Mediaboss Marketing

Eleven of the last 12 American presidents have endured an assassination attempt or a plot against their lives. The same is true for 20 of the countrys 45.

Most of the recent plots have been foiled early, making the indelible image of Donald Trump fist-pumping in Pennsylvania seem like an atavistic monument or an ominous portent or perhaps both. In the bedtime-story version of our national mythology, the country left behind the violence and disorder of the 1960s decades ago, for what turned out to be a wobbly but enduring peaceful equilibrium, one whose veneer began to crack only recently, with violent rhetoric rekindling over the past decade especially prominently on the right. But as David Dayen noted in The American Prospect the day after the shooting, in the 1970s Gerald Ford was shot at, and in the 1980s Ronald Reagan was actually shot; in both Bill Clintons and Barack Obamas presidencies, shots were fired at the White House.

Not all of these attempts were serious, but if amateur marksmanship and a chance gust of wind are what spared Donald Trumps life last Saturday, similar vicissitudes might have ended Fords or Reagans, as well, in which case we would all be telling very different stories about the past 50 years of American history. And though we may describe the stochastic terror of the past decade in terms of ugly bumper stickers and reckless speeches, there has been real violence, not just incitement. Gabrielle Giffords was, in fact, shot and almost killed; Steve Scalise, too.

America is staring into the abyss, The Financial Times declared in the aftermath of Saturdays shooting, but often we see chaos around the corner as a way of telling ourselves it hasnt already arrived. No political party, movement, ideology or manner of thinking has had an absolute monopoly on this violence, and it really hasnt mattered whether the surrounding political atmosphere was aggressive or docile, Dayen wrote. In our messy reality, political violence exists as a background hum. Already, it seems, the assassination attempt has faded from the news, having hardly made a mark on the shape of the presidential race or, beyond a few ear bandages worn in showy solidarity, on the Republican National Convention that almost immediately followed.

Its not even clear whether it is right to call last weekends shooting an act of political violence. The attempted assassination produced only a brief flare of partisan meaning, though the motive was never clear. The gunman was a registered Republican and recognizably a conservative to classmates but not, it seems, an especially active or outraged political actor and had not left much of a memorable ideological impression on those who knew him. He apparently donated $15 to a progressive organization in 2021, and as OSINT sleuths and self-deputized detectives argued about it over the weekend, it was striking to think how much meaning seemed to hang on a donation the size of a trip to Starbucks. When no obvious partisan explanation was immediately found, we simply moved on.

Perhaps a motive will become clearer in the days ahead. But for now, there is not much more to go on, and it seems likeliest that the would-be assassin remains a kind of cipher. Like the Las Vegas shooter Stephen Paddock before him, Thomas Crooks briefly tore a rupture in the fabric of American reality, only to fill the space with a kind of silence, a mute biography and an unstated philosophy a peculiarly American kind of terrorism in which the act of violence does not call attention to a cause greater than the shooter or generate a politically strategic backlash. Instead, it briefly elevates the profile of the man with the gun.

We are having trouble retrieving the article content.

Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit andlog intoyour Times account, orsubscribefor all of The Times.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access.

Already a subscriber?Log in.

Want all of The Times?Subscribe.

More:
Opinion | What if We Learn Nothing About the Man Who Shot Donald Trump? - The New York Times

Former President Donald Trump was named the Republican presidential nominee at the partys convention this week, just days after surviving an assassination attempt at a campaign rally on July 13.

How the assassination attempt affects Trumps chances of reelection remains to be seen, but its not the first time that violence has roiled a major presidential election year.

In 1968, two beloved figures in U.S. society were assassinated just two months apart: civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. on April 4, 1968, and Democratic presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy on June 5, 1968. That was five years after Kennedys brother, John F. Kennedy, the nations first Catholic president, had been assassinated on Nov. 22, 1963. In response, uprisings popped up across major U.S. cities, adding to a general climate of unrest, between worldwide student and labor strikes and demonstrations against the Vietnam War, which was growing increasingly unpopular. Thousands of anti-war protesters descended on Chicago for the August 1968 Democratic National Convention (DNC), railing against the partys nominee Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who stood by President Lyndon B. Johnsons moves to escalate the war.

