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Near a nadir of political power, Democrats across the country say their comeback must begin with key races next year and warn that failure to make big gains in state races in 2018 will doom them to another decade in the minority in Washington.

More than three-dozen states will choose governors in the next two years, while voters pick state legislative candidates in thousands of districts across the country.

In the vast majority of cases, those legislators and governors will draw new political boundaries following the 2020 census that will determine just how competitive the battle for the U.S. House of Representatives will be in the following decade.

The 2018 races are central not only to the individual states, but also to the federal policies in the House of Representatives, Washington Gov. Jay Inslee, vice chairman of the Democratic Governors Association, said in an interview. The key that unlocks the governors doors also unlocks the House of Representatives. And weve got to get the national team to understand that.

Republicans control about 4,170 state legislative seats across the country, almost 1,000 more than they held in 2009 when Barack ObamaBarack ObamaHow Democrats can rebuild a winning, multiracial coalition Howard Dean endorses Buttigieg in DNC race Americans should get used to pop culture blending with politics MORE was sworn in. Today, 33 governors are Republican; when Obama took office, just 21 governors were Republican.

Their backs are against the wall, said Matt Walter, who heads the Republican State Leadership Committee, a group that supports GOP candidates in state-level races. In 2018, theyre in full panic mode about it, so were anticipating as a result of that, that theyre going to be throwing everything but the kitchen sink to try to restore the ground that theyve lost.

Those state-level losses took a heavy toll on Democrats at the federal level: After the 2010 midterm elections, when anger over the Affordable Care Act and the tepid economic recovery cost Democrats more than 700 state legislative seats, Republicans drew favorable district lines in such states as Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Florida and Ohio in the decennial redistricting process.

Now, Democratic governors and groups that support state legislative candidates are sounding the alarm, warning party donors and operatives that their opportunities to win back seats at the redistricting table are growing short.

This is the future of our party, said Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe (D), who has spoken with House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) about down-ballot Democratic efforts. I said to Nancy, You cant win the Congress back, I dont care how much money you have, if you dont have lines that are competitive.

The importance of down-ballot races is not lost on Pelosi.

Former Attorney General Eric HolderEric H. HolderEllison holds edge in DNC race Democrats face fierce urgency of 2018 Arianna Huffington meets with Uber CEO in wake of harassment claims MORE has organized the National Democratic Redistricting Committee with the backing of former President Obama and headed by Pelosi lieutenant Kelly Ward, who helmed the House Democratic campaign arm in 2016.

The Democratic Governors Association has commissioned former Rep. Steve Israel (D-N.Y.) to raise awareness among top donors and to study election results from recent years to identify future opportunities.

We all woke up over the past few years to the realization that Republicans beat us at the state and local level, and that that had far-reaching consequences for our numbers in the House, Israel said. We whistled past the graveyard in 2008, when Republicans just decided they would focus their money and their field operations on knocking off Democratic governors and legislators and seizing control of redistricting for a decade.

After big wins in 2010 and 2014, Republicans will be on defense in 2017 and 2018. The party will defend open governors seats in 15 states where the incumbent is term limited or retiring, including plum prizes in New Jersey, Florida, Michigan and Ohio. Republican incumbents are seeking re-election in 12 states including Illinois, Texas and Wisconsin, all states where Republican-led redistricting locked in safe GOP majorities.

Democrats are defending open seats in just four states: Virginia in 2017, then California, Colorado and Minnesota in 2018. The party has incumbents running for re-election in six states, including Pennsylvania, where Republicans hold 13 of 18 House seats.

McAuliffe, the only governor in America limited to one term by state law, said the race to replace him will be an early test of the Democratic strategy. Seventeen state legislative districts held by Republicans chose Democratic presidential nominee Hillary ClintonHillary Rodham ClintonFederal judge denies watchdog's request to disclose State Dept. records on Clintons emails How Democrats can rebuild a winning, multiracial coalition Howard Dean endorses Buttigieg in DNC race MORE over President Trump in 2016.

Virginias the first opportunity to send a message about what you think of the Trump administration, McAuliffe said. Polls show a tight race between the two Democrats vying for the nomination and Ed Gillespie, the former RNC chairman who leads the race for the GOP nod.

History augers well for Democrats: Traditionally, the party that owns the White House suffers in state legislative and gubernatorial races.

Statistically, well certainly acknowledge that those are the prevailing trend lines, Walter said. However, there are exceptions to that.

McAuliffe is himself an exception: He was the first member of the presidents party to win Virginias governorship since Mills Godwin, a Republican, won in 1973, while Richard Nixon was president.

While races for federal office have become increasingly polarized in recent years, gubernatorial contests are less so. In 2016, five of the 12 gubernatorial races were won by candidates who represented the party that lost the states Electoral College votes. Vermont and New Hampshire elected Republican governors at the same time Clinton won their electoral votes; West Virginia, North Carolina and Montana picked Democratic governors at the same time they voted for Trump.

