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Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan remained on the sidelines last year when the majority-Democratic legislature haggled over a paid-sick-leave bill.

The measure never made it to his desk.

Now Hogan, a Republican, is taking the idea long championed by Democrats and trying to make it his own.

It is part of a calculated move by the first-term governor as he reaches the midpoint of his four-year term, attempting to cast himself as a centrist in a state in which Democrats outnumber Republicans 2to1 and independents make up the fastest-growing voting bloc.

In the past month, Hogan has introduced his most comprehensive legislative agenda since taking office, offering measures that would cap tuition increases for state universities at 2percent, promote job growth in green industries and require companies with 50 or more employees to provide five days of paid sick leave.

Senate President Thomas V. Mike Miller Jr. (D-Calvert) said Hogans actions should not come as a surprise, given the governors desire for a second term and the moderate-to-liberal leanings of his constituents.

Hes going to move to the center, Miller said. Thats where the people are.

The proposals will probably siphon attention away from Democrats who are still reeling from Hogans surprise victory two years ago and who are searching for ways to compete in 2018 with Hogans $5million war chest and sky-high approval ratings. The governors 2014 opponent, then-Lt. Gov. Anthony G. Brown (D), tried to defeat him by saying Hogan would push a right-wing agenda on issues such as abortion and guns. But the governor has steered clear of those topics, presenting a moderate political persona.

He has been strategic and good at identifying policies that are popular with Marylanders, said Mileah Kromer, a political scientist at Goucher College. Its part of being a successful Republican governor in a blue state. He has to find issues that work for a wide range of Marylanders.

Hogan, widely popular across party lines, has repeatedly declared that it doesnt matter on which side of the aisle an idea originates.

I pretty much go where I think [it] makes sense, Hogan said in a recent radio interview. Im taking things [Democrats] say they support and saying, This is how we can make it better.

The strategy has infuriated many in the Democratic-majority legislature, who say Hogans initiatives lack substance, differ in key ways from their partys proposals or were unveiled without consultation with Democratic legislative leaders.

State Sen. Richard S. Madaleno Jr. (D-Montgomery), for example, compared Hogans paid-sick-leave bill with the one passed by House Democrats last year, noting that the governors would exempt more small businesses and would cover only employees who work at least 30 hours a week.

They sound good, Madaleno said of the governors proposals, but the details show little progress for people.

Analysts said minor differences between Hogans proposals and bills that Democrats put forward could easily be lost on many voters, frustrating opponents of the governor who want to differentiate his agenda from theirs. Last year, Democrats in the House got into a heated exchange over how to draw such a contrast.

Individuals dont pay attention to nuance as much as insiders and wonks, Kromer said. If people feel the direction of the state is good and economic conditions are improving, theyre going to give the governor a lot of leeway.

As Hogans approval ratings have risen, the governor has stockpiled considerable campaign cash for his reelection campaign.

He and Lt. Gov. Boyd Rutherford (R) took in about $4.5million in 2016, and Hogan now has more than $5 million available far more than potential Democratic challengers such as Baltimore County Executive Kevin Kamenetz ($1.6 million), Prince Georges County Executive Rushern L. Baker III ($25,000) or Del. Maggie L. McIntosh of Baltimore ($125,000).

House Speaker Michael E. Busch (D-Anne Arundel), who recently told Democrats that they cant be wearing a jersey with both colors on it, struck a more bipartisan note this week, saying he welcomes Hogans input on necessary bills that are priorities for Democrats, particularly paid sick leave.

I dont think it hurts or impacts our agenda at all, Busch said of Hogans latest moves. He has his own base of support and we have ours. Anytime you get the governor to work on a piece of legislation, its a benefit.

Hogans centrist approach could damage his standing among conservative Republicans in the state, many of whom are still angry over the governors disavowal of Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential election.

Del. Wendell R. Beitzel (R-Garrett) said the governors sick-leave and environmental proposals have caused a considerable amount of concern among conservative lawmakers. He said Hogan campaigned on a promise to make the state more business-friendly after years of strict new regulations under then-Gov. Martin OMalley (D).

