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Piers, we have a problem.

I was standing inside the gilded confines of President Donald Trumps exclusive Mar-a-Lago private members resort in Palm Beach, Florida, and one of my production team was brandishing a document with a concerned look on his face.

Whats that? I asked, bemused.

This is a collection of quotes youve apparently said about President Trump in the past two years. Someone sent it to him in the last hour, and the quotes are not good. In fact, theyre really bad.

I was due to start an interview with Trump in precisely eight minutes, and it was intended to be a blockbuster exclusive to rocket-launch my new global TV show, Piers Morgan Uncensored, on Monday, April 25.

My four-camera crew were all set up in a palatial bar, I was suited, booted, made up and had been exchanging cordial small talk with Secret Service agents designated to ensure we behaved ourselves.

But as I hurriedly scanned the three-page white paper document, my heart sank.

There were several dozen comments from me, taken from columns Id written and interviews Id given, in which I was savagely critical of Trumps conduct in the last year of his presidency, from his woeful handling of the coronavirus pandemic to his refusal to accept defeat in the 2020 election, and the appalling January 6 riot at the Capitol that followed.

Whoever sent it knew exactly what they were doing.

These were by far the worst things Id ever said about a man with whom Id been friends for 15 years, but I felt they were justified when I said them, and I still do now.

In the suddenly very chilly light of a sun-kissed Florida afternoon, however, they made distinctly unhelpful reading.

Is he going to cancel the interview? I asked, trying not to panic.

I dont know, came the reply. But he is VERY upset.

See if I can go and talk to him about it, I suggested.

Twenty minutes later, I was sitting in Trumps office.

Normally, hed greet me with a cheery smile and the words, Hows my champ?, because I was his first Celebrity Apprentice on the series that made him a TV superstar.

But this time, there were no such welcoming niceties.

He was staring at me across his desk with undisguised fury, clutching the document titled Piers Morgan Comments About President Trump.

What the fk IS this? he snarled.

Then he began slowly reading out some of the quotes.

Trumps a supreme narcissist

Pause.

His pathetic antics in the past few weeks since losing the election in November have been utterly contemptible.

Pause.

Trumps now too dangerous, hes morphed into a monster that I no longer recognize as someone I considered to be a friend and thought I knew.

Pause.

Hes now acting like a Mafia mob boss.

Pause.

And all because Donalds stupendous ego couldnt accept losing and sent him nuts.

Each time he paused, he peered over the document at me, with mounting rage in his eyes.

When I won Trumps Celebrity Apprentice show in 2008, his final words to me as he announced the result were: Piers, youre a vicious guy. Ive seen it. Youre tough. Youre smart. Youre probably brilliant. Im not sure. Youre certainly not diplomatic. But you did an amazing job. And you beat the hell out of everybody youre the Celebrity Apprentice.

When he won the 2016 election, I returned the favor by sending him a card saying: Well, Donald, youre a vicious guy. Ive seen it. Youre tough. Youre smart. Youre probably brilliant. Im not sure. Youre certainly not diplomatic. But you did an amazing job. And you beat the hell out of everybody youre the President of the United States.

So we had a reasonable understanding of each others personalities, good and bad.

And it wasnt like wed never had a spat.

He unfollowed me on Twitter (he only followed around 50 accounts at the time, so this didnt go unnoticed!) in April 2020 after hed proposed using household disinfectant to fight COVID, and Id hammered him in a column for spreading batst crazy coronavirus cure theories.

But a few months later, he called me for a lengthy chat before the election and chuckled about how mean and nasty Id been about him, so I mistakenly assumed he didnt really mind me verbally whacking him from time to time.

Wrong!

Id never seen him so livid or felt so uncomfortable in his presence as I did right now in his office.

He was almost foaming at the mouth and kept shaking his head slowly and menacingly at me, like Don Corleone when he felt hed been disrespected.

There was no point in trying to deny the quotes.

Id said them, and Id meant them.

Ive always been critical of you when Ive felt you deserved it, I eventually said, but as you know, Ive also written and said many supportive things about you too. This is a one-sided hatchet job designed to stop you doing our interview.