Historians tell TIME that there are some echoes of 1968 in terms of whats going on in America now versus then, but also some key differences.

Kennedys assassination shook up the 1968 presidential race. He was anti-war and one of the few Democratic candidates who was popular among both black voters and white working class voters, says Maurice Isserman, a professor of History at Hamilton College and expert on the 1960s social movements whose latest book is Reds: The Tragedy of American Communism. His assassination by Sirhan Sirhan, which came so quickly after King was killed, rattled the nation, and came at a time when there were increasing acts of violence on both the right and the left, building occupations, street confrontations.

You can say that Sirhan Sirhan might very well have changed history by successfully assassinating Robert Kennedy, preventing him from being the Democratic nominee and likely prevailing in the fall, Isserman argues.

Trumps assassination attempt will not have the same effect, he argues: This latest attempt was just that. It was an attempt. It was not successful, and it won't change history. While the attempt will bolster Trumps popularity, he says voters should remember that the Republican party has, since 2015, been building up a climate in which expressions citing violence have become the norm. On Saturday, the chickens came home to roost, as some clearly very disturbed young man, a registered Republican, decided to make his place in history by attempting to assassinate Donald Trump.

But the existential crisis, the feeling that democracy is under siege, is a similarity between 1968 and 2024.

People are feeling like the country is coming apart at the seams. That's exactly how it felt in 1968, says Barbara A. Perry, a Professor of Presidential Studies at the University of Virginias Miller Center and co-editor of The Presidency: Facing Constitutional Crossroads. In 1968, voters saw the violence in the streets and voted for Richard Nixon because of a sense that he would bring peace and law and order back to our country.

As with today, war was a top political issue in 1968. Perry likens the anti-Vietnam war protests to the campus protests sparked by the Israel-Hamas war in 2024. But Lindsay M. Chervinsky, presidential historian and author of the forthcoming Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Precedents That Forged the Republic, points out that the Gaza and Vietnam demonstrations are on different scales. The Vietnam War protests were much more all-encompassing in society because there was a draft."

Michael Kazin, a professor of History at Georgetown University and author of What It Took to Win: A History of the Democratic Party, agrees that the Gaza protests have not divided the Democratic Party as much as the Vietnam War did, arguing, If it did, you wouldn't have people like Alexandria-Ocasio Cortez, Bernie Sanders, and Ilhan Omar supporting Joe Biden.

Kazin, who was a member of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), one of the leftist groups protesting at the Chicago DNC in 1968, says one similarity between the conventions is dissatisfaction with the nominee. And it remains to be seen whether the assassination attempt will persuade undecided voters to pick Trump or Biden.

In 1968, there was a rise in youth political activism. There were calls for revolution, and leftist groups like the Black Panther party were rising up against the police. According to Chervinsky, In 1968 there was this question about generational turnoverwas it time for a new generation, or were the existing leaders going to continue to lead? There were all of these grassroots movementscivil rights, antiwar movementsand there have been a lot of those similar things in the last several years.

There's always been partisan division, since there have been political parties. It is, at times, much more strident, and that is something we're seeing now.

So how did America move on from the tumultuous year of 1968?

Perry says Americans turned to the ballot box. After Nixon resigned over the Watergate scandal, his successor Fords controversial pardon of Nixon, and Carters unpopular one-term presidency, Perry thinks Americans found hope again in movie star Ronald Reagan, who was elected President in 1980 and served two terms 1981-1989.

How do we get that mojo back? Its Ronald Reagan, says Perry. His running for reelection in 84 with the It's morning again in America ad is positive. If you look at Gallup polls back then, there is a burst upward of Americans positive approval about federal government.

