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by Brandon Jarvis

On May 8, the former Speaker of the House and a delegate for three decades, Kirk Cox arrived at a satellite convention location in Colonial Heights to vote for himself to be the Republican gubernatorial nominee. As he arrived, he passed a large life-sized sign with a picture of the eventual lieutenant governor nominee, Winsome Sears, holding an assault rifle. He walked from his car to a gaggle with the press, who all want to talk to the Republican who has decades of experience in Virginia politics. Republicans this year chose to use the less inclusive process of a convention to nominate their statewide candidates, a process that should have benefitted a lifelong Virginia Republican insider like Cox. Instead, it benefitted a first-time candidate and unknown figure in Virginia politics with a lot of money: Glenn Youngkin.

On June 8, a very underwhelming Democratic primary resulted in former governor Terry McAuliffe winning every locality across Virginia against four other candidates seeking the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. In a commanding statement from Democratic voters, the Associated Press called the race 45 minutes after the polls closed. McAuliffe first served as governor from 2014-2018 but was limited to one term due to Virginias constitution forbidding consecutive gubernatorial terms.

The stage was set for a matchup between McAuliffe, a politico with a lifetime of experience in Democratic politics, and Youngkin, a former finance executive with The Carlyle Group and no former political experience.

The Republicans were immediately hit with a blow when former President Donald Trump announced his endorsement of Youngkin the morning after he earned the nomination. McAuliffe and Democrats immediately seized on the endorsement and have not let it go seeing as Joe Biden won the commonwealth by 10 points last year. Youngkin at the time said he was honored to receive the endorsement. Im totally honored and I appreciate it this morning, Youngkin said after Trumps endorsement. And its reflective of the fact that weve received a lot of endorsements, and those endorsements reflect the Republican Party coming together around an outsider.

He has since distanced himself from the former president at every opportunity in his campaign to unite Virginia behind mostly large ideals, not specific policy.

It took months for Youngkin to put forth any sort of policy proposals after earning the nomination. He instead has run a campaign on inspiring voters to support his vision of a safer Virginia where Critical Race Theory is banned and the grocery tax is eliminated.

Often walking out to Spirit in the Sky by Norman Greenbaum, Youngkin is treated like a celebrity by Republicans that continuously show up in droves to see their gubernatorial nominee. Are you ready to win? Come on now, he said on Monday as he greeted a crowd at a mostly-full airplane hanger in Chesterfield County. Well I thought we might get a few people to show up, he continued, sarcastically.

Youngkin events on the campaign trail resemble an atmosphere similar to being at a concert or county fair, with merchandise, t-shirt cannons, and loud music. His speeches boast grandiose statements of broad generalities and comradery amongst Republicans who oppose the new laws put in place under the two-year Democratic majority.

We have a defining moment in front of us, he told the crowd Monday. To redirect the trajectory of this great commonwealth. A moment where we get to come together and do something spectacular.

Democratic events in contrast have been smaller and based around opposing Trump. McAuliffe does also boast about his long list of big plans and what would be his opposition to the policies that Democrats believe Youngkin would impose upon Virginians if elected.

McAuliffe calls himself a brick wall for womens rights protection and touts the hundreds of pieces of legislation that he vetoed from the Republican-held legislature during his first term as a reason to elect him again. We had the most anti-women, anti-gay, pro-gun, anti-immigrant, anti-environment legislation in the United States of America, McAuliffe said of the legislation from the early 2010s during his campaign event in Henrico Sunday.

Another big stumping point for the former governor has been the move during his first term of restoring the voting rights for 173,000 felons. It was more than any other governor in history, he said Sunday. Its about lifting people up, its about giving everybody an opportunity.

McAuliffe also vows to raise teacher pay if elected. Youngkins campaign has criticized Democrats and McAuliffe for campaigning on raising teacher pay since 2009 but failing to do so during the last two legislative sessions when they had the majority in both chambers

I promise all of you, and I have got all these cameras here: as your governor, I will raise teacher pay above the national average for the first time in the history of the Commonwealth of Virginia, McAuliffe said Monday.

Youngkin has also prioritized education, but his focus has been on giving parents more control over the curriculum being taught in schools. The key topic of his education platform since this race began was Critical Race Theory (CRT) and ensuring it is never taught in Virginia schools.