Israel said he is examining what Montana Gov. Steve Bullock (D), West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice (D) and North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper (D) got right, alongside what unsuccessful Democrats got wrong.

We need to study their playbook and apply those lessons to House, Senate and state legislative races across the country, he said.

The rest is here:
Democrats face fierce urgency of 2018 - The Hill

New York Times

Democrats' Best Bet for House Control Is Following the Sun New York Times There is no guarantee that the Democrats can put the House in play, even if Mr. Trump's approval ratings remain as low as they are now or slip further. The Republicans have so many safe seats that they could even survive a so-called wave election like ... What are Democrats' chances for a House majority in 2018?American Enterprise Institute How Democrats can rebuild a winning, multiracial coalitionThe Hill (blog) Senate Democrats could hit Trump with government shutdownLA Daily News AlterNet -Daily Kos -Fairfield Daily Republic all 45 news articles »

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Democrats' Best Bet for House Control Is Following the Sun - New York Times

One of things I talked with him [Supreme Court nominee Neil Gorsuch] about is the standard which every other Supreme Court nominee has had to meet, and that is earning 60 bipartisan votes in the United States Senate. Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), interview with UpFront with Mike Gousha, Feb. 18, 2017

A reader pointed out this statement by Baldwin, noting that it appeared to be a repeat of the misleading Democratic talking point in the battle over President Trumps nomination of Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court.

Time for a refresher course!

As we have noted before, there is no Senate standard that a nominee must have 60 votes for confirmation. But, under current Senate rules, it takes 60 votes (three-fifths of the Senate) to end debate on most legislation. Until Democrats changed the rules in 2013, it also took 60 votes to end debate on executive branch and most judicial nominations.

The Democratic rule change did not include Supreme Court nominations. But that would be a rare maneuver.

(A filibuster generally refers to extended debate that delays a vote on a pending matter, while cloture is a device to end debate. Filibusters are used by opponents of a nominee or legislation, while cloture is filed by supporters to end debate.)

The last Supreme Court nominee who faced a cloture vote was Samuel A. Alito Jr. in 2006. He won it handily, 72 to 25. After the cloture vote, senators voted on whether to confirm Alito. The vote was 58 to 42. (He earned the support of four Democrats, but was opposed by one Republican and one Republican-turned-Independent.)

Although the effort to filibuster Alito failed miserably, it served as a vehicle for potential White House contenders (such as Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and Joe Biden) to demonstrate their liberal credentials. Obama, as president, later regrettedsupporting the filibuster of Alito, what his spokesman called a symbolic vote.

There have been three other cloture votes concerning the Supreme Court, two involving William H. Rehnquist, the late chief justice. In 1971, a motion to invoke cloture for his initial appointment to the court failed by a vote of 52 to 42, but he was nevertheless confirmed later that day, 68 to 26. When Rehnquistwas nominated to become chief justice in 1986, he was confirmed 65 to 33 after cloture was also invoked by a vote of 68 to 31.

The only other cloture vote concerned Lyndon B. Johnsons 1968 nomination of Abe Fortas, at the time an associate justice, to be chief justice. The Fortas nomination eventually ran aground on ethics issues and his close relationship with Johnson, alreadya lame duck, and he eventually withdrew after his nomination failed a cloture vote. At the time, Senate rules required approval of two-thirds of the Senate to end debate and Fortas could achieve only a vote of 45 to 43.

Here are the final votes for the current members of the court. We have noted in bold the two sitting justices who did not receive 60 votes for confirmation.

Elena Kagan: 63 to 37 (2010) Sonia Sotomayor: 68 to 31 (2009) Samuel A. Alito Jr.: 58 to 42 (2006) John G. Roberts Jr.: 78 to 22 (2005) Stephen G. Breyer: 87 to 9 (1994) Ruth Bader Ginsburg: 96 to 3 (1993) Clarence Thomas: 52 to 48 (1991) Anthony M. Kennedy: 97 to 0 (1988)

John Kraus, communications director for Baldwin, said: While it wasnt explicit, she was referring to Supreme Court justices appointed by both Republican and Democratic presidents, the last six of which earned 60 votes, including the most recent Obama nominees, Justices Sotomayor and Kagan.

Democrats such as Baldwin appear to be arguing that because Alito received more than 60 votes on the vote to end debate, he met the 60-vote standard, even though he did not receive 60 votes for confirmation. But Baldwin, in her interview, referred to earning 60 bipartisan votes in the United States Senate, which certainly sounds different from a mere cloture vote.

Democrats continue to be slippery with their language. Sixty votes is not a standard for Supreme Court confirmations, as two of the current justices on the court did not meet that supposed standard to get on the court.