Other historians argue that were still living in 1968. Many of the conflicts in the 60s are still with us, especially cultural onesabortion, gay rights, feminism, racism, says Kazin. As Isserman puts it, We're still very much living in the shadow of the 60s.

More:
Historians See Echoes of 1968 in Trump Assassination Attempt - TIME

July 17, 2024 8:30 PM EDT

President Joe Biden used his positive COVID-19 diagnosis to take a dig at Elon Musk and Republican opponent Donald Trump on Wednesday.

Im sick, Biden posted on X on Wednesday evening, soon after news circulated of his testing positive for COVID-19. However, he followed that up with another post that continued: of Elon Musk and his rich buddies trying to buy this election. And if you agree, pitch in here. That post included photos of Musk and Trump, along with a link to a donation site for the Biden campaign.

Musk endorsed Trump for the 2024 presidential election in a post on X on Saturday, after a gunman opened fire on the former President at a rally in Pennsylvania. Musk has repeatedly attacked Biden on X for his age and immigration policies, but has often posted statements of support for Trump on the social media platform.

Musk reportedly said that he will give about $45 million a month to a pro-Trump political group, according to The Wall Street Journal. But the tech billionaire later took to X to reply to The Journals story, posting a meme with the caption FAKE GNUS.

White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre confirmed earlier Wednesday evening that the President tested positive for the virus that day after an event in Las Vegas. Biden was supposed to speak at the UnidosUS conference Wednesday night, but Jean-Pierre said the President would return to his home state of Delaware to self-isolate and continue his duties. The President is vaccinated and boosted, she added.

Before he left Las Vegas, Biden told reporters, I feel good and could be seen boarding Air Force One without a mask. He last tested positive for COVID-19 in 2022.

Get alerts on the biggest breaking news stories here

Read more:
Im Sick: Biden Uses Positive COVID Test to Take Dig at Musk and Trump - TIME

Co-chair of the Republican National Committee Lara Trump blows kisses to her father-in-law, former President Donald Trump, after speaking during the second day of the 2024 Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee on Tuesday. Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

The speech Lara Trump originally wrote was not the speech she delivered Tuesday night at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee. Instead, she recalled the moment she realized what had happened to former President Donald Trump at his rally in Pennsylvania on Saturday.

"Our family has faced our fair share of death threats ... none of that prepares you as a daughter-in-law to watch in real time someone try to kill a person you love," she said.

"None of that prepares you as a mother to quickly reach for the remote and turn your young children away from the screen so that they're not witness to something that scars the memory of their grandpa for the rest of their lives."

Officially, the theme for Day 2 of the convention was crime and safety speakers told harrowing stories of family members who had been killed or died of drug overdose. But underlying that message was an attempt to humanize the president, primarily by women in Trumps close personal and political orbit.

Their remarks aimed to counter the criticism that Trump has faced over his past treatment of women and his combative campaign persona.

The assassination attempt, at least for Lara Trump, was a clear focal point in this effort to reframe who Trump is for a large audience. Trump is known for tough talk, but the women Tuesday night described him as a compassionate unifier.

Lara Trump intertwined both praise for the former president's political record and personal anecdotes of who he is in their family: father, grandfather and father-in-law.

Thank you for your resilience. Thank you for continuing on. Thank you for raising wonderful kids. Thank you for being an amazing grandfather, she said directly to Trump in the crowd.

Thank you for never giving up on me, and thank you for never giving up on our country, she added.

Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders shared her own moments with Trump earlier in the evening, recalling her time as White House press secretary. She served as another humanizing voice for Trump, painting the picture of a compassionate and supportive boss.

She told a story about bringing her three young children to Take Your Child to Work Day. She described her son, Huck, running toward then-President Trump across the Rose Garden as he came to greet the children in attendance.

"Being the gracious person he is, President Trump bent down to give him a big hug," Sanders recalled.

"And right in front of everyone, Huck sidestepped the president, completely ignoring him in front of everyone and ran straight into my arms," she continued, to laughter in the audience. Sanders said that as a family man, Trump took the moment in stride.

Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders and former President Donald Trump talk as attendees cheer during the second day of the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee on Tuesday. Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Perhaps the most notable presence was from Trumps top rival in the Republican primary, former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley who was added to the speakers list on Sunday.

While Haley did not touch the same emotional notes as Lara Trump and Sanders, she offered a bridge to voters who would not otherwise support the former president, having appealed to more independent voters and moderate Republicans than Trump in the primaries.

We should acknowledge that there are some Americans who don't agree with Donald Trump 100% of the time. I happen to know some of them. And I want to speak to them tonight, she said.

My message to them is simple. You don't have to agree with Trump 100% of the time to vote for him, she added. Take it from me. I haven't always agreed with President Trump, but we agree more often than we disagree.

Former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley addresses the Republican National Convention on Tuesday in Milwaukee. J. Scott Applewhite/AP hide caption

Haley was the last candidate to get out of the Republican nomination fight this year, which caused considerable tension between her and the former president.

In Milwaukee, Haley took the stage to a mix of cheers and boos.

Donald Trump asked me to speak at this convention in the name of unity," she said. "It was a gracious invitation, and I was happy to accept."

Traditionally during a convention, the spouse of the presidential nominee takes on the role of humanizing the candidate. But former first lady Melania Trump was absent on Tuesday night.

In a written statement after the attack on her husband, she described the human side of Trump that has been buried below the political machine."

This morning, ascend above the hate, the vitriol, and the simple-minded ideas that ignite violence. We all want a world where respect is paramount, family is first and love transcends, she said. We can realize this world again. Each of us must demand to get it back.

Unity is expected to be a major theme of Trumps speech at the convention Thursday night, as well, even as the political sparring picks back up in the tight race against President Biden for the White House.

Continued here:
Women headline a night at the RNC that framed Trump as compassionate, not combative - NPR

Former U.S. President Donald Trump participates in the CNN Presidential Debate at the CNN Studios on June 27, 2024 in Atlanta, Georgia. (Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

DONALD TRUMP WON the first presidential debate the minute he walked onstage. His win was cemented a few minutes later, when the moderators addressed him as Mr. President. He had no business being there and his presence was stark evidence that our system is not only dysfunctional, it is impotent when we need it most.

The guardrailsthe impeachment process, the Twenty-fifth Amendment, the courtsdid not hold. They have proved to be a fairytale we spin to make ourselves feel better. They will remain just that: a fantasy destined to implode, over and over.

Maybe as soon as in the next few days, if the Supreme Court tells us whether Trump has immunity from prosecution for laws broken during his presidency. Maybe a few months from now, at the polls. Maybe next year, when his federal criminal trials will amount to something, or nothing, but too late to matter.

Share

Ive never understood why so many people buy into the Trump shtickthe bluster, the lies, the grift, the corruption, the amorality, the utter indifference to truth, national security, public health, and economic logicand how polls could show a static, statistically tied race. But this has been the political wallpaper of American life for years now.

Trumps appearance on the CNN debate stage was a jolting reminder of what this country has done to itself. For me it was a lightning strike of disbelief: Why was a twice-impeached, convicted felon allowed to participate? A former president who tried to overturn an election, hoarded national security secrets, and faces federal and state charges on both?

Why did President Joe Biden and his campaign not merely consent to be onstage with this man but demand an early debate?

Team Biden certainly did not anticipate that their candidate would create (even more) panic and despair about his age, health, and capacities. But many of us anticipated almost exactly what Trump would do. Aided by the debate rules, he showed some discipline and self-control in his demeanor. Aided as well by CNNs avoidance of real time fact-checking, his lies were prodigious and outrageous. Fundamental, too.

When it was over, CNNs ace fact-checker, Daniel Dale, briefly ran down what he called at least nine false or misleading statements from Biden: Statistics on drug prices, troop deaths, border crossings, taxes, and unemployment. Claims that Trump wants to end Social Security (he doesnt, Dale said) and advised Americans to inject bleach (foolish comments but not framed as advice, he said).