CRT is an academic approach that is centered around the idea that the United States was built on systemic racism. In general, CRT aims to show that racism is the result of complex, changing, and often subtle social and institutional dynamics, instead of explicit and intentional prejudices.

Republicans across the country assert that CRT is being implemented into school curriculums, but school districts in Virginia deny that claim.

Republicans activists across Virginia, however, have made this their top issue. After he tells his supporters at any event of his intention to ban CRT on day one, Youngkin has to pause for several seconds as the crowd cheers and claps in a standing ovation every time.

Providing material for Republicans in what may have been McAuliffes biggest mistake in this campaign was a comment during the second debate about parents and schools. I am not going to let parents come into schools and actually take books out and make their own decision, McAuliffe responded to Youngkin after it was brought up that he vetoed a bill during his first term that would have allowed parents to remove books from their childs education if they believed it contained sexually explicit content. So yeah I stopped the bill that I dont think parents should be telling schools what they should teach.

Youngkin has since mobilized parents in the Republican Party by accusing Democrats of wanting to remove them from having any involvement in their childs education. McAuliffe eventually responded with an ad, saying his words were being taken by context.

As parents, Dorothy and I have always been involved in our kids education, we know good schools depend on involved parents, McAuliffe says in the ad. Thats why I want you to hear this from me Glenn Youngkin is taking my words out of context.

The response was released weeks after the debate and the damage was already done. Youngkin had closed the gap in the polls.

Youngkins campaign may have hit its stride in September and October according to polls showing the race tightening during that timeframe, but he spent the summer responding to attacks and a communications barrage from the Democrats as they tried to define him as a far-right Trumpster.

The worst moment for Youngkin during the summer was when he was recorded on a secret video in July saying he cannot run on his abortion views and win in Virginia. When Im governor, and I have a majority in the House, we can start going on offense, Youngkin said in response to a question being posed to him by undercover activists. But as a campaign topic, sadly, that, in fact, wont win my Independent votes that I have to get. So youll never hear me support Planned Parenthood what youll hear me talk about is actually taking back the radical abortion policies that Virginians dont want. And in fact, theyre the radicals.

Democrats have tried to remind voters of that comment at each turn. It was made relevant again in September when Texas enacted a six-week abortion ban.

Youngkin has tried to dodge abortion questions ever since, similar to his actions when asked about Trump. At events, Youngkin staffers keep a distance between the candidate and his supporters, and the press often stopping reporters if they try to walk from the press area into the crowd.

Another tough hit for Youngkin, which happened late in the cycle, had nothing to do with him or his campaign though it involved his party and prominent supporters.

The event was in mid-October with former Trump official Steve Bannon, state Sen. Amanda Chase, and other Republican figures. In addition to advancing unproven election conspiracy theories, the attendees pledged allegiance to a flag that they believed was present at the Jan. 6 rally in Washington D.C. That event caused a week of bad press for Youngkin, who called it weird and wrong.

Trump is also virtually attending an event Monday night with Virginia-MAGA supporters, according to former Trump campaign official John Fredericks. The phone call will allegedly be with MAGA fans from across the state, according to Fredericks, who said the press will not be allowed on the call.

A visit from Trump would be a gift for McAuliffe, who is looking for another boost to get him over the finish line. McAuliffe has brought in the big names in recent weeks; Biden, Obama, Harris, Abrams, Harrison, and Pharrell to all stump for him across the state in an attempt to drive turnout.

Youngkin has largely headline each event on his own, still bringing out large crowds.

The polls show a dead heat in the race a surprise for some, but not McAuliffe, who has often referred to Virginia as a purple state, not a blue one. That makes the nationalization of this race more complicated. While voters in the commonwealth voted for him by 10 points last year, Bidens approval rating is in the low 40s now. Additionally, Democrats in Congress have been unable to find an agreement on a large infrastructure or spending package, providing no help for McAuliffe in the final days.

For Youngkin in Virginia, historically a bellwether state for the president, he hopes the trend stays true of electing a governor opposite of the party controlling the White House. The only candidate to break that trend in decades was McAuliffe in 2013 when he won his first term.

