the ire and befuddlement of more progressive Minnesota Democrats in the metro area, who couldnt understand why a member of their party voted against impeaching Trump. Hes tried to distance himself from members of Minnesotas delegation such as Fifth District Rep. Ilhan Omar, a darling of the progressive left. In a recent video filmed on Capitol Hill, a Republican campaign operative followed Peterson and asked why he defends Omar. Peterson replied that he doesnt defend her, with a blunt follow-up: She doesnt belong in our party.

But Petersons conservative instincts have been a key part of his political survival all these years in a rural district that most Democrats concede would have been lost long ago without him. His campaign ads easily could be mistaken for a Republicans this cycle, touting his vote against impeachment, support from law enforcement and opposition to environmentalists trying to block the Line 3 pipeline replacement project in northern Minnesota. A supporter recently called one of his staffers in a panic because they saw Petersons signs next to Trump signs along Hwy. 212. How do you think he gets elected? his staffer replied.

He calibrates his relationships with the Democratic Party very carefully, said David Sturrock, a political-science professor at Southwest Minnesota State University in Marshall and Republican who ran against Peterson in 2004. He doesnt allow himself to get dragged into things that are not part of his portfolio.

Petersons portfolio is farming, where he has made his biggest mark in Congress. At home, his politics and his campaign style defy modern day conventions. He doesnt announce whether he plans to run again until the last possible moment, and he often raises less money than his opponents. An accountant by profession, he learned how to fly a single-engine airplane to get around his district, which stretches roughly 35,000 square miles across almost the entire western border of the state.

When Peterson announced his first run for a seat in the state Senate in 1976, he marched into a newspaper office without knowing who his opponent would be. Still, Peterson won that year after spending the summer going from farm to farm to make his case. Roger Moe, the former Senate DFL leader who recruited him to run, said Peterson has probably never written a speech in his life. He just talks to people.

It took four tries for him to get to Congress in 1990, and still today, Peterson relies on support from agriculture to stay there. He backed Trumps trade deal and was a key player in shepherding multiple farm bills through Congress. Hes earned the nickname the godfather of sugar for his work with the sugar beet industry. The district is the largest sugar producer in the nation, competing with sugar cane operators in the South. In a sure sign of his importance, the sugar industry has created a super PAC with the sole purpose of re-electing Peterson, raising more than $1 million to spend in a race thats seen more than $9 million in outside spending so far.

He understands ag better than anyone in Congress today, and I consider him a friend. He calls me up and asks about my horse sometimes, said Curtis Knutson, a fifth-generation farmer in Fisher, Minn., who served more than a decade on the board of American Crystal Sugar. Knutson votes red in most races but blue in the Seventh District race, and he sees Petersons relationship with Pelosi as an asset in a year where he expects the U.S. House to remain in Democratic control.

Its agriculture thats kept Peterson from retiring from Congress, despite his growing frustrations with his party and polarization in Washington. Hed like to work on another farm bill, and he said hes worried about the clout his district particularly the farmers will lose in Congress when hes gone.

Whatever happens, Peterson doesnt plan to change parties after a long career in state and federal politics that hes built on a go-your-own way approach. Im going to survive on my own, and if I dont survive, well, Im not going to change, he said. I havent changed all this time.

Twitter: @bbierschbach

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'Only conservative Democrat left': Minnesota's Collin Peterson bets on record in re-election fight - Minneapolis Star Tribune

For Christine Morse and a handful of other Democrats vying for a seat in the state House this cycle, running in a competitive district carries even more weight than usual.

Democrats across the state and country are banking on Morse a Kalamazoo County commissioner whos running against small business owner Bronwyn Haltom in the open 61st House District to be one of four candidates to flip a seat currently held by Republicans and deliver a Democratic majority in the House for the first time since 2010.

National progressive groups have pinpointed Michigan as a target state for flipping legislative control, investing money and time into districts with the most potential. Meanwhile, Republicans are hoping Trumps presence at the top of the ticket and a strong ground game will help them hold onto their majority.

If they can pull it off, Democrats would get the advantage in controlling Michigans divided government, giving Gov. Gretchen Whitmer an ally in the legislature and putting the party in the drivers seat when setting the House agenda and policy priorities.

No pressure.

In her district, Morse said shes feeling cautiously optimistic, noting that shes feeling more energy on the campaign trail than when she campaigned for commissioner in 2018 and an appetite for change among prospective voters. But shes not letting up.

You can never get comfortable when youre fighting for a race like this, she said. Its critical this year to bring change to the state House so that we can move forward on issues that really impact peoples lives.

