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While Democrats may trot out any number of demands or maneuvers to influence the selection of the next director of the FBI, here's a reality check: Republican President Donald Trump fired James Comey, and he and his party will decide who's next.

And they're not wasting time. Trump said Monday the selection process for a nominee for FBI director was "moving rapidly."

Democrats irate over Comey's abrupt ouster, and concerned by the inclusion of politicians on the list of possible replacements, are demanding Trump not select a partisan leader. Although they're likely to mount considerable pressure before and during the confirmation process, they don't control enough votes to influence the outcome becauseRepublicans hold a 52-seat majority in the Senate.

"If they can keep all 52 together, then it won't matter," said Michael Gerhardt, a constitutional law professor at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. If Republicans "start to lose a couple, or two or three look like they're not on board, that could create more pressure on the majority leader and the president to perhaps do something other than what they were planning on doing."

The next director will immediately be confronted with oversight of an FBI investigation into possible coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign, an inquiry the bureau's acting head, Andrew McCabe, has called "highly significant."

The person also will have to win the support of rank-and-file agents angered by the ouster of Comey, who was broadly supported within the FBI. And the new director will almost certainly have to work to maintain the bureau's credibility by asserting political independence in the face of a president known for demanding loyalty from the people he appoints.

Attorney General Jeff Sessions and Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein interviewed eight candidates Saturday, including some who were not among the names distributed a day earlier by the White House. The list includes current and former FBI and Justice Department leaders, federal judges and Republicans who have served in Congress.

Among those interviewed was McCabe, though it's not clear how seriously he's being considered.

It'd be unusual for the White House to elevate an FBI agent to the role of director, and McCabe during a Senate hearing last week broke with the White House's explanations for Comey's firing and its dismissive characterization of the Russia investigation.

FBI directors have predominantly been drawn from the ranks of prosecutors and judges. Comey, for instance, was a former U.S. Attorney in Manhattan before being appointed deputy attorney general by George W. Bush. His predecessor, Robert Mueller, was a U.S. attorney in San Francisco.

One contender who could prove politically palatable is Michael Garcia, a former U.S. attorney in Manhattan with significant experience in terrorism and public corruption investigations. He was appointed by FIFA in 2012 to investigate World Cup bidding contests. He later resigned after he said the global soccer organization had mischaracterized a lengthy investigative report he had produced.

The FBI Agents Association has endorsed former Republican congressman Mike Rogers, an ex-FBI agent and former chair of the House intelligence committee who had collegial relationships with his Democratic counterparts.

Senate Democrats have insisted that Trump should not pick a politician as the next FBI director. Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York said on NBC's "Meet the Press" on Sunday that the choice should be "certainly somebody not of a partisan background, certainly somebody of great experience and certainly somebody of courage."

One Republican whose name had been mentioned as a possible candidate, Rep. Trey Gowdy of South Carolina, said Monday that he had taken himself out of the running.

Given the partisan uproar over Comey's firing, Democrats seem unlikely to support any FBI candidate put forward by Trump. But the nominee will require only a simple majority vote in the 100-member Senate, meaning Republicans can use their 52-48 majority to confirm the next director without needing Democratic votes.

Democrats are demanding appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate Russia's involvement in the 2016 election and ties to Trump's campaign, and have discussed trying to slow down the confirmation process or other business of the Senate as a way of drawing attention to the demand.

Senate rules requiring unanimous consent or 60-vote thresholds on various procedural or legislative steps give Democrats the ability to slow the Senate to a crawl and delay committee hearings.

Given the Republicans' narrow Senate majority, the larger consideration for the White House is that some GOP senators also insist on a non-partisan choice as the next FBI director.

GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina said on "Meet the Press" that Trump has is obligated "to pick somebody beyond reproach outside the political lane." Graham said under the circumstances he wouldn't be able to support his colleague Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, the No. 2 Senate Republican, who is under consideration.

Some House Republicans, who technically have no role in the pick, have spoken out about the need for non-partisanship and independence.

"The FBI is America's pre-eminent law enforcement agency. As such, it needs to be led by a person of unquestioned character and completely divorced from partisan politics," GOP Rep. Tom Cole of Oklahoma wrote in an opinion column circulated Monday.