Its definitely a hatchet job, he retorted, ON ME!

Then he read another line: January 7, 2021 President Trump needs to be removed from office. As soon as possible through new emergency articles of impeachment, which would have the additional benefit of barring him from ever running for the presidency again.

REMOVED FROM OFFICE?! he spat. BARRED FROM EVER RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT AGAIN?!

Then he threw down the document and threw me a look of withering contempt.

I thought we were friends? he shouted. This is so disloyal! After all Ive done for you? Why would you say all this about me?

I thought what you did was wrong, I replied, feeling myself beginning to sweat.

This wasnt going well.

It looked for sure like Trump was about to can the interview, which would have been a massive waste of time and money for me and our team and leave me an even more massive hole for the first show.

I was desperately thinking of some way to salvage things.

I dont intend our interview to be confrontational, I said. A lot of time has passed since I said those things, and a lot has happened in the meantime.

Why should I do it at all? he scoffed. Youre not real. Youre a fake.

No, Im just brutally honest.

DIS-honest!

You didnt make me your Celebrity Apprentice because Im a shrinking violet who sits on the fence or doesnt say what he really thinks.

We stared at each other for a few seconds, his eyes boring into mine with all the warmth of an Arctic glacier.

It was time to change the mood music.

Id love to talk about your recent golf hole-in-one, I stammered. Your playing partner Ernie Els was raving about it.

Trump sat bolt upright.

He was? Where?

In a newspaper interview I read. He said it was a brilliant shot and you played really well.

I did, I did.

Was that your first hole-in-one?

No! Ive had seven!

Seven?

This claim seemed highly implausible. (Im a keen golfer and only had one. Most amateurs havent even had that.) But this wasnt a good moment to fact-check him about his sporting prowess.

Amazing, I replied. Congrats!

Suddenly, Trump clapped his hands.

OK, I guess Ill still do the interview. I dont know why, honestly, but Ill see you down there.

My extremely fractious audience was over, and I felt a huge wave of relief as I headed back to my team.

How was he? asked my executive producer, Winnie Dunbar-Nelson, whod flown from London to oversee the interview.

Hes very annoyed, I said, more annoyed than Ive ever seen him. Spitting blood, in fact. But hes going to do it.

Ten minutes later, President Trump arrived in the interview room, and acted like nothing had happened as we posed for smiling photos together. He was even charm personified to Winnie, whom he remembered from three previous presidential interviews wed taped for my old show, Good Morning Britain, in Davos, onboard Air Force One and inside the Churchill War Rooms.

But I could sense he was still very wound up, and there was none of the usual bonhomie between us that I was used to in our many previous encounters.

Id been promised 20 minutes and feared he would cut that down to punish me.

But in the end, I got 75 minutes, by far the longest time Id ever had with him on camera, and it was a fascinating, often riveting, sometimes hilarious series of exchanges with arguably the worlds most famous person as we talked about everything from Ukraine, Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong Un and nuclear weapons, to the royals, transgender athletes, Twitter and Joe Biden.

For the first hour or so, it was a perfectly normal interview, and we even shared a few laughs.

Trump displayed the extremely forthright style and brash humor that first propelled him into the White House, and certainly showed no sign of losing any of his fabled energy.

I also agreed with him about a number of issues, as I have done in the past.

Ive never been tribal or partisan about Trump of the 100 or so columns I wrote about him during his presidency, around half were positive, half negative.

But things took a dramatic downward turn when I finally brought up his refusal to accept defeat in 2020 and the appalling scenes on January 6.

I told him I believe he lost the supposedly rigged, stolen election, I repeatedly pointed out his failure to produce any evidence of the widespread voter fraud he insists occurred to rob him of his presidency, and I blamed his refusal to admit defeat for the deadly riots at the Capitol.

Then youre a FOOL! he sneered. And you havent studied!

He was back to the furious Trump hed been in his office and branded me a fool six more times, in between calling Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell stupid, and his former vice president, Mike Pence, foolish and weak.