Related: As Dems hope to win state House, Gov. Whitmer endorses Kalamazoo-area candidates

Republicans feel the math points to them maintaining their legislative majority past 2020. Unlike in 2018, the presence of President Donald Trump on the ballot presents an opportunity for the base to vote down-ticket in a way that could increase turnout, said Robbie Rankey, director of caucus services for the Michigan House Republicans.

This could yield results in the I-75 corridor, he said, which includes optimism for incumbent Rep. Laurie Pohutskys seat, as well as Rep. Brian Elders seat in Bay City. Even seats such as Rep. Sheryl Kennedys and Rep. Darrin Camilleri in the Downriver and Macomb County regions could be in play, he said.

I think that protecting Ryan Berman in the 39th, Annette Glenn in the 98th and then our best flip opportunity is in the 19th district with Pohutsky out of Livonia, he said. We do those three things with our three-seat majority currently I just dont see how (Democrats') math grows to get to a majority.

But Democrats say the momentum has been building for years, pointing to the 2018 election when Democratic candidates made inroads on the House Republican majority. Theyre hoping a combination of strong candidates, voter enthusiasm and help from national groups can put them over the edge.

Four seats to go, and weve got a lot more than that in play, said House Democratic Leader Christine Greig, D-Farmington Hills. Were really positive and excited and the level of support were getting... everyones really keeping their eye on Michigan for the state legislature, too."

For both parties, much of the focus has been on open seats where demographics have shifted over time.

The COVID-19 pandemic has somewhat stymied traditional campaign strategies like in-person fundraisers and large rallies. Small, socially distanced campaign events and door-knocking have become the go-to, and in the most competitive districts, mailers and television ads are flooding voters' mailboxes and airwaves.

In addition to the 61st, open Oakland County seats such as the 38th District, a race between Republican Chase Turner and Democrat Kelly Breen, and the 45th District, where Republican Mark Tisdel and Democrat Barb Anness are facing off, are getting a lot of attention from political observers.

The 104th District in Grand Traverse County, where Republican John Roth and Democrat Dan ONeil are running to replace embattled, term-limited Republican Rep. Larry Inman, is also viewed as in play.

A few seats held by incumbents running for reelection are also likely to factor into the majority math after polls close on Nov. 3. Democrats are eyeing Republican Rep. Ryan Bermans seat in the 39th District as a potential pickup, and Republicans are bullish on their chances in the 19th District, where Pohutsky eked out a win in 2018, and in the 96th, where Elder is seeking to win reelection in a district where many voters historically aligned with Democrats supported President Donald Trump in 2016.

Related: National group supporting Democratic women candidates drops $604K into Michigan House races

Michigan Democrats' efforts are being noticed and financially supported this cycle by a number of national groups keen on flipping state legislative chambers blue.

EMILYs List, a national group that backs Democratic women candidates who support abortion rights, announced Wednesday morning it had spent $420,000 on Michigan state House races this month, bringing the groups total investment in Michigan races to $604,000.

In a recent press call, EMILYs List President Stephanie Schriock said state legislative races have become more critical as the U.S. Supreme Court trends more conservative and as handling of the COVID-19 response continues to vary state by state. She noted that nearly all the Democratic candidates in Michigans most competitive races are women, predicting candidates like Morse, Breen, Anness and Julia Pulver in the 39th are going to make the difference in delivering a Democratic House majority.

Now more than ever, we need to elect strong, smart and compassionate leaders at the state legislative level so we can whip these chambers, pass good laws that protect health care and reproductive freedom, she said.

The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee is predicting suburban voters will make the difference, citing a September survey in Michigans 38th and 61st districts from Public Policy Polling that showed 48% of voters would support a state legislative Democratic candidate over a Republican in both districts, compared to 45% in the 38th and 43% in the 61st who would support a Republican candidate over a Democrat.

Republicans think they can run on saving the suburbs, but suburban voters have responded loud and clear: no thanks, Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee President Jessica Post said in a statement.

But suburban Republicans are confident their candidates are hard to smear in the eyes of voters. Meshawn Maddock, 11th District Chair for the Michigan GOP, highlighted the resume of former schoolteacher Martha Ptashnik, Pohutskys Republican challenger. In 2018, Pohutsky won the district by 224 votes.

Shes someone who the typical left-wing playbook wont work, Maddock said. The tactics they use wont work. Shes a former teacher. She knows many of the parents and teachers all over Livonia, many of whom are not comfortable with a radical left-wing agenda, which is what they have right now.

