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Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., looks out into the audience as he speaks at a town hall. (AP Photo / Andrew Harnik)

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To read a political publication or check Twitter these days, one cant escape news of the Democratic Partys supposed massive circular firing squad, also known as the Lefts War of Mutually Assured Destruction. Senator Bernie Sanders, according to some, is sabotaging the Democratic Party, and has started a foolish family feud. And its not just folks on the left hand-wringing over this internecine warfareopportunistic conservatives are leaning heavily into this narrative. In The Wall Street Journal, Karl Rove, once known as Bushs brain, warned Democrats that progressive intolerance poses a life threatening challenge to the partys future.

Most of that is nonsense. A real debate about the partys values, if at times unpleasant, is ultimately constructive and necessary. A bit of common sense is in order.

For all the fretting about division, activists from all wings of the party and from movements outside the party have joined in propelling the popular mobilization against Trumps horrors. Whether it is more left-wing groups like MoveOn, Democracy for America, Peoples Action, OurRevolution, or groups led by ex-Clinton and Obama activists like Indivisible, NARAL, Planned Parenthood, and others, all have been focused and engaged on countering Trump. Single-payer supporters joined to help fend off the attack on Obamacare. Sanders sparked that effort with mass rallies in various Trump states, and postponed introduction of his bill to create universal Medicare. That mobilization helped forge the remarkable unity of Democratic legislators in the House and Senate against the effort to repeal Obamacare, against the Republican budget, and more.

That mobilization and activism contribute directly to Trumps continued decline in the polls, which now show record lows. Trumps demented behavior helps, of course, but it is remarkable that with unemployment at 4.3 percent, the stock market setting records, and the presidents uncanny ability to dominate the news, hes losing ground even among his core voters.

Trumps stunning victory was, as Andrew Bacevich writes, invoking Thomas Jefferson, a fire bell in the night. As he puts it, It is a consequence, not the cause, of the collapse of the postCold War consensus. The core establishment consensuson corporate defined globalization, on policing the world, on neoliberal economic policieshas failed most Americans.

In this century, weve had two recoveries under two presidentsone Republican and one Democraticthat havent reached most Americans. Inequality is at obscene extremes. The human costs of social decay are clear: declining life expectancy, teen suicide, record incarceration, an opioid epidemic, and rising obesity. The failure to invest in decent schools or even core infrastructure is crippling. Trump called out that failureand enough Americans voted for him, even though most thought he didnt have the temperament or the experience to be president.

More of the same will not work. Yet Republicans seem intent on peddling their same old supply-side snake oil. Some establishment Democrats seem mainly content to recycle the Obama agenda. They argue that Trump is just a black swanan accident.

Sure, Hillary won a majority of the votes cast, Trump and Republican approval is in the pits, and Democrats are exceeding past performance in all the special elections. Depending on Trumps toxicity alone to mobilize Democrats might suffice to pick up seats, perhaps even take back the House in 2018, but it wont begin the hard process of forging a broad consensus on an agenda that would actually make this economy work for most Americans. It wont begin to build a consensus for a real security agenda that extracts us from wars without end and without victory. And it wont begin to create a mandate for the public investment and political reforms needed to deal with Americas spreading social crisis.

Entrenched interests, policy gurus, political operatives, and big money all have a significant stake in defending business as usual. If Democrats are to meet the promise their leaders made in their Better Deal platform to put forth a bold agenda that works for working people, a fierce debate isnt pernicious. It is utterly imperative.

The scope of Democratic reversals over the last eight years is staggering. Hillarys loss was only the last insult. Democrats have lost everywherethe Senate, the House, and in state legislatures, and governors mansions. Since Obama was elected in 2008, Democrats have slowly lost the House and the Senate, and over 1,000 state legislative seats. The Republican party can now claim 34 governors, a record high for the party. Republicans are in full control in 26 states; Democrats in six.

The New York Times reported on the party fight in an article entitled: Democratic Split Screen: The Base Wants it All; the Party Wants to Win. The basic theme was the activist base of the partywhich the authors mistakenly equated with the Sanders movementwanted a revolution, while the party pros just wanted to use this moment to win elections.