Tuesday will be the test of whether Trump is still on the ballot in Virginia or if middle-of-the-road voters have moved on. McAuliffe has tied Youngkin to Trump in nearly every ad, speech, and comment. Meanwhile, hundreds of Republicans in Chesterfield on Mondaychanted lets go, Brandon, which is a child-friendly translation of f*ck Joe Biden.

Virginia Scope is an independent news publication that is funded largely by donations and subscribers. As local newsrooms are losing writers each day, we are trying to fill the void to ensure that the public is informed and that leaders are held accountable for their actions. Please consider becoming a paid subscriber to our newsletter or making a donation through Paypal below so we can continue to work in Virginia.

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Donald Trump and Critical Race Theory here is how we got to election day in Virginia - Virginia Scope

Mr. Trump initially expected to announce his new social media company in August, according to a person briefed on the timing. But the plans were delayed after Mr. Trumps son, Donald Trump Jr., voiced reservations about the Digital World deal, according to people familiar with the negotiations.

On Aug. 3, Mr. Orlando wrote to the S.E.C. asking for clearance to accelerate Digital Worlds I.P.O. for that month, only to withdraw the request two days later. When the SPAC eventually went public on Sept. 8, raising $293 million, Digital World said it had still not identified a merger target.

Less than three weeks later, on Sept. 27, Mr. Orlando went to Mar-a-Lago, Mr. Trumps private club in Florida, to sign a letter of intent an initial formal step toward a merger of Digital World and Trump Media, according to a person with knowledge of the event. For a new SPAC, it was an extraordinarily swift turnaround; most SPACs take at least a year to find and merge with a target.

On Oct. 20, Mr. Orlando returned to Mar-a-Lago, where he and Mr. Trump signed the final paperwork under chandeliers in a cavernous golden ballroom, according to an attendee. Donald Trump Jr. and the former Apprentice contestants, Mr. Moss and Mr. Litinsky, were among those in attendance.

After the deal was announced last week, Digital Worlds shares rocketed higher. This week, they plummeted. At least two of the anchor investors, D.E. Shaw and Saba Capital, sold much of their stock after the Trump deal came to light. Another prominent investor, Iceberg Research, announced that it was betting against the stock.

Even so, Digital Worlds shares remain about seven times higher than before the Trump deal. On paper, at least, the company is worth more than $2 billion.

On Tuesday, as he was boarding a plane, Mr. Orlando wouldnt say much about how the deal came together. Its been wild, he said.

Kenneth P. Vogel, Michael Schwirtz and Shane Goldmacher contributed reporting. Susan C. Beachy contributed research.

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Trumps $300 Million SPAC Deal May Have Skirted Securities Laws - The New York Times

Adam Pally has a special knack for making hilarious-but-little-seen comedy that only gets rediscovered by a wider audience years later.

There was his beloved cult hit Happy Endings, which struggled to find viewers when it ran on ABC from 2011 to 2013 but is now finding new relevance on Netflix. There was his legendary guest-hosting train wreck on The Late Late Show that has since become an internet obsession. And now theres Champaign ILL, an alternate-universe Entourage that came and went without much fanfare when it debuted as a YouTube Original three years ago but is now making a splash on Hulu.

In this episode of The Last Laugh podcast, Pally opens up about how the gay character that launched his comedy career might look less progressive in hindsight and tells hilarious stories about the time Regis Philbin introduced him to Donald Trump, how he ended up impersonating Don Jr. on The President Show, and a lot more.

Theres so much good television. How could anyone find everything? Pally says diplomatically when I highlight his list of underappreciated credits. It would be impossible.

In Champaign ILL, Pally and comedian Sam Richardson play a pair of pathetic man-children whose lives go into a tailspin after their best friend from high schoola hugely famous rapper played by SNL alum Jay Pharoahdies tragically during a music video shoot, leaving the talentless members of his crew with nothing. Its as if Vince from Entourage was suddenly gone and Turtle and Johnny Drama were forced to survive on their own.

Entourage is a fabric of my growing up, Pally, who once hosted a 50-hour hate-watch marathon of the entire HBO series, admits. And there was something about that show that just struck a chord in me. And so we always thought, Oh, this is kind of a version of that, but if there was no money left.

When I suggest that Pally himself might have the perfect level of fame where hes not constantly harassed by paparazzi but also gets to enjoy the perks of celebrity, he replies, What are the perks you speak of? Id love to know.