Our collective crime was that none of us agree he had the election stolen.

Now abandoning any pretense at cordiality, Trump ranted that he was far more honest than I, and again sneered that I wasnt real before haranguing me for exceeding our 20 minutes, which was particularly disingenuous given that during all our previous interviews, hed invariably decided exactly how long he wanted to keep talking.

As he bellowed insults at me for disbelieving his rigged-election bullst, it reminded me of the scene in A Few Good Men where Jack Nicholsons arrogant, deluded Colonel Jessup calls Tom Cruises military lawyer, Lt. Kaffee, a snotty little bastard for grilling him about ordering a deadly Code Red punishment on a Marine.

I want the truth, demands Kaffee.

YOU CANT HANDLE THE TRUTH! roars a contemptuous Jessup, before losing his rag, lecturing Kaffee about loyalty and honor, and then finally admitting his culpability.

I dont expect Trump to ever admit he lost the election fairly or confess to being responsible for the January 6 carnage.

Well never hear him say, Youre goddamn right I did! like Col. Jessup because, ironically, he cant handle the truth.

Incensed Trump tried to end things by declaring, Thats it! before I reminded him that we hadnt discussed his hole-in-one, which he then sat down again and did briefly before abruptly jumping to his feet, looking hateful, and barking at the shocked crew: TURN THE CAMERAS OFF!

Then he turned on his heel, and sloped angrily off through a side door, loudly muttering, SO dishonest

It wasnt a rhetorical observation.

Apparently, he was later heard denouncing me as a scumbag and saying he wished hed never done the interview.

But I thought it was the best one weve ever done together, and all the tension created by the damning document he was given gave it a crackle and energy that makes for compelling television.

As for who sent him the document in the first place, Trump told me it came from London and gave it to me to keep as souvenir of your treachery.

Mysteriously, it contains two random, very positive comparative quotes from British politician Nigel Farage, who now works as a presenter for my rival UK network GB News.

Oh, and by an extraordinary coincidence, Farage happened to have dinner with Trump at Mar-a-Lago on April 8, just three days before I was there.

See more here:
How all hell broke loose after my fiery showdown with Trump over his stolen election claims - New York Post

That gap of information looms as the House panel works to finalize a minute-by-minute account of Trumps actions on Jan. 6, when he pushed Pence to prevent the transfer of power to Biden. Committee Chair Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.) has remained publicly undecided about whether to seek testimony from Pence himself, noting that Pences closest advisers have cooperated fulsomely. But investigators must also confront whether Pences side of that conversation for which no Pence advisers were present is significant enough to ask him to fill in the blanks.

Its unlikely the committee will attempt to force Pence to testify. There are imposing legal obstacles for subpoenaing a former vice president, and the panel considers Pence a witness, not a target of their probe. Whether they ask for his voluntary help is another question.

An hour after the call, Pence would publicly declare what hed privately told Trump for weeks: He would not assert unprecedented power to overturn the election. Barring some unforeseen twist, Joe Biden would be the next president. Aides who had been working all morning to finalize Pences statement delayed it to give Trump a chance to address his supporters, but the decision had long been settled.

But Pences words to Trump could be significant as congressional and criminal probes of Jan. 6 advance. A federal judge has concluded that Trump more likely than not criminally conspired to obstruct Congress proceedings to finalize Bidens victory. He described Trumps pressure campaign against Pence as a coup in search of a legal theory. The select committee has also argued that Trump committed multiple crimes as he leaned on Pence to subvert the election.

Jan. 6 call logs obtained by the select committee, revealed last month by The Washington Post and CBS, show that Trump first tried to reach Pence at 9:02 a.m. But the two men did not connect. The operator, according to those call logs, left a message at 9:15 a.m. Trump had already twice tweeted that morning that Pence had the power to stop Congress from finalizing Bidens victory.

The logs dont reflect Trumps subsequent call with Pence, but a private schedule investigators obtained from the National Archives suggests the two men connected at 11:20 a.m. while Pence was in his residence and Trump was in the Oval Office. Pences chief of staff Marc Short and chief counsel Greg Jacob told the select committee that they remembered Pence receiving the call from Trump at about that time.