Dale then delivered a three-minute virtuosic rapid-fire summary of Trumps way, way longer list of lies, a staggering catalogue of at least thirty false claims, on every subject or person anyone would care aboutBiden, Nancy Pelosi, abortion, China, veterans, immigrants, NATO, taxes, Ukraine, terrorism, crime, inflation, January 6th, and the 2020 electiondismissing them with phrases like zero evidence and total nonsense:

Who could have predicted this would happen?

Anyone who watched CNNs town hall with Trump, when moderator Kaitlan Collins tried to push back on the lies and in short order had lost control of Trump, the facts, and the event. Anyone aware that CNNs political director, David Chalian, had signaled a few days in advance that the moderators would not be fact-checking. The venue of a presidential debate between these two candidates is not the ideal venue for a live fact-checking exercise, he said. That responsibility was to be left to the candidates.

Terrific. So to set the record straight in real time, Biden would have had to dispute Trump thirty times or more. He did take some opportunities to strike back, but who among us would have all the statistics and facts in our brain to effectively deploy every time? What candidate would want to use up all their time arguing that the other guy was wrong? How do you weigh and conclude on the fly what is worth rebutting and what you need to let go in order to get your own points across? In a he-said, he-said situation, intentional and by design, who would trust your rebuttals? Only those who already trust you. And who will stay tuned for a fact check after the main event, even a spectacular and spectacularly brief one like Daniel Dales?

PART OF THE PROBLEM HERE IS THAT, as David Frum notes, the format of presidential debates is ill suited to our moment. But the deeper problem is that Trump was not stopped before this. Republicans failed to convict and remove him in two Senate impeachment trials arising from egregious acts. The Justice Department did not act quickly enough to bring cases against Trump. The Supreme Court and U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon gave Trump far more deference than he is due, or than other defendants get. And Democrats failed in Bidens first two years to do enough to Trump-proof democracy.

Back in 201819, while Trump was still in office, a Brennan Center for Justice task force led by former federal prosecutor Preet Bharara and former New Jersey Gov. Christine Todd Whitman delved into what Congress should do to strengthen our constitutional system. The to-do list would keep lawmakers busy for years. In the first installment they suggest, among many other things, laws that require disclosure of tax returns and business records, written justifications for pardons of close associates, an enforcement scheme for the Emoluments Clause, and new power for agency inspectors general to investigate improper interference in law enforcement matters. They also call for Congress to pass a resolution expressly and categorically condemning self-pardons. One item in the equally comprehensive part two says Congress must pass laws to address the Trump administrations stunning disregard for the White House security-clearance process that is critical to protecting national security.

In todays real world, though, theres no felons need not apply condition for the presidency and its scant comfort to recognize that reading a transcript of what Biden said in the debate is somewhat better than hearing and seeing him say it. By Friday, he was doing what he could to mitigate the damage. I know Im not a young man, to state the obvious, he told a cheering crowd in Raleigh, North Carolina. I dont walk as easy as I used to. I dont speak as smoothly as I used to. I dont debate as well as I used to. But I know what I do know: I know how to tell the truth. I know right from wrong. And I know how to do this job. But scripted speeches read from a teleprompter wont undo the impression of old age that Biden left last night.

Still, the much larger point remains about Trump, not Biden: Its a disgrace that a democratic superpower would miss every single opportunity to keep a man like Trump off the debate stage, off the convention stage, and out of the White House. The Founders gave us the tools they thought wed need to prevent this recurring nightmare. But every institution has let us down, from the GOP to (even and especially) the federal courts. If Congress doesnt change our laws, and if Republicans keep equating patriotism with diehard or even lukewarm Trumpism, those institutions will continue to fail us and the prospect of another Trump will always loom on the horizon. If not closer.

Know somebody who watched the debate? Send this article their way:

Share

Go here to read the rest:
Donald Trump Should Not Have Been on That Stage - The Bulwark