There are definitely perks of fame, he admits, but hes not sure he actually gets to experience any of them. I cant call up a restaurant and be like, My name is Adam Pally, Id like a table for two. Theyd be like, Well, my name is Gary and no.

His first big break in Hollywood came in ABCs Happy Endings, which, like Champaign ILL, was created by David Caspe. Pally reveals that he and Caspe will also be collaborating on a yet-to-be-announced third series in the near future. When the show premiered, reviews repeatedly referred to his character Max Blum as progressive since, as the Advocate put it in 2011, he aggressively defies traditional stereotypes about gay men.

A decade later, Hollywood is having a larger conversation about whether straight actors should even be playing gay roles. And Pally says of course he thinks about his decision to play that character differently now.

I really loved playing that character and if they rebooted Happy Endings, I would be heartbroken if someone else was playing that character. I would be gutted, he says. But Im sure at the same time, when the character was first created, there was someone more realistically like Max who, when the part went to me, was equally gutted.

But Im sure at the same time, when the character was first created, there was someone more realistically like Max who, when the part went to me, was equally gutted.

And so I dont know what the right answer is, but I do know that we made the show with the best intent, Pally continues. Looking back on it now, Im sure there are things that we could do differently. But I am proud of that character. And I think had we got to go further, there would have been a lot more opportunities for me to play a more well-rounded version of that character. But such is life.

Despite getting cut short, Happy Endings opened a lot of doors for Pally, leading to a regular role as Dr. Peter Prentice on The Mindy Project as well as comic-relief parts in movies ranging from Iron Man 3 to Dirty Grandpa to Sonic the Hedgehog, alongside his old Upright Citizens Brigade collaborator Ben Schwartz.

Schwartz also served as his sidekick on that fateful Friday night in January 2015 when Pally got the unexpected opportunity to guest host The Late Late Show on CBS between Craig Fergusons departure and James Cordens arrival. I honestly think it was a contractual thing that was being covered up or something, Pally says of the odd circumstances that led him to host the show for one night from the CBS This Morning studio without an audience. Something wasnt right.

Pally had a feeling they were doing something special during the taping, but it wasnt until he started getting texts from his comedian friends while it was airing that night that he realized how off-the-rails brilliant it was. When a friendespecially a comedian friendtexts you, it means that something you did made an impact, he says. Because we are usually a very jealous, callous group of people. So if you get a text from a comedian friend, youre like, Oh, I think I did something good.

In the years since he deliberately bombed on late-night TV, Pally has taken on a bigger role behind the scenes, serving as an executive producer on projects like Making History, Champaign ILL anda personal favoriteThe President Show.

Pally first saw his fellow UCB alum Anthony Atamanuiks expert Trump impersonation during the 2016 campaign and he was particularly impressed with the way he could endlessly riff off-the-cuff as the candidate. It wasnt just the impression that was so good, the content was so good, he says.

When the idea of him playing Donald Trump Jr. on their Comedy Central show came up, Pally says, At first I was a little bit like, I dont know. But once he started improvising as the former presidents eldest son, it started to click. We were like, theres something here to making him a mimbo. And it worked out, it was really fun.

Listen to the episode now and subscribe to The Last Laugh on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Google, Stitcher, Amazon Music, or wherever you get your podcasts and be the first to hear new episodes when they are released every Tuesday.

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Adam Pally on Playing Gay and Nailing Donald Trump Jr. - The Daily Beast

Dustin Johnson and fiancee Paulina Gretzky got the presidential treatment on Sunday as they celebrated Halloween by partying with Donald Trump at his Mar-a-Lago Club in Florida.

The couple were on the guest list for Trump's annual costume bash in Palm Beach, where they were greeted by the former president with open arms.

"You look great," Trump told modelGretzkyas he kissed her on both cheeks.

He then shook hands and exchanged laughs with Johnson before the group snapped a photo together, which the golfer captioned "Happy Halloween!" on his Instagram.

A post shared by Dustin Johnson (@djohnsonpga)

Trump chose not to dress up for the event, sporting a blue suit and his signature red tie, but Johnson and Gretzky went all out with their costumes.

Model Gretzky channeled Pamela Anderson in a Baywatch costume that featured Anderson's iconic red bathing suit, while Johnson ditched his golf gear to dress up as a tennis player in a white polo shirt and matching sweatband.