House Democrats are weighing their own steps related to the firing. Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi is asking House Speaker Paul Ryan to join in a call for Rosenstein to brief House members, as he will do for senators Thursday. Democrats will also try to use a procedural maneuver to force a vote on legislation calling for an independent commission to investigate Russian election interference, although they're unlikely to prevail.

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Trump, GOP control FBI chief pick despite Democrats' calls - Chicago Tribune

WASHINGTON Both parties are preparing to contest the 2018 midterm elections on a familiar battlefield health care.

Democrats see the potential for a wave that washes many of their House candidates into office, and at least some political prognosticators agree with them.

The Cook Political Report, for example, recently shifted its ratings of 20 House races in the direction of Democrats. The organizations David Wasserman based his justification for the shift on the American Health Care Act that passed the House.

For several dozen Republicans, adding support for the AHCA to their voting record is an unequivocal political risk, Wasserman wrote.

He moved southwest Iowas 3rd district from likely Republican to lean Republican. In that district, Republican Rep. David Young opposed the initial version of the legislation before eventually coming around and voting for the bill.

Cook already had Nebraskas Omaha-based 2nd District in the lean Republican category. Rep. Don Bacon, a Republican freshman, narrowly defeated Democratic incumbent Brad Ashford last year. Bacon has enthusiastically supported the health care bill.

The National Republican Congressional Committee recently named both Bacon and Young to its Patriot Program for vulnerable incumbents.

Being named to the program is a good news-bad news situation because it means the party is prepared to offer additional fundraising and organizational support, but it also means those races are among the most competitive.

Wasserman wrote that the House health care bill guarantees Democrats will have at least one major on-the-record vote to exploit in 2018 and suggested that it could help produce that wave Democrats are seeking.

Much is left to be decided on the legislation, which could change substantially as it goes through the Senate.

But both national parties have been releasing early ads that represent a kind of dress rehearsal for themes likely to fill the airwaves next fall.

Democrats cite an analysis that the legislation could increase premiums for older and sicker Americans, produce higher out-of-pocket costs and undermine protections for those with pre-existing conditions.

Republicans, on the other hand, say Democrats are simply supporting the status quo and ignoring crumbling elements of the Affordable Care Act, often referred to as Obamacare. In particular, Republicans cite the continuing trend of insurers abandoning the laws exchanges, a development that threatens to leave many Americans, including Nebraskans and Iowans, with few options.

Weve got to find a way to reduce premiums, and weve got to find a way to get more insurers back on the market so that people have choices, Bacon told The World-Herald.

Bacon has said many times that he wants to protect those with pre-existing conditions and says that the GOP proposal would still require insurers to cover those individuals. He said states that seek waivers from the requirement would have to show alternatives to protect those with pre-existing conditions. He and other Republicans have noted the billions of dollars in the legislation aimed at helping the states to cover people.

Opponents say its not nearly enough money and note that the legislation also includes tax cuts that would particularly benefit wealthier Americans.

Asked about that, Bacon said he believes in more fiscally responsible government and, while the tax cuts werent the element that sold him on the bill, he also doesnt want high taxes.

If Democrats want to campaign against tax cuts, let them go ahead and do it, I guess, Bacon said.

Enthusiasm among Democrats could result in crowded primaries next year.

In Nebraskas 2nd District, for example, Kara Eastman, who is the head of a nonprofit group known as Omaha Healthy Kids Alliance, is expected to run for the seat, while Ashford or possibly his wife, Ann is expected to be on the ballot as well.

In Nebraskas 1st District, Democrat Dennis Crawford already is running against Rep. Jeff Fortenberry, R-Neb., who supported the health care bill, and other Democrats could jump in.

Still, Drake University political science professor Dennis Goldford offered a word of caution for those on the left who see opportunity.

Democrats core supporters often fail to show up in midterm elections and its a long way to go until Election Day, Goldford said.

You can talk at this point about all the enthusiasm in the world, but we dont know yet.

joe.morton@owh.com, twitter.com/MortonOWH

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Health care looms large over 2018 midterms as Democrats see opportunity after AHCA vote - Omaha World-Herald

Just days after Sen. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) drew his first real Republican opponent, he got unwelcome but expected news from his left.Paula Swearengin, an environmental activist who has never run for office, would challenge him in the Democratic primary more than a year away.That news was worth a special segment on The Young Turks, the progressive Web series hosted by Cenk Uygur, who launched a Justice Democrats project to encourage primaries against people like Manchin.