[A]t some point during our meeting a military aide knocked on the door and said the President was holding for the Vice President, at which point he excused himself to take the call, Short recalled.

How long was he gone? a committee attorney asked.

My best guess would be 15, 20 minutes, Short replied.

Upon his return, did he share any details of the conversation with you? the investigator asked.

No, Short said.

Jacob also recalled that Pence left the room to take Trumps call and agreed Pence didnt brief them on it when he came back.

The Vice Presidents rule was never to divulge the contents of his conversations with the President, Jacob testified.

Shortly after hanging up, Pence traveled to the Capitol to preside over the joint session of Congress.

Pences apparent privacy hasnt stopped accounts of the call from emerging. Theyve just all come from people who only heard Trumps side of it.

The same private schedule showing Trumps call with Pence also reveals who entered the Oval Office just minutes earlier, a group that appeared to be present while Trump made his final push to pressure his vice president. The list includes Trumps adult children Ivanka, Donald Jr. and Eric, as well as Kimberly Guilfoyle, Donald Jr.s then-girlfriend. Also in the room were White House aide Keith Kellogg, chief of staff Mark Meadows and counsel Eric Herschmann. Kellogg, who testified to the select committee, said he recalled seeing Eric Trumps wife, Lara, in the vicinity, though shes not listed on the schedule.

Multiple people familiar with the testimony given to the select committee about the call offered a consistent account. One of those people granted anonymity to speak candidly said witnesses described the conversation as beginning relatively pleasantly, with Trump embracing the legal advice he was given about Pences ability to send the election back to the states.

Although people in the Oval Office couldnt hear him, Pence had clearly rejected Trumps entreaties, the person indicated. Witnesses have said listeners in the room were surprised because it was the first time they recalled Pence saying no to Trump. The call deteriorated and Trump grew frustrated.

A portion of Kelloggs testimony has become public in court filings and provided a similar recollection of Trumps side of the phone call. Kellogg said he couldnt hear Pences responses but remembered Trump pushing his vice president to embrace a fringe theory intended to stop Bidens victory: sending the election back to a handful of GOP-controlled state legislatures to appoint new presidential electors.

Kellogg said he presumed Pence rebuffed Trump because Trump seemed disappointed. He recalled Trump saying something to the effect of: Youre not tough enough to make the call.

I would say [he] was frustrated, Kellogg told the committee. He hung up. And after he hung up, we went right back to speech prep. He didnt get up, walk out, yell, throw things. He just said okay and went back to the speech discussion.

Kellogg also told the select committee that Ivanka Trump turned to him at the close of the call and said, Mike Pence is a good man.

Importantly, Ivanka Trump, Guilfoyle and Herschmann, the former Trump White House lawyer, have all recently testified to the select committee and were likely asked about their recollection of the call. Aides to all three did not respond to requests for comment.

But a harsher version of the exchange described by Kellogg has emerged in books and news reports.

You can either go down in history as a patriot or you can go down in history as a pussy, Trump said, according to an account reported by The New York Times days after the Jan. 6 attack.

Months later, Trump told ABC that he wouldnt dispute the Times account. I also said You can be Thomas Jefferson or you can be no Thomas Jefferson, and you turned out to be no Thomas Jefferson, Trump recalled to ABC.

The book Peril, by Bob Woodward and Robert Costa, describes some of Pences pushback on the call, quoting him as telling Trump, Ill do my job. The comment reportedly prompted furious pushback from Trump.

The select committee has used those books as a rough guide for questioning witnesses, looking to confirm reported details. But its unclear whether the panel has collected more details on Pences final words to Trump that day.

Shortly after they hung up, Trump traveled to the Ellipse to deliver his remarks to the Stop the Steal rally he assembled in Washington to pressure Pence and Congress. He told the crowd that he had just spoken to Pence, whom he referenced a dozen times in his speech.