But, given the track record, clearly the party pros dont have much of a clue on how to win elections, much less forge a lasting majority coalition. There is no show worth applause. The consultant class has too big a stake in television ads, and too little awareness of the importance of passion and mobilization. The pros assume an electorate that cant be changed. Democrats, fixated on the rising American majority, believe demography is their destiny, but as the Clinton campaign demonstrated, they fail even at reaching and mobilizing what they know is the Democratic baseAfrican Americans, particularly older African-American women, the young, Latinos, and single women. Theyve done a miserable job even of protecting the right to vote in the face of relentless Republican efforts to suppress it. Given the results of the last election, Stan Greenbergs conclusionthat Democrats dont have a white working-class problem, they have a working-class problemis indisputable.

So the party pros claim to authority based on experienceWe know how to do thishas no traction. If they want to build power, Democrats will have to change their agenda, their message, the way they raise money, the way they reach out to their base, the way they seek to mobilize and inspire voters. Everyone talks change now, but the same consultants, the same pros, the same operatives close ranks to sustain their careers and build their fortunes. Displacing themor getting them to change dramaticallywill again not be easy.

Our media personalizes political debates. Sanders against Clinton, Sanders-Warren against Booker-Harris-Cuomo. And no doubt political leaders looking ahead to 2020 presidential race work to organize ideas, activists, and money to define a political identity.

But this debate is largely driven by movements and activists on the ground. The $15.00 minimum wage is becoming a Democratic party consensus, and with it a range of measures to lift the floor under workers: fair hours, paid family leave, paid vacation days, overtime, and a crackdown on wage theft. This happened largely because of the political movement of workers, significantly organized by SEIU and Change to Win, demanding a decent wage. The revolt on trade, culminating in the rejection of Obamas Trans Pacific Partnership, was driven by popular outrage and mobilization forcing politicians (and, more grudgingly, economists) to respond. The remarkable mobilizations of Black Lives Matter forced criminal-justice reform onto the agenda. The fight over abortion and Planned Parenthood is driven by engaged activists. The demand for Medicare for All is propelled by a growing movement, anchored by the National Nurses United and the Sanders campaign.

In the wake of 2016, the energy coming out of the Bernie Sanderss insurgent primary campaign adds an important new impetus. Insurgent presidential campaignsMcGovern, Jackson, Dean, Obamaunleash energy. They bring new activists into the party; they build the demand for reforms; they challenge old leaders and entrenched ways of doing business.

Sanders helped to rouse a new generation and bring them in remarkable numbers into electoral politics. In states and counties across the country, new activists are organizing to take over party councils. They are recruiting and supporting insurgent candidates. They are demanding changes in everything from party rules to the platform to how the money gets raised and where it gets spent. Not surprisingly, this leads to bruising, and often bitter divisions and fights. The outcome is fraught: The party could be transformed. The entrenched could fend off the interlopers. The party could divide and split apart. But bemoaning this battle is like decrying the rising of the sun. People are engaged and the demand for change is real. Even if he wanted to, Sanders couldnt shut this downand he has every reason to want to build this battle for the future of the party.

With bitter fights over agenda, party committees and structure, and myriad primary challenges, some people worry Democrats will be unable to come together to take advantage of Republican failures to win back the House in 2018. The looming next election is always used as a club to limit dissent, to reassert regular order, to suppress new ideas.

No one can predict 2018. Will the economy continue to generate jobs, finally leading to wage increases? Will Trump lead us into a global catastrophe?

We do know that Trump will help mobilize Democrats, liberals, progressives, and activists. We know that liberal money is likely to match what exists on the right. We know that taking back the majority is an uphill climb. Gerrymandering has dramatically limited the number of contested districts. Voter suppression laws will have even greater scope. Congressional Republicans now earn record low favorability; Democrats arent much better.

But with Democrats at their nadir, in need of new ideas, new strategies, new thinking and new energy, the call for coming together in 2018 cannot and should not suppress the much-needed and necessarily fierce battle over the partys direction, future and leadership. When the Tea Party movement began challenging establishment Republicans, Republicans lost some Senate seats that they might have won. Sanctimonious leaders like Eric Cantor were unceremoniously rejected in primaries. Reports of the partys tearing itself apart were ubiquitous. Yet Republicans enjoy more electoral success than any time in the last half-century. Their internal divisions may make it hard to govern, but they dont get in the way of winning elections.