Baldwin earns Two Pinocchios.

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There "is the standard which every other Supreme Court nominee has had to meet, and that is earning 60 bipartisan votes in the United States Senate.

Tammy Baldwin

Senator (D-Wisc.)

in an interview on "Upfront with Mike Gousha"

Saturday, February 18, 2017

02/18/2017

View post:
Democrats persist with the slippery claim of a '60-vote standard' for Supreme Court nominees - Washington Post

From the start of our campaign for DNC chair, we've asked ourselves and our fellow Democrats a simple but fundamental question: How do we come together as a team to rebuild our party and fight Donald Trump?

The Democratic party is a big and diverse tent. But my mentor Ted Kennedy often said, "What divides us pales in comparison to what unites us." As Democrats, we don't just share common views on issues - we are united by common values: inclusion, opportunity, justice, equality.

But today those core values are under attack. Immigrants are being torn apart from their families. Workers' rights and women's rights are under siege. Millions are at risk of losing their health coverage.

Across the country, Donald Trump and Republicans have targeted our most vulnerable communities and threatened to turn back the clock on decades of progress.

We're the only line of defense they've got, and they're counting on us to succeed. Those struggling for opportunity want Democrats to fight for them, not against each other.

Those living in the shadows want Democrats to stand up to the Republican agenda, not splinter off into competing silos. For these families, a united Democratic party isn't a luxury - it's a necessity.

Those aren't just talking points. Over the last three months, my campaign has already begun forging that unity by bringing together people from all wings of our party. Our staff have worked for Senator Sanders, Secretary Clinton and President Obama, and we've earned support from people on all sides of last year's Democratic primary.

In shaping an inclusive vision for our party, I've also traveled the country to hear directly from folks in every corner of our big tent. Earlier this month, I embarked on a rural listening tour through Wisconsin and Kansas to hear from voters about how we can earn back the trust of their communities. And on Monday night, I met with Democrats in Seattle both supporters and non-supporters alike to talk about how our party can join with young activists to be at the forefront of some of our toughest battles - from raising wages to cracking down on police misconduct. These conversations are necessary.

RELATED: Tom Perez Unleashes Inner Pit Bull Against Trump in Bid to Lead Democrats

When it comes to building unity, this isn't my first rodeo. I decided to run my campaign the same way I've taken on challenges my whole career by listening to people, bridging divisions and bringing everyone to the table.

That's why I was President Obama's first call when he needed someone to resolve major disputes at Verizon and the West Coast Ports, and why I've worked with Democrats throughout the country to bring about progressive change. I've worked hand in hand with Elizabeth Warren to protect the retirement of millions of Americans. I've worked with Bernie Sanders to highlight companies that treat their workers fairly. And I've worked under President Obama to protect the right to vote, enforce our civil rights laws, and make economic opportunity a reality.

RELATED: DNC Race Shakeup: Ray Buckley to Exit, Endorse Keith Ellison

So no matter who wins in Atlanta, my first priority will be to help unite our party around the values of inclusion and opportunity. And if I have the privilege of being elected chair, I promise to make sure everyone's voice is heard because I believe that everyone in this race has so much to offer when rebuilding our party.

We can't afford to leave anyone on the sidelines; we need their ideas, their experience, and their energy to build the best party we can be. As chair, I'll facilitate the tough conversations we need to have about how to move our party forward, and I'll work each and every day to be a leader for all Democrats.

RELATED: Democrats Are Eager to See the End of the Race for DNC Chair

If the party chooses one of the other great Democrats in this race, I will be as ready as ever to fight alongside them. In fact, I will join the next chair on a unity tour across the country, so we can begin building our team and fighting together to protect the values we all share.

With so much at stake, there's nothing Donald Trump would love more than for Democrats to fall apart. We will not give him that satisfaction. What we will do is rally around our common values. Because a united Democratic team is both our best strategy and Donald Trump's worst nightmare.

I've often said that this is a "where were you moment," and I'm ready to work with everyone to unite the Democratic team against Donald Trump and the Republican agenda.

That's my commitment win or lose.

Tom Perez is the former Secretary of Labor under Pres. Barack Obama.

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Opinion: Win or Lose, I Will Work to Unite the Democratic Party - NBCNews.com

Kansas City Star

Allow expansion of family leave, Democrats urge Gov. Greitens Kansas City Star Democrats are urging Missouri Gov. Eric Greitens to allow rules to go into effect that would expand family leave options for state executive branch employees. State Auditor Nicole Galloway, a Democrat, sent a letter to Greitens Tuesday in support of ... Democrats ask Greitens to allow expanded family leavefox2now.com all 3 news articles »

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Allow expansion of family leave, Democrats urge Gov. Greitens - Kansas City Star