Beitzel, who was a delegate for Trump at the Republican National Convention, said he is worried that Hogans antipathy toward the new president could cause the state to miss out on a promised burst of new defense spending or lose out on the future FBI headquarters.

Still, Beitzel said he and the vast majority of his colleagues strongly support the governors overall agenda and think he is moving the state in the right direction.

Miller, the Senate president, said he doesnt think Hogans agenda goes far enough on key issues facing Marylanders. He pledged to work with the governor to expand it, including by doing more to address climate change and protect the Chesapeake Bay.

My job is to get people to work together to solve the states problems, Miller said. I belong to a party but Im also elected by all 47 senators, including Republicans. ... My job is to isolate the far left and isolate the far right and bring people of goodwill together.

More:
Maryland Democrats grumble that Larry Hogan's stealing their thunder - Washington Post

Everyone knows Democrats arein the minority at nearly all levels of government.Nobodyin the party seemsto know for sure quite how to rebuild. But onestrategy has been gaining steam: forget the top-down fixation, say state party advocates. It's time toembrace the reverse.

Jessica Post, executive director of the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee,is heavily lobbying Democratic leaders to pick a chair of the Democratic National Committee who isdeeply committedto winning statehouse elections.

Post recently spoke by phone with The Fix to explain why some Democrats say the path to the majority runs through the nation's statehouses. Our conversation has been edited forlength and clarity.

THE FIX: This seems like an obvious thing to say, but I guess you feel like you need to say it: The incoming DNC chair should want Democratic state legislative majorities.

POST: There are many people who have this D.C.-centric view that if you win the presidency, all of it should just trickle down and that's how we'll rebuild.

And we feel like they need to take the opposite approach. State legislatures determine voting rights, congressional districts, things like collective bargaining, the schools people go to the everyday things in people's lives. And I think we'refinally starting to realize that you can't win a Michigan without thinking about grass roots organizing and getting to these towns and these cities. The right way to do that is with state legislatures.

You recently spoke about this at a Democratic National Committee gathering. Why did it take until now when you don't have a Democratic president nor a Democratic-controlled Congress for the Democratic Party to havethis conversation?

In 2010 [midterms], maybe our national donors didn't think we had the same level of problems nationally, in part because of the success of the Obama presidency and the success of Democrats nationally. We had 60 votes in the Senate coming off the 2008 cycle, so it wasn't a time for party introspection.

During Obama's presidency, Democrats lost more than 20 state legislative chambers. In 2017,Republicans have total control of government in at least 25 states.What did they do right?

In 2010, Republicans thought they didn't have a path to the presidency, so I think they did a great job of going to their national donors and making the case to focus on state legislatures. They went to them with a really good value proposition: You invest $30 million, we'll save $150 million in federal House dollars [by redistricting] over the next decade.

We're trying to make a similar value proposition to our donors. I think we're learning the lessons that Republicans learned in 2010.

[These 3 maps show just how dominant Republicans are in America]

Let's talk about redistricting, which is a big part of your argument to get the Democratic Party to focus on state legislatures.

We certainly have to win back state legislatures if we ever want to win back Congress. There are 37 states where the state legislature draws the congressional map, and in many of the states that Republicans won in 2010, you can see that they have tilted the maps in a way that favors them.

So looking at the 2018 map, states like Colorado and New York will be top of mind, as well as states like North Carolinaand Virginia [that could or will have state elections in 2017.]

And then traditional Rust Belt states like Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Ohio are all key states we'll take a look at.

[The Democratic Party's future could be on the line in 7 hugely important governor's races]

And now you have help from the highest levels of the Democratic Party, with a redistricting effort headed by former attorney general Eric Holder and backed by President Obama himself.

We're delighted by the development of this. I'm a board member. I think this is an outgrowth of some of the working groups we've been having. President Obama dida number of things to be committed to us, including signing fundraising emails and direct mail solicitations to donors for us. We're super excited that commitment will go beyond the White House. I think this will generate additional resources and a strategic alignment for our part that simply didn't exist in 2010.