There are fundamental questions to be decided. Democrats are lucky that at this point the debate is taking place within the party as well as without. The cost of suppressing this debate will be far greater than the costs of waging it.

Originally posted here:
Democrats Are Fighting Amongst Themselves, and That's Okay - The Nation.

But even as Sanders and party leadership increasingly make ties on Capitol Hill, infighting with roots in the ideologically loaded and often deeply personal 2016 primary are threatening to blow up the dtente.

This new series of emotional and racially tinged arguments could shatter a fragile peace, forged in opposition to President Donald Trump, and undermine Democratic efforts to claw back control from Republicans in Congress during next year's midterm election season.

"The Berniecrats are being labeled as always wrong -- 'they don't get it, they're too emotional, they don't want to win elections,'" Turner said. "This is a hurtful environment, and people are human and do have feelings. And so both sides are just duking it out."

The anger that has simmered in Sanders' camp since the 2016 Democratic National Convention bubbled to the surface in comments from some of the Vermont senator's most prominent political allies and surrogates, particularly in two recent clashes.

The intense backlash provoked an equally sharp response from Sanders' allies, including Turner and the three who had initially panned Harris -- DeMoro, Wong and Konst, none of whom are white men.

Turner led a group of 60 activists to deliver a petition to the DNC. Our Revolution had told DNC officials of its plans three weeks earlier, Turner said.

When they arrived, DNC senior staffers greeted them on the steps with boxes of donuts and bottles of water.

The building's security team uses crowd control measures when large crowds come, a DNC spokeswoman said. It's not an unusual step, particularly for a party that was hacked in 2016 and with the political world on edge after the shooting at a congressional baseball practice.

DNC political director Amanda Brown Lierman spoke to the group on the building's steps, thanking them for their activism. But Turner -- who is a Sanders-appointed member of the DNC's "unity commission," a DNC member and a long-time Democrat -- was upset she wasn't allowed into the building.

"We understand the fire code. It's not our first time delivering petitions. We get it," Turner said. But, she added, the DNC could have invited her and five people delivering the petitions into the building to sit down and briefly chat.

"And then we could have walked out in five or 10 minutes, unified," Turner said. "They didn't even do that."

DeMoro, whose nurses' union provided crucial backing to Sanders' 2016 presidential campaign, spoke to Turner after the story's publication. "I told her that the problem here is that she's a movement leader. She's speaking truth to power," DeMoro said.

Sanders' allies view any effort to diminish Turner as one designed to undercut Sanders.

The primary reason: Sanders struggled with black and Latino voters in the 2016 Democratic primary. To win the nomination if he opts to run in 2020, Sanders will need to expand his base of support. In Turner, his allies see a powerful black female figure whose prominence showcases his broader appeal.

"They would like to classify everyone as a 'Bernie Bro' -- as a white guy, an angry white man," DeMoro said.

In both the backlash over Sanders allies' criticism of Harris and the DNC incident, Turner said she saw "the system" -- Democratic donors, Hillary Clinton-aligned operatives, in particular -- "really trying to continue trying to drive a wedge between progressive people of color and progressive whites."

"They're using identity politics as a weapon," she said. By criticizing black Democrats such as Harris, Booker or former Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick, Sanders supporters are "labeled as a racist and a sexist. But they don't say the same thing when their side comes out and attacks somebody like me."

That failure to defend her against racist attacks stings, said Turner -- adding that she's personally been called "Bernie's Omarosa" and "Bernie's Aunt Jemima."

"To be called that and not have an outcry from the tone police, it's hypocrisy," Turner said.

That's the Berniecrat leaders' view.

Elsewhere in the Democratic Party, lawmakers and strategists are complaining that Sanders' allies are forcing the party to revisit its 2016 divides -- at precisely the wrong time.

"It is not good for the rebuilding that needs to happen within the party for Democrats to be attacking each other, and I think in particular the attacks on Kamala Harris are fruitless and unfair," said Brian Fallon, who was Hillary Clinton's national press secretary and is now a senior adviser at the Democratic super PAC Priorities USA.

"Sen. Sanders is showing tremendous leadership in moving the Democratic Party in a progressive direction on issues from college affordability to Medicare for all," Fallon said. "But some of his supporters are undercutting that good work by trying to fast-forward to a 2020 presidential primary. We have too much important work that needs to be done before we start attacking people just because they're considered rising stars in the party."