All Vice President Pence has to do is send it back to the states to recertify and we become president and you are the happiest people, Trump told the crowd.

I just spoke to Mike. I said, Mike, that doesnt take courage. What takes courage is to do nothing. That takes courage. And then were stuck with a president who lost the election by a lot and we have to live with that for four more years, Trump continued. Were just not going to let that happen.

Here is the original post:
Jan. 6 panel piecing together details of final Trump-Pence call - POLITICO

At first blush, Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich appears to be the kind of Republican whom Donald Trump should love. Brnovich not only routinely offers gushing praise for the former president, the conservative Arizonan even looked the other way when presented with evidence of potential crimes related to the pro-Trump fake electors scheme.

But as hard as Brnovich tries to stay in the former presidents good graces, especially as his U.S. Senate campaign continues, the more the state attorney general falls short. For example, Trump issued this written statement this week:

Attorney General Brnovich of Arizona was given massive information on the fraud and so-called irregularities that took place in the 2020 Presidential Election.... [R]ather than go after the people that committed these election crimes, it looks like he is just going to kick the can down the road and stay in that middle path of non-controversy. He wants to be politically correct.

Trump went on to say in the written statement that unnamed people are upset with Brnovich for not pursuing election conspiracy theories. The former president, his idiosyncratic approach to grammatical rules intact, concluded, The good news is Arizona has some very good people running for election to the U.S. Senate. I will be making an Endorsement in the not too distant future!

The implication, of course, was that Trump does not see the state attorney general as among the very good people.

Brnovich responded to Trump yesterday with a statement of his own that read in part, I understand his frustration, but as Ive said previously, I will continue to follow the facts and evidence and do what the law requires. Thats what Ive always done and what I will do as Arizonas next senator.

To be sure, there are several intra-party fissures in Republican politics right now, but its worth appreciating what makes this one among the most amazing.

Circling back to our earlier coverage, Brnovich is clearly in a politically tricky position. On the one hand, hes a Republican U.S. Senate candidate in a crowded primary, and hes eager to impress Trump and his partys far-right base.

On the other hand, Brnovich is also Arizonas top law enforcement official, whos faced intense lobbying from the former president to help with the partys crusade against the 2020 election.

The more Brnovich boosts Trumps Big Lie, the more its likely to help his statewide campaign. The more he uses his office responsibly, and sidesteps ridiculous conspiracy theories, the more he risks being seen as a villain by the former president and his followers.

Its why, as Politico recently put it, Brnovich is effectively caught in a vice.

With this in mind, Trumps pressure campaign has been painfully overt. Indeed, as weve discussed, Trump has publicly criticized the state attorney general for not going far enough to kowtow to the former presidents anti-election nonsense. Trump even issued a written statement last year, saying Brnovich was nowhere to be found in helping spread ridiculous ideas about the 2020 race.

The lackluster Attorney General of Arizona, Mark Brnovich, has to get on the ball and catch up with the great Republican patriots in the Arizona State Senate, Trump added.

Last month, the former president went on to demand to know whether Brnovich would do the right thing. Soon after, Trump called on the state attorney general to take the matter to the next level. He also held a rally in Arizona in which he told supporters, in reference to Brnovich, I think hes going to do his job well find out.

Subtle it was not.

The trouble, of course, is that no matter how aggressive the former presidents lobbying becomes, the state attorney general cant create evidence that doesnt exist. NBC News reported a few weeks ago that Brnovich issued a report on his offices investigation into the 2020 race, and the findings showed no evidence of widespread voter fraud or irregularities.

This, naturally, enraged Trump, who believes the non-existent evidence in Arizona must exist because ... well, just because.

Indeed, the former president is so convinced that his own lies are true that hes come to an inescapable conclusion: Brnovich is disloyal for failing to pursue investigations based on the proof that definitely exists in Trumps overactive imagination.

In other words, Brnovich isnt quite corrupt enough for Trump, and the Arizonans career is likely to end as a result.

Steve Benen is a producer for "The Rachel Maddow Show," the editor of MaddowBlog and an MSNBC political contributor. He's also the bestselling author of "The Impostors: How Republicans Quit Governing and Seized American Politics."