Winning back these legislatures could take some time in Ohio, for example, Republicans control 14 out of 16 of Senate seats and have a 2-to-1 advantage in the House. Could that be a deterrent to donors and the party?

In some cases, it will be a multi-cycle strategy to get back these legislatures. But a large number of seats flip more often than you might expect. It's not uncommon to pick up double-digit state house seats in a Michigan or a Pennsylvania. And that's a helpful argument to make to donors who may just see the numbers and think it's too tough.

[Editor's note: State legislative Democrats also point out that the last time midterm elections were held under a Republican president, Democrats picked up 10 state legislative chambers.]

Has the Democratic pipeline suffered from losing so many chambers?

I think there are a lot of very good state legislative leaders that are ready to run for higher office.

We have Crisanta Duran, the first Latina speaker of the house in Colorado history. Aaron Ford, who is majority leader of the Nevada State Senate, put himself through school, has a PhD and a law degree. Speaker Tina Kotekin Oregon I could tell you 15 people off the top of my head who I think could run for higher office.

But we have lost some leaders that could have had long careers in states like Ohio, for example, by losing them from the legislature.

Are there any candidates for DNC chair you're learning toward supporting?

We at DLCC won't endorse a specific candidate, but our delegates to the DNC may. As long as whoever becomes chair focuses on what he or she is supposed to be focusing on, we're going to be in good shape.

View post:
'We're learning the lessons that Republicans learned in 2010: How Democrats plan to rebuild state legislatures - Washington Post

Former Maryland Gov. Martin O'Malley performs at a Democratic Irish wake during Donald Trump's inauguration weekend. Alex Setiz-Wald

Irish-Americans have been a pillar of the Democratic Party since the rise of Tammany Hall and the party's other urban political machines in the 19th century. While they're losing Joe Biden and man who's sometimes called himself "O'Bama," Irish Democrats have "far and away" to most members of Congress of any ethnic group in the party, according to the PAC's

"The strength of the Irish is we know how to deal with a bully. We have a lot of experience with bullies. The Irish can take care of this," said O'Leary.

In keeping with the merrymaking tradition of Irish wakes, the Guinness flowed as a band led the crowd in rollicking Celtic tunes. The mood, and police badges on the wall, were a reminder that as much as Irish Democrats may dread Trump, they are far from the most vulnerable population in the Democratic coalition.

The stage at Kelly's Irish Times, a bar near the Capitol, displayed a large green banner that read "Clinton 48% Trump 46%" to remind everyone that Hillary Clinton won the popular vote in November.

The eulogy Saturday was to be given by Martin O'Malley, the former governor of Maryland who ran for president last year but dropped out after failing to crack 1% in the Iowa Caucuses.

Related:

But after the huge turnout for the Women's March on Washington earlier Saturday, O'Malley didn't feel like mourning anymore. "I don't see this as a wake, I see it in other Irish terms. This is the first day of the resistance!" he said to cheers.

O'Malley, who also fronts a Celtic rock band, strapped on his guitar and played some tunes.

Asked by NBC News about his frequent

"As for the question of whether I might run for president again in 2020, I just might," he added.

See the rest here:
An Irish Wake for Democrats on Trump's Inauguration Weekend - NBCNews.com

WASHINGTON One day after protesters denouncing President Donald Trump flooded city streets around the U.S., Democrats faced the prospect of turning the freewheeling day of protest into sustained popular opposition to the new presidents agenda.

Democrats, out of power and in the midst of an internal debate about the partys future direction, said they were cheered by the depths of the opposition to Trump shown by large turnouts for Womens March events in dozens of cities.

The Women's March on Washington on Saturday extended across the U.S. and around the world. Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators took to the streets to rebuke President Trump on his first full day in office. Photo: Getty Images

But party veterans said the key to any Democratic reversal of fortunes will be capitalizing on opposition to Trump, who enters office as the least popular president in the history of modern polling. That effort will take sustained organizing and outreach to people who havent necessarily been previously engaged in politics, strategists said.