Others also said it appeared Sanders' allies were firing a 2020 starting gun too early -- a charge both sides have now leveled against each other.

"On balance and in the long run, the Bernie team's spat with Kamala Harris has actually been beneficial to her -- it has raised her profile as a real contender in 2020 (otherwise, why would the Bernie folks feel so threatened?) and rallied the vast majority of the party in her defense," a Democratic operative said in an email. "That's not a good sign or look for Bernie Sanders and his team."

The complaints from Sanders' supporters come at what has the potential to be Democrats' strongest moment since Clinton's 2016 election loss.

The party leads Republicans in generic congressional polls. Its base is energized in a way Democrats haven't seen in years headed into the 2018 midterm elections. And a breach between President Donald Trump and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell is increasingly visible, with Trump attacking McConnell on Twitter.

"So why in the world would the progressive forces that want to resist Trump, that want to win up and down the ballot -- why in the hell would we be fighting with each other?" another Democratic strategist said.

"A lot of Democrats who really very much care about the same set of progressive issues that Bernie Sanders cares about are champing at the bit to say 'What the f---?' with Our Revolution."

That strategist said Sanders needs to weigh in. "These things are being done in his name. Where's his sense of responsibility for reining these things in?"

A representative for Sanders said the senator, who is in Vermont during the congressional recess, could not be reached for comment.

Several Democrats acknowledged that the party badly needs Sanders, whose supporters have remained loyal, within its fold -- and said they see the recent dust-ups as disconnected from the Vermont senator and out of step with his post-election actions.

Tanden described Sanders as "a hugely important force" in defending the Affordable Care Act from the GOP's repeal effort.

She called him a "strategic leader in the amendment process," said Sanders "rallied the troops," and pointed to his use of a key committee post to force Republicans to drop elements of their health care bill through the enforcement of the procedural "Byrd Rule."

"I see, in his actions, him recognizing that we are facing the most right-wing administration in history. He himself has done a lot to unify people," Tanden said.

Carolyn Fiddler, the political editor and senior communications adviser for the progressive blog Daily Kos, said Sanders' allies should "sort out their differences with Democrats and shift their focus back to the task at hand sooner rather than later."

The DNC, meanwhile, would prefer to avoid a direct confrontation with Sanders' supporters -- even as members of the party's "unity commission" complain that Sanders' own appointees to that commission sniped at Harris and, in Turner's case, unloaded on the DNC.

"The DNC is focused on winning elections. That is our goal," said the DNC's Lierman, who met Turner's group of activists outside the party headquarters.

"And as we look at key races in 2017 and beyond, it's going to take progressives working together to bring about real change for working families. That is what we did when we defeated the Republican health care bill and that's what we will continue to do in races up and down the ballot," Lierman said. "We hope that all progressive leaders will join us in this fight."

Link:
Inside the fight that could derail the Democratic Party - CNN International

A group of Democrats implored the Republican chairman of the House Financial Services Committee to reverse course and authorize an investigation into whether any of the hundreds of millions of dollars in loans from Deutsche Bank to President Trump were connected to Russia.

The Democrats have previously said they want to know more about a $285 million loan in October 2016 to Jared Kushner, Trumps son-in-law and senior adviser.

In a letter sent to the committee chairman, Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Tex.), the Democrats said they have been asking him since March to authorize an investigation. They asked him Friday to subpoena records from Deutsche Bank and authorize a bipartisan investigation into the Banks Russian money laundering activity and its review of its unusual loans to the President, his family, and his associates.

Hensarling spokesman Sarah Rozier said in a statement to The Washington Post that the congressman would refuse the request, which she called blatantly partisan.

She noted that several other committees and special counsel Robert S. Mueller III are all conducting investigations into the very serious matter of Russia interference in the last election.

The Democrats, however, say the Financial Services Committee should use its jurisdiction to look into Deutsche Bank and its loan to Trump and his family, which they believe might be crucial to the Russia investigation.

The Democrats said they are particularly interested in obtaining an internal Deutsche Bank review that they said reportedly examined whether Trumps loans were connected to Russia. In addition, the Democrats requested documents about a $10 billion money-laundering scheme that originated in Deutsche Banks Moscow office. The bank paid a $425million fine to settle a New York state investigation in that case. The U.S. Justice Department has declined to say whether it is also reviewing the matter.