Read the original here:
Why Trump is lashing out at one of his own GOP allies in Arizona - MSNBC

Former President Donald Trump has long touted the importance of his endorsements in the Republican primary processes and as crucial midterms approach, he's been offering his backing to a range of candidates.

However, the power of the former president's endorsement could be called into question as some of his preferred candidates have faced attacks from others in the GOP.

Trump faced some conservative criticism for endorsing celebrity surgeon Mehmet Oz in the Pennsylvania Senate race, with Fox News host Laura Ingraham saying it was a "mistake."

In Ohio, Trump has formally endorsed J.D. Vance for the Senate despite the fact Vance has been trailing Republican rival Josh Mandel. It remains to be seen if the former president's nod will be decisive.

On Tuesday, the Trump-endorsed candidate for Tennessee's 5th congressional district, Morgan Ortagus, was removed from the primary ballot after a vote by the state party. She has said she's looking at her options.

And in Georgia, Trump is backing former U.S. Senator David Perdue in his primary challenge to Governor Brian Kemp but Kemp appears to be well positioned to defeat Perdue.

Sean Parnell, who Trump previously endorsed in the Pennsylvania Senate race, dropped out amid his estranged wife's accusations of abusive behavior and Trump withdrew his endorsement from Representative Mo Brooks in the Alabama Senate race, possibly because of his poor showing in the polls despite an initial lead.

Political experts who spoke to Newsweek suggested that while the former president's endorsement still mattered, it may not carry the same weight it once didand that could have implications for a potential Trump 2024 presidential bid.

Robert Singh, a professor at the Department of Politics at Birkbeck, University of London, told Newsweek that the former president may have less of a hold over the GOP than has been imagined.

"Although the Republican Party now is much more Trump's party than Ronald Reagan's, Trump has had a very uneven record in terms of endorsing Republican candidates for Congress and state positions," Singh said.

"What this shows is that while he remains popular among rank-and-file GOP voters, his supposed 'hold' on the party is more tenuous than many imagine," he went on.

Singh suggested that "establishment" Republicans like Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell "are desperate to avoid a repeat of 2010, where the GOP could have won the Senate but failed to do so because of some eccentric nominees."

McConnell made reference to the 2010 midterms during comments in Kentucky on April 12 where he warned that Republicans would struggle to win if they nominate "somebody who's just sort of unacceptable to a broader group of people" in competitive races.

In one famous case, the Republican Senate candidate in Delaware, Christine O'Donnell, recorded a TV ad assuring voters she was not a witch, addressing comments she had made during an appearance on Bill Maher's show, Politically Incorrect, in 1999.

"So, many Trump-endorsed figures face stiff competition from more party-focused Republicans," Singh explained.

Thomas Gift, founding director of University College London's Centre on U.S. Politics, told Newsweek that Republicans will still seek Trump's endorsement.

"Trump is often described as having a cult-like following among his core supporters," Gift said. "Yet his uneven record in picking primary winners proves that the GOP base doesn't acquiesce to his every whim."

"Trump voters are much more impulsive, unpredictable, and ideologically-motivated than they're often given credit for," he said. "The personal fealty they display toward their leader, in other words, isn't unbounded."

Gift said that despite this, Trump's endorsement "is still highly coveted, and in tight races, there's no doubt it could give candidates the marginal boost they need to secure a win."

"The fact that virtually every Republican contender wants Trump's blessing is evidence of his continued popularity with the party," he added.

Trump is still considered the leading contender for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. Polls have shown majorities of GOP voters favor him and he has repeatedly hinted at a third White House run.

Robert Singh told Newsweek that the opposition Trump-endorsed candidates face "probably won't be decisive on whether Trump runs again."

"Privately, he has told many figures that he is running, but the laws on campaign financing mean that he has no incentive to declare anytime sooneven after the midterms," Singh said.

"With ample money, name recognition, and media attention, he can wait, still knowing he's the frontrunner in what promises to be a very large field of presidential aspirants," he went on.