A post shared by Paulina Gretzky (@paulinagretzky)

Johnson and Gretzky are know for their love of a party, with the golfer enjoying a semi-legendary vacation in the days after he won the Masters in 2020.

It's been a busy weekend for Trump, whoon Saturday was with his wife, Melania at Game 4 of the World Series in Atlanta between the Braves and the Houston Astros.

Prior to the game, the pair both participated in the stadium-wide "tomahawk chop" a gesture which has been called racist and offensive towards indigenous people by some.

It also later transpired that despite Trump insisting he was invited to the game, he caught Braves officials off guard by asking to attend.

"He called MLB and wanted to come to the game,'' Atlanta Braves CEO Terry McGuirk told USA Today, per The Independent.

"We were very surprised."

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Dustin Johnson parties with Donald Trump for Halloween - Insider

William Blake once proposed that John Milton was of the Devils party without knowing it because he evoked Satan in Paradise Lost with such gusto. By contrast, Blake observed, Milton seemed inhibited when he wrote of plodding, sanctimonious old God. Have Donald Trumps recent chroniclers, most of whom quote the former president liberally and with relish, turned to the devils party?

Loathsome characters bring out zestful writing, and authors who represent Trump as perilous to democracythat is, all writers with eyes and earscould find that the danger the former president poses to Americas future is more cinematic than democracy itself.

Peril, the latest big book about the former president, is not the best book by Bob Woodward, or even his best about Trump. That would be Fear, which came out in 2018. But in Peril, Woodward and his co-author, Robert Costa, manage to pull off a singular trick. They dont let Trumps devilish ravings, tweets, and tantrums run roughshod over their own, more disciplined voices. Woodward and Costa flex their rhetorical muscles not by writing the hell out of the Trump character, but by smacking down their arch-villain, keeping a choke chain on his every utterance.

When writing about the appalling presidential debate of September 30, 2020, they skip Trumps cruel and confounding yawps about Joe Biden and Bidens son, Hunter. They also ignore the Proud Boys, whom Trump that night refused to condemn. Given that groups participation in the attacks of January 6, Trumps wordsstand back and stand bynow seem stomach-churning and fateful. But in Peril, the sole line Woodward and Costa quote from that debate is Bidens demand of Trump: Will you shut up, man? With this choice to not quote Trump at all, the book elegantly obliges Biden.

For years, Woodward has been accused of styling himself as impartial during a crisis that demands partiality. But this underestimates the old masters ego. Woodward takes a side: his own. His voice in Peril is imperious, swaggering, and territorial. He and Costa lock their subject in a narrative cage, where he remains mostly gagged.

David Frum: Woodward missed everything that matters about the Trump presidency

Other recent Trump books allow their subject more space to strut and fret. This has costs, but it also means they bring more brio to evoking the former president. These books are potboilers: Stephanie Grishams Ill Take Your Questions Now, Michael C. Benders Frankly, We Did Win This Election, Carol Leonnig and Philip Ruckers I Alone Can Fix It, and Michael Wolffs Landslide. These Trump books align in that they keep the former presidents flamboyant psychopathy center stage, where readers can hate-watch it. They all read like airport thrillers.

But the books also play back Trumps falsehoods, sometimes at top volume. Three draw their title from lies told by Trump, and two directly quote the so-called Big Lie. Trump didnt win the 2020 electionneither frankly nor by a landslideand he alone could not fix jack. But its not just the titles that replay Trumps lies. At regular intervals, Grisham, Bender, Leonnig and Rucker, and Wolff quote or cite Trumps horseshit, often letting it steam there, uncorrected.

This can have unnerving effects. About midway through Landslide, Wolff writes of the presidents determination to sully Joe Biden, a motivation for defamation and lies if ever there was one. (See: Trumps first impeachment.) But hot on the heels of this statement, Wolff asserts that Trump has absolute belief that the Bidens were among the most corrupt political families of all time.

Does he? An absolute belief? Wolff doesnt mention that this is a ludicrous claim, and with Trump hardly anything is absolute or a belief. But to note any of this would break Wolffs narrative flow; his talent is for free indirect discourse, which lets him enter the minds of his principals, and hes never going to clutter his slick prose with allegedlys or weasel words chosen by lawyers. So rather than punish the character of Trump, as Woodward does, Wolff lets Trump run wild. In all of his books, including a new one out this month about, no joke, the damned, Wolff is inexorably drawn to the devil. (Unlike Milton, he always knows it.)