Under the committees rules, only the chairman can authorize a subpoena. He has refused a series of requests since March from Democrats seeking more information about Deutsche Bank and Trump. In July, the committee voted along party lines to deny a Democratic request for a resolution of inquiry that would have allowed them to obtain the records.

More than four months after we initially called on you to investigate Deutsche Banks Russian money laundering scheme, we still do not know who participated or benefited, the Democrats wrote to Hensarling, saying there is public interest in knowing whether loans to Trump were in any way connected to Russia.

The letter was sent by Rep. Maxine Waters (Calif.), the ranking Democrat on the committee, and four other Democratic committee members.

A Deutsche Bank spokesman declined to specifically address the letter from Democrats, but said in a statement that the bank takes its legal obligations seriously and remains committed to cooperating with authorized investigations into this matter.

The banks reference to authorized investigations is at the heart of the complaint from Democrats. After Hensarling blocked their effort to launch an investigation, Democrats requested records directly from the bank. The bank responded that it was not obligated to deliver them because the request was not part of a duly authorized investigation. Democrats interpreted that to mean such a request had to come from the Republican majority.

Kushners company received a $285 million refinancing loan from Deutsche Bank one month before Election Day, according to Securities and Exchange Commission documents. He and his mother also have a line of credit from the bank worth up to $25million, according to his financial disclosure report.

Deutsche Bank has long been Trumps primary lender, and his company owes the Germany-based institution more than $500 million, according to financial records.

Muellers office has declined to say whether it is examining the Deutsche Bank loans. A Trump spokesman did not immediately respond to requests for comment. A Kushner spokesman declined to comment. Kushner said in a statement to Congress last month that I have not relied on Russian funds to finance my business activities in the private sector.

Go here to read the rest:
Subpoena Deutsche Bank regarding Russia, Democrats tell GOP committee chief - Washington Post

Wall Street Journal (subscription)

Democrats Focus on State Elections at Netroots Convention Wall Street Journal (subscription) ATLANTADemocrats attending the annual Netroots Nation convention here are trying to convert the energy and activism driven by opposition to President Donald Trump into victories down the ballot by reclaiming political power at the state level. Georgia Democrats seize the moment at NetrootsMyAJC all 2 news articles »

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Democrats Focus on State Elections at Netroots Convention - Wall Street Journal (subscription)

Global Opinions editor Karen Attiah deconstructs the Democratic Party's "Better Deal" platform, which she says will get it knocked out of future elections by ignoring minorities and marginalized groups. (Gillian Brockell,Kate Woodsome,Karen Attiah/The Washington Post)

Its August in Washington, which means the nations lawmakers are taking their summer break from getting, it seems, not a lot done.

Democrats, who are still reeling from last falls election loss, may do well to do a bit of summer homework before coming back to work in the fall. Specifically, they could learn a thing or two from the martial art of Muay Thai, the official kickboxing sport of Thailand. My Muay Thai coach once advised me, if your opponent punches you and you decide to return with a quick counter, you better make darn sure that you strike back with equal or greater force. No baby punches! My coach likes to scream at our Muay Thai class.

In case you missed it, the Democrats releasedtheir new economic platform this summer, A Better Deal. The deal tackles issues such as the North American Free Trade Agreement, wants to penalize companies that outsource jobs to other countries, and aims to take on China as a currency manipulator. (Some of that sounds familiar, doesnt it?)

A Better Deal is the Democrats attempt to counter Donald Trumps knockout blow to Hillary Clinton and scramble after white, working-class voters, who tipped the fight in Republicans favor in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. While the platform echoes many of the progressive economic messages that captivated Sen. Bernie Sanderss supporters, it leaves out issues such as climate change, LGBT rights, criminal-justice reform or specific actions to tackle voting rights. A Better Deal comes up short for people of color and marginalized groups in the United States.

The Democrats might think they can win by ducking so-called identity politics and paying less attention to issues affecting women, the environment and marginalized groups in the United States. But unfortunately, A Better Deal sounds like the strategy of a party thats fighting scared of Trump, not fighting back. Simply put, the Democrats are throwing baby punches.

Watch the TL;DR video above for more about the Democrats plan, as well as what the Democrats should do to avoid being out for the count in 2018 and beyond.

See more here:
The Democrats are fighting scared - Washington Post