She also praised Turner, who is making his second bid for the 38th District against Breen, as a fit and tan hard worker whos been pounding the pavement in his district in his bid to win over voters.

If you have a candidate that pounds on doors and theyre chunky and pasty, the chances are they havent been doing what theyre saying, she said. Chase is a very hard worker, and hes poured himself into that district for the last four years.

Vic Fitz, 6th District chair for the Michigan Republican Party, said Haltoms bid for the 61st is strong because her experience running a small business speaks to pocketbook issues that Republicans and Independents care about most.

She fits the district, he said. Shes a Portage native, came from the middle class, has fought for jobs and education and we think shes going to win.

Gaby Goldstein is the national political director for the group Sister District, a group dedicated to electing Democrats to state legislatures. In Michigan, the group is focused specifically on flipping the 61st for Morse and holding the seats currently held by Pohutsky and Rep. Padma Kuppa, who represents the 41st District.

Goldstein said voters around the country are becoming more aware of how critical state legislatures are, especially now that lawmakers are playing a key role in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. She said Democratic candidates' messaging on a science-based approach to dealing with the pandemic and rebuilding the economy is resonating with voters.

The level of recalcitrance among the Republicans in the Michigan legislature has... created a situation where its really difficult for the governor to govern effectively and for the legislature to get anything done, she said. Every single day of this pandemic has been an object lesson in the importance of state policy."

Rankey said that generally, the hope is that voters will see that Republican legislators advocated for them during the COVID-19 pandemic. He pointed to representatives such as COVID-19 Oversight Chair Rep. Matt Hall, R-Marshall, taking the Unemployment Insurance Agency to task for their backlog of claims during the height of the COVID-19 lockdown this summer.

Weve talked to candidates about emphasizing pocketbook issues, Rankey said. How are our representatives helping these people day to day? Theres a lot of great things to highlight and weve done well to do that."

Whitmer has taken a direct role in campaigning for state House candidates in recent weeks, formally endorsing candidates and attending socially distanced campaign events in competitive districts.

At an Oct. 7 outdoor campaign event for Morse in Texas Township, Whitmer said shes hopeful her administration will have more allies in both the legislature and the White House come November. But she urged the small crowd to keep their feet on the gas heading into November.

We can do this. All of the ingredients are here, but we can make no assumption that its a forgone conclusion," she said.

Related: Incumbents prevail, women win big and more takeaways from Michigans state House primaries

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Michigan Democrats want to flip the state House. Can they? - MLive.com

One candidate slapped on a helmet, a black leather jacket and rode his Harley Davidson across Michigan. His ads highlight his toughness on China and his support for banning Chinese travelers from entering the United States early in the coronavirus outbreak, a policy of President Trumps.

The other candidate calls himself nonpartisan. He denounces the way politics have become nastier and more divisive. His wife recently appeared in a campaign ad to talk about their young son who has asthma as a way to demonstrate her husbands commitment to protecting health insurance for people with pre-existing conditions.

Neither candidate running for U.S. Senate in Michigan seems to want voters to know whether he is the Republican or the Democrat.

For Senator Gary Peters, the motorcycle guy and one of only two Democrats running for re-election in a state that Mr. Trump won in 2016, the path to victory becomes much easier if he can persuade enough of Mr. Trumps supporters to vote for him.

For John James, the self-described nonpartisan Republican, success will come from the opposite situation: If enough people voting for former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. cross over to support a Republican for the Senate.

The race one of a handful that could tip the balance in the Senate is among the most contested and expensive in the country. Polls show a tighter race than Democrats had anticipated, and both sides are fighting for the few remaining independent, undecided voters. In an election in which the parties have focused on getting their base to turn out, Michigan stands out as a place where winning the middle could make the difference.

Polls have varied but show Mr. James with an outside chance of helping Republicans flip a Democratic seat. A New York Times/Siena College survey found Mr. Peters up by one point, while others put his lead in the mid-to-high single digits.

Money has been pouring in. The outside political group leading efforts for Democrats, Senate Majority PAC, put $4.4 million into Michigan last week, federal filings show bringing its total spending in the race to over $18 million. The only state where it spent more last week was Georgia. Republicans countered by adding an additional $5.6 million to the $9 million they had already pledged to spend in the final weeks.

Its all been a bit disorienting for some voters.

Charles Gaba, a health policy analyst and Democrat from the Detroit suburb of Bloomfield Township, said that his friends who werent as politically tuned in were not sure which candidate was the Republican and which was the Democrat. Compounding the issue, Mr. Gaba said, is the fact that Mr. James is Black, which probably makes some people assume that he is a Democrat. Mr. Peters, a middle-aged white man, fits the stereotypical image of a Republican.