Another example of the difficulty of rendering Trumps freaky deceptions comes in a chapter about his 2020 electoral defeat in I Alone Can Fix It. In describing Trumps rejection of data, Leonnig and Rucker write, Georgia was MAGA territoryor so Trump thought. Georgia in 2020 was very much not MAGA territory. Biden beat Trump statewide to win the states 15 electoral votes, and both of its Senate seats flipped to Democrats. But the fact that Trumps stubborn delusionGeorgia was MAGA territoryis allowed to air out like that means were in Trumps head as he churns over the Big Lie. Once again: Does he really think he won Georgia, i.e., that it was MAGA land? Or did he simply want Georgia officials to pretend that hed won so he could stay in the White House?

The title of Frankly, We Did Win This Election: The Inside Story of How Trump Lost does keep Trumps Big Lie securely in quotation marks, and corrects the record with its subtitle. But elsewhere in the book, Bender prolifically recaps the inane banter among Trump and his cronies while also reproducing some of Trumps most persistent lies about, for example, the size of his rallies. Nobody has seen anything like it ever, Bender quotes Trump saying. There has never never been anything like it. (Bender, to be fair, points out that Trump hurts himself when he imagines that his distorted apprehension of crowd size is more accurate than the polls that predicted hed lose the election.)

During the 2016 campaign, cable news channels aired Trumps rambunctious campaign rallies live, and did nothing to correct his lies. In those days, his whoppers seemed so self-refuting that they could pass as reality-TV bacchanalia. Like Alex Jones, whose lawyer has called him a performance artist, Trumps Barnumism was left unchecked for years simply because nothing as appalling had ever been seen in presidential politics. After five years, weve become inured to Trumps lies, and many of us can recite them as if they are an anthem-rock chorus. Fact-checking, by contrast, requires complexity and pedantry; no one chants Daniel Dales brilliant fact-checking live-tweets at Jones Beach.

Read: Fact-checking the president in real time

Trump is simply a narrative migraine. To write a monograph about a figure whose speech and actions dont comport with identifiable beliefsmuch less with realityis to get in deep with a flailing, splintered, and antisocial mind. Grisham, Trumps former press secretary, quotes several of Trumps non sequiturs, including some trash talk about the mother of a prime minister. These choice quotes stop her story like a record scratch. And theres always a reaction shot: Grisham agape at the audience, reflecting on her own WTF. She quotes Trumps bunk less to correct or satirize him than to render her own chronic bafflement at the former presidents batshit things. It hits the spot.

Usually, depth psychologythe theory that there are distinct emotions, sensations, and needs somehow under ones personalityis steady ground on which to build a portrait. But with Trump, it falters. Does he even have an interior life? In 1997, in an astute profile of Trump in The New Yorker, Mark Singer concluded that his subject leads an existence unmolested by the rumbling of a soul. The British writer Nate White also defines Trump by absences: He has no class, no charm, no coolness, no credibility, no compassion, no wit, no warmth, no wisdom, no subtlety, no sensitivity, no self-awareness, no humility, no honor, and no grace.

If the afterwords and acknowledgments of all these books are any guide, the authors seem entirely spent by effort. No wonder. The skull of Donald Trump, where delusions and desperation clamor for nourishment like hungry ghosts, is a grim place to spend time. Other readers may have chosen to leave these disturbing books on the shelf; me, Im grateful that so many observers concluded, as Grisham did, I have to get this all out so I can process, in my own mind, what the hell happened.

In their various idioms, Bender, Grisham, Leonnig and Rucker, Wolff, and Woodward and Costa have shed collective light on what the hell happened. And theyve done a supreme public service simply by etching the events of Americas bleak recent history into the record, where they will be more difficult for Trump and his heirs to lie about in the years ahead. When Condoleezza Rice recently urged Americans to move on from the January 6 insurrection, all I could think was, No, no, no, dont move on; read these books. And when Trump runs again in 2024, remember that those who forget history are condemnedah, but you know the rest.

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What the Trump Books Teach Us - The Atlantic