Youve got a whole bunch of people who are leaving D.C. and elsewhere with a great, positive buzz and no real direction, said David Axelrod, who was former President Barack Obamas top political strategist and attended the Washington D.C. march. The challenge for Democrats is, without a president and without a lot of structure, how do you channel that energy into electoral politics? Axelrod said.

He said one metric to watch will be engagement and participation in the 2018 midterm elections, where the party in power traditionally loses seats.

An expanded version of this report appears on WSJ.com.

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Democrats' challenge: How to turn anti-Trump marches into a movement - MarketWatch

What a difference a day makes.

Two of Iowa Democrats most preferred candidates for governor in 2018if not the two most-preferredwere removed from consideration with a pair of announcements Tuesday.

Tom Vilsack, the former two-term Iowa governor and two-term U.S. agriculture secretary, announced he has accepted a position as CEO of the Arlington, Va.-based U.S. Dairy Export Council, and state Sen. Liz Mathis of Cedar Rapids said after giving it consideration she has decided against running for governor in 2018.

Vilsack and Mathis were two of the most popular potential gubernatorial candidates for Iowa Democrats. And in one day, both took their names out of the running.

Vilsack remains immensely popular among Iowa Democrats, but his gubernatorial candidacy was a long shot. Vilsack insisted multiple times he had no plan to run for public office again, and almost every Iowa Democrat I talked to had nearly the same response: It would be a dream come true if Vilsack decided to run for governor, but none believed he would.

Mathis was the more realistic potential candidate, and one many Iowa Democrats hoped would run. She has become a leader in the Iowa Senate, in particular one of the prominent critics of the states transition to privately managed operation of its $5 billion Medicaid program, a move made by Republican Gov. Terry Branstad without legislative approval.

And Mathis is popular in her district, where she was a former television news anchor. She has parlayed that popularity into impressive electoral success: She has been re-elected twice in a Senate district that has two Republican representatives.

But Mathis, citing the $10 million or more it is thought to be necessary to win Iowas 2018 gubernatorial race, said Tuesday she is taking a pass.

Having options 1A and 1B taken off the table in one fell swoop last week is cause for some disappointment for Iowa Democrats, especially given how crucial the 2018 election is for them after consecutive terrible elections in 2014 and 2016. In the former, Joni Ernst gave Iowa two Republican U.S. senators and Branstad cruised to re-election; in the latter, the GOP in a landslide took control of the Iowa Senate, giving the party full lawmaking control at the Statehouse for the first time in two decades, making the states delivery to President Donald Trump mere icing on the electoral cake.

The 2018 election gives Iowa Democrats their first chance to reverse that downward spiral and break up Republicans control. Having a candidate who can take back Terrace Hill is crucial for the party.

So to whom do Democrats now turn?

Only Vilsack would have cleared the Democratic primary field. Even with Mathis, a competitive and well-populated primary was likely. That remains the most likely case.

Rich Leopold, director of the Polk County Conservation Board and a former state director of the Department of Natural Resources under Democratic Gov. Chet Culver, already has announced his run.

Andy McGuire, whose tenure as state party chairwoman just ended last week, is all but a lock to run.

And other Democratic state legislators who may run include Jeff Danielson of Cedar Falls, Janet Petersen of Des Moines and Todd Prichard of Charles City.

Democrats in 2018 will not have to face the undefeated Branstad, who plans to resign this year in order to serve as the next U.S. ambassador to China. But Branstads understudy, Lt. Gov. Kim Reynolds, will have a two-year head start at election, amassing experience and news coverageand the corresponding name recognitionnot to mention fundraising. Assuming Reynolds wins the Republican primaryCedar Rapids Mayor Ron Corbett may have something to say about thatshe likely will be a formidable opponent in 2018.

As would have Vilsack or Mathis. So its next man or woman in for Iowa Democrats.

Erin Murphy covers politics and state government for Lee Enterprises. His email address is erin.murphy@lee.net.

Go here to read the rest:
2 top Iowa Democrats pass on governor's race - Waterloo Cedar Falls Courier