Some people are confused, Mr. Gaba, 50, said, which could contribute to the tightness in the polls.

Mr. James, a 39-year-old former Army helicopter pilot, has tried to steer his underdog campaign through one of the most difficult balancing acts of any Republican running for national office in this election. As a Black man on the same ticket as a president who makes overtly racist appeals to voters, Mr. James has been constrained and reticent in his criticisms, mindful that pushing back too hard could offend Mr. Trumps intensely loyal base.

And as a candidate vying for the support of nonpartisans in a state that has trended away from Mr. Trump since he won there by 10,704 votes four years ago, Mr. James has strained to prove his independence. Democrats have attacked him for his refusal to put greater distance between himself and the president, highlighting comments like his insistence that he would support the presidents agenda 2,000 percent.

Mr. Jamess campaign sees victory within reach if he can continue to tighten the race and Mr. Trump improves his standing; the latest data show Mr. Biden ahead in the state by high single digits.

Both parties are betting that despite the tribal nature of todays politics, there are still people open to the idea of voting for a candidate from a different party in races down the ballot. That is what happened in 2016, when winning Republican Senate candidates carried battleground states by a few more percentage points than Mr. Trump on average. In bellwether Wisconsin, for instance, Mr. Trump won with 47 percent of the vote while Senator Ron Johnson received 50 percent.

There is this thing in America called ticket splitters, said Curt Anderson, a Republican consultant who is advising the James campaign. That doesnt mean it will happen, but it happens all the time. Im not saying its not harder now or that the party bases arent more firm. But our data is pretty clear that theres a path for John, and were on it.

Not all Republicans are convinced. The Trump campaigns internal polling does not show Mr. Peters at considerable risk. And the money that Republicans continue to invest in the race has led aides to senators in races that appear to be much closer to complain privately to party officials.

Oct. 23, 2020, 8:57 a.m. ET

If Mr. James wins, it will be an embarrassing blow for Democrats in a state that they assumed would be a lock. Only one Republican, a candidate for the states Supreme Court, has won a statewide race since Mr. Trumps narrow victory four years ago. Democrats flipped two House seats in 2018 and won the governors race after eight years of Republican control.

Mr. Peters, 61, has been involved in local, state and federal politics for three decades from the Rochester Hills City Council to the State Senate to the U.S. House of Representatives and now the Senate. But he is not well known and has not faced voters since 2014.

Folks are just getting nervous about the entire election right now, he said. We know what happened in 2016 in Michigan. Hillary was up in the polls about where Joe Biden is right now. And we know how that turned out.

Hes seen as a workhorse who prefers to operate behind the scenes but not as a particularly dynamic campaigner. Unlike the senior senator from Michigan Debbie Stabenow, a Democrat who parlayed a leadership role on the Agriculture Committee into bipartisan statewide support in her past three Senate races Mr. Peters has been stuck in the Senate minority.

Keep up with Election 2020

Ed Sarpolus, a Democratic political consultant and pollster, said that hes been worried about the race for months.

What he hasnt done for the last six years is be visible and personable, Mr. Sarpolus said. What happened to his family in his ads? Youve got to tell your story, but hes not shown any of that this year. He looks like a professor, rather than an everyday Joe.

The motorcycle trip this summer may have been an effort to shore up support with his base of organized labor, but it didnt help Mr. Peters with progressives, an emerging wing of the party, Mr. Sarpolus said.

Mr. Jamess competitiveness is the result of fastidious discipline with his message which critics say has consisted of avoiding settings where he would face difficult questions and then providing nonanswers the few times he has been put on the spot. Voters have found his personal narrative to be compelling: a West Point graduate and combat veteran who runs a shipping business that is part of the company that his father started.

I dont have a problem with Democrats because I dont have a blue message or a red message, Mr. James told an audience at a fund-raiser on the west side of the state on Friday. I dont have a Black message or a white message. I have a red, white and blue message.

Big donors have loved it, as have individuals who give far less. Mr. James has raised more money than Mr. Peters has in every quarter so far this year except for in the most recent quarter, when they effectively tied.

In todays all-or-nothing political climate, a candidate who occupies the wobbly middle ground is taking major risks. For Republicans, there are usually just two paths: fealty to the president or outright defiance.