His time in the Senate is about to run out, said Uygur on May 9.

One day later, Uygur invited Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) on the show for another announcement. The freshman from the Bay Area, who defeated a Democratic incumbent to win his seat, would be Justice Democrats champion in Congress. Uygur played Stars and Stripes Foreverto celebrate the news.

Its time that the Democrats had a bold, clear, progressive vision, Khanna said. Its time that we had spine.

As Democrats grow more bullish on winning coming special elections and midterms, a number of scrappy organizations are trying to encourage and crowdfund primary challenges to move the party to the left. The launch of Justice Democrats and We Will Replace you, which got copious attention at the start of the year, have finally led to some actual campaigns, with cues from the 2016 Bernie Sanders presidential campaign. (Swearengin attracted some attention on the left after a video of her talking about West Virginia with Sanders circulated online.)

One of the problems in 2016 was the sense that a small group of insiders were trying to influence who could run, said Khanna in an interview last week. I ran against an incumbent in my own party, and I said if Iever got to Congress, I cant be hypocritical. I cant say, if someone ever runs against me, Ill close the door on them.

On the surface, theprogressive primary-challenge groups resemble the tea party organizations that mobilized in 2009 and 2010 to push Republicans to the right. Like the tea party, Justice Democrats et al. argue that the party doesnt just have policy reasons to abandon the center they argue that the means-testing politics of neoliberalism has been a disaster, alienating the party from voters who were so desperate for help in 2016 that they took a chance on Donald Trump.

We need to have that grass roots energy on the Democratic side, Khanna explained. We need to channel it into something positive. The people on the right have not been shy about being bold about what their ideas are; neither should we. If people are supporting a financial transaction tax, breaking up big banks, and strong regulation of Wall Street, thats whats going to matter to people.

Sometimes, the Justice Democrats have found themselves pushing on an open door. The outcry against Democrats voting to confirm Trump nominees this winter led to the filibuster of Judge Neil M. Gorsuchs Supreme Court nomination, joined by seven Senate Democrats who represented Trump-won states. Every Democrat Manchin included has opposed the Republicans American Health Care Act.

But progressive groups, taking a cue from the right, are demanding more. As the AHCA passed the House, they derided Democratic Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (Calif.) for saying that single-payer health care would not be in the partys 2018 platform. In an echo of 2006, the last time Democrats took back Congress from Republican control, the partys committees have recruited first-time candidates with sterling biographies, including military experience, to win competitive House seats. But theres little clarity on whether those candidates would push through a progressive agenda if, and when, Democrats win control of the Congress and executive branch again.

Thats led to a curious paradox, where the Democrats in both Houses are led by blue-state progressives both of whom personally have supported single-payer health care viewed skeptically by some of the activist base. One of that bases demands looks particularly tricky to fulfill. Justice Democrats call on their candidates to reject any corporate money, arguing that it inevitably limits what they can achieve in office.

President Obama had a ban on lobbyists and corporate money and he was a successful two-term president and the DCCC raised an extraordinary amount of money, Khanna said.

In 2016, however, the DNC undid the rule Obama had asked for. Theres no sign of the DNC reinstating the rule so long as Democrats are locked out of power. Last weeks announcement thatJess OConnell, the executive director of Emilys List, would become the DNCs CEO sparkeda quiet round of panic from progressive activists, who saw yet more evidence that the Washington-based party was sticking to the strategists it new and not bringing in supporters of Sanders.

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Progressives launch challenges to Democrats, and a congressman signs up - Washington Post

New York Times

How Democrats Can Get Their Mojo Back New York Times Democrats have to find a way to win more working-class votes. (Yes, I'm using working class as a rough synonym for the two-thirds of adults without bachelor's degrees.) It's not just Trump. Republicans control the House, the Senate, 33 governor's ...

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How Democrats Can Get Their Mojo Back - New York Times

New York Times

Do Muslims Have to Be Democrats Now? New York Times As Republicans have embraced an extreme anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim platform, has the Democratic Party emerged as our only viable political home? As a Muslim, I'd vote for Jesus, but the Republicans won't let him in, and the Democrats don't believe in ...

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Do Muslims Have to Be Democrats Now? - New York Times