However, Singh said that "what the hit-and-miss record of endorsements confirm is that many Republicans are looking actively for alternatives."

"Trump may run again for the GOP nomination but it is by no means a certainty that he will secure it in the face of, ironically, a roster of candidates who can offer the positives of a Trumpian candidacy without the negatives that turn voters off," he said.

Thomas Gift said that some GOP operatives "might question the wisdom of Trump risking his political capital on primary candidates who ultimately lose."

"Fair enough," Gift said. "But true to form, Trump seems more interested in actually helping candidates who he sees as loyal to him and his agenda."

"The fact that he's not just anointing candidates who already have a clear path to victory is indicative of the kind of boldness that many supporters admire about Trump," Gift added.

Newsweek has asked former President Trump's office for comment.

Here is the original post:
Donald Trump Is Realizing the Limits of His Power in GOP Primaries - Newsweek

Mr. Bannon, Mr. Lindell and Mr. Epshteyn have repeatedly promoted decertification at the state level on Mr. Bannons podcast, War Room, since last summer, pushing it as a steady drumbeat and at times claiming that it could lead to Mr. Trump being put back into office. They have described the so-called audit movement that began in Arizona and spread to other states as part of a larger effort to decertify electoral votes.

We are on a full, full freight train to decertify, Mr. Epshteyn said on the program in January. Thats what were going to get. Everyone knows. Everyone knows this election was stolen.

Weighing changes to the Insurrection Act. Some lawmakers on the Jan. 6 House committee have begun discussions about rewriting the Insurrection Actin response to the events that led to the Capitol riot. The law currently gives presidents the authority to deploy the military to respond to a rebellion, and some fear it could be abused by a president trying to stoke one.

Debating a criminal referral. The House panel has grown divided over whether to make a criminal referralof former President Donald J. Trump to the Justice Department, even though it has concluded that it has enough evidence to do so. The debate centers on whether a referral would backfire by politically tainting the expandingfederal investigation.

Continuing election doubts. More than a year after they tried and failed to use Congresss final count of electoral votes on Jan. 6 to overturn the election, some Trump allies are pushing bogus legal theories about decertifying the 2020 voteand continuing to fuel a false narrativethat has resonated with Mr. Trumps supporters.

Last fall, 186 state legislators from 39 states joined a letter written by Wendy Rogers, a Republican state senator from Arizona who has appeared at events hosted by Mr. Lindell, calling on each state to decertify its electors where it has been shown the elections were certified prematurely and inaccurately.

All the efforts have either failed to progress or been rejected for lack of legal grounds in the absence of any evidence of widespread voter fraud that could have affected the 2020 election. And even as elected Republicans have almost uniformly embraced Mr. Trumps claims that the vote was stolen, many have rejected the idea that states should decertify their results or argued that the effort was merely symbolic, noting that he could never be reinstated.

Still, Mr. Trump is now the front-runner in public opinion surveys of the possible Republican presidential field. While he has yet to declare his candidacy, he has privately told associates that he is planning to run again.

A spokesman for Mr. Trump did not respond to an email seeking comment.

The legal drive to reverse his 2020 loss has had ripple effects in the Republican Party. With midterm congressional elections less than six months away, the push has put pressure on candidates to either endorse it or risk the wrath of Mr. Trump and his supporters. In Alabama, Representative Mo Brooks said that the former president had repeatedly demanded that he rescind the election and remove Mr. Biden. When the congressman said that was impossible, Mr. Trump withdrew his endorsement in the states Senate Republican primary.

In Pennsylvania, Jake Corman, the top Republican in the State Senate who promised last year to review the 2020 election results, said he had dropped plans to end his bid for governor after Mr. Trump urged him to keep fighting. He then went on Mr. Bannons podcast, where Mr. Corman said there was no question about the need to investigate whether electors needed to be decertified in battleground states, and pledged to turn the Department of State upside down to find evidence of illegality.

Read the original here:
Trump Allies Are Still Feeding the False 2020 Election Narrative - The New York Times