Mr. James has hardly declared his independence from Mr. Trump. His criticism of the presidents handling of the unrest over the killing of George Floyd was gentle. But his public appearances lately have spoken volumes. When Mr. Trump visited the mid-Michigan town of Freeland in September, Mr. James spoke to the thousands who came for the rally. But his speech came two hours before Mr. Trump arrived and by then, Mr. James was gone. Mr. James did not appear on Saturday at the presidents rally in Western Michigan.

According to recent polls, there are still large numbers of undecided voters and although they tend to lean Democratic, the pollster Richard Czuba says Mr. Peters hasnt sealed the deal.

One of the things we found, particularly with young Black voters under 40, there is still a sizable undecided chunk out there, said Mr. Czuba, founder of the polling firm Glengariff Group, which in an early October poll found Mr. Peters with a five-point lead. These are the people who Gary Peters needs to bring in and he hasnt gotten there yet.

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Are Michigan Democrats in Trouble in Their Senate Race? - The New York Times

President Trump told voters in Arizona that Americans are getting tired of the pandemic and accused the news media of exaggerating the crisis, as he sought to make up ground in a traditionally Republican state where the virus is making a comeback.

Your state is doing great with the pandemic, Mr. Trump said at a rally in Prescott, his first of two in the state on Monday. Theyre getting tired of the pandemic, arent they? You turn on CNN. Thats all they cover: Covid, Covid, pandemic. Covid, Covid, Covid.

You know why? Theyre trying to talk people out of voting, Mr. Trump added. People arent buying it, CNN, you dumb bastards, he said to cheers.

His dismissive remarks about the coronavirus echoed earlier ones he made Monday morning in a call with members of his campaign.

People are tired of Covid, Mr. Trump had complained on the call, to which several reporters had been invited. I have the biggest rallies Ive ever had. And we have Covid. People are saying: Whatever. Just leave us alone. Theyre tired of it.

He added, People are tired of hearing Fauci and these idiots.

After landing in Arizona, Mr. Trump complimented its Republican governor, Doug Ducey, saying that the state was really in great shape despite the fact that infections are again on the rise there. Arizona has had 231,910 coronavirus cases, the eighth-highest total in the nation, according to a New York Times database. Over the past week, there have been an average of 796 cases per day, an increase of 58 percent from two weeks ago.

In his rallies, Mr. Trump also revived his far-fetched warnings, clearly designed to appeal to affluent white voters, that Democrats want to destroy Americas suburbs by promoting affordable housing.

Speaking in Prescott, Mr. Trump boasted that he had rescinded a 2015 initiative requiring localities to create detailed plans to remedy racial segregation in housing. It allows low-income housing to be built, right next to your American dream, Mr. Trump said. What ultimately it means is crime will come pouring in.

Ive watched it for years, he added. Youve all watched it, right? Where they destroy these incredible communities.

He again harped on that message at a second rally in Tucson. I kept hearing that women from the suburbs wont like Trump, he said. I said, Why because Im stopping crime? Youre gonna have the suburbs be safe.

Recent polling has shown Mr. Trumps Democratic rival, Joseph R. Biden Jr., with a lead of as much as eight percentage points in Arizona, a traditionally Republican state that is growing more Democratic. Early voting has been underway in the state for nearly two weeks.

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In Arizona, Trump dismisses the virus and again claims Democrats will destroy the suburbs. - The New York Times

The Democratic Partys Soul of the Nation bus tour began its Colorado leg Thursday in Durango, stopping in Buckley Park, where candidates and party leaders milled with voters and helped hand out items.

I personally reached out to the Biden campaign some time ago. I was upset when Donald Trump said Biden had no law enforcement support, and I wanted to make clear that I support Biden, said La Plata County Sheriff Sean Smith. I dont like campaigning based on hate and divisiveness, and Im looking for us to go in a different direction. Thats why Im here today.

The bus carried yard signs, T-shirts, campaign buttons, stickers, window displays and other items for supporters to use as the party continues its get-out-the-vote efforts.

Supporters could also get their pictures taken with life-sized cutouts of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden and his running mate, Kamala Harris, a U.S. senator from California.

The bus was headed to Grand Junction after the 1-hour stop in Durango, with a planned stop in Silverton.

State Rep. Barbara McLachlan, said, Its all part of our get-out-the-vote effort. We really support Biden-Harris, now more than ever.

Chase Jonsen and Tara Manack, a couple visiting Durango from Portland, Oregon, stopped to pick up some T-shirts and stickers, and said they hoped to see new occupants in the White House after the Nov. 3 election.

We just stumbled upon this, Manack said, clutching her new Biden-Harris long-sleeve T-shirt.

parmijo@durangoherald.com

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Democrats rally the vote at Buckley Park - The Durango Herald