Mediaboss Marketing

President Biden makes his way to Air Force One after posing with highway patrol troopers in Mountain View, Calif. on May 10. Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

President Biden makes his way to Air Force One after posing with highway patrol troopers in Mountain View, Calif. on May 10.

The Biden administration is getting ready to announce new tariffs on imports of goods from China products like electric vehicles deemed to be policy priorities.

The announcement, which could come as early as next week, was confirmed by a source familiar with the tariff deliberations, who spoke on condition of anonymity ahead of the formal announcement of the decision.

The administration has been reviewing tariffs on Chinese goods since President Biden took office steep duties on about $370 billion of imports from China each year, put in place by former President Donald Trump as one of his signature policy moves.

The Biden administration has decided to keep those Trump tariffs in place and in addition, add a range of strategic items to the list. The decision was first reported by Bloomberg.

The new items that will be subject to tariffs align with Biden's policy priorities on climate, technology and manufacturing, the source said. These areas are covered by Biden's Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act, which made hundreds of billions of dollars available to boost the domestic clean energy and semiconductor sectors.

Biden has been campaigning hard on jobs created by the big legislative packages. He has insisted that projects will use American-made goods and labor.

"When folks see shovels in the ground on all these projects, when they see new pipes being laid and people going to work, I hope they feel the pride that I feel pride in their hometowns making a comeback," he said last week in Wilmington, N.C.

It's a message aimed at resonating in swing states that lost massive numbers of jobs when manufacturing moved offshore states like Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania.

Last month, Biden announced in a speech to United Steelworkers union members in Pittsburgh that he wants to hike tariffs on imports of Chinese steel and aluminum, noting that more than 14,000 steelworkers in Pennsylvania and Ohio had lost their jobs between 2000 and 2010.

"I promise you that I'm not going to let that happen again," he said.

Trump has also said he would broaden tariffs on imported goods, including targeting Chinese cars.

Biden in Pittsburgh sought to contrast his approach as "strategic and targeted" and has said Trump's broader approach would raise costs for U.S. consumers.

The rest is here:
Biden will keep Trump's China tariffs, and add new ones on electric vehicles - NPR

Photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images

Its a reliably memorable scene in any courtroom drama: The lawyer stands up to call the next witness, the door swings open, and its the priest who testifies he was at a Yankees game with the accused at the time of the crime and has ticket stubs to prove it! The decedents daughter, who stepped out of the shower to find her fathers bloody body, only to be exposed as an extravagantly permed fraud by Elle Woods! Mocha Joe, back to exact vengeance on Larry David for his spite store! As attorney extraordinaire (and personal role model) Lionel Hutz advised his client, Homer Simpson: I have a foolproof strategy to get you out of here: surprise witnesses, each more surprising than the last!

But in real life, I regret to inform you, there are no surprise witnesses. To the contrary, judges typically require prosecutors to disclose the names of their upcoming witnesses at least a day in advance, and often more than that. Its a matter of practicality, and it goes to the defendants fundamental right to defend himself; its difficult for a defense lawyer to prepare for the next day if he doesnt know who exactly hell be cross-examining. I once tried to get cute and told the judge at the end of a trial day I wasnt sure who Id be calling the next morning. The judge retorted, Either give us your witnesses names right now or dont bother showing up tomorrow. Point taken.

Yet when it comes to witness lists and, to be sure, in other respects the ongoing trial of Donald Trump in Manhattan is more like a movie than real life. Judge Juan Merchan, in a departure from normal practice, has permitted the prosecution to call its witnesses on the fly with a bare minimum of advance notice to the defense. The DA has turned over a witness list containing dozens of names, and Trumps team has a general idea who the witnesses will be but as to who will testify when, the defense is learning at essentially the same time as the rest of us.

Judge Merchan has reasoned that Trump cant be trusted not to publicly attack upcoming witnesses, and therefore has forfeited his right to advance notice. Hey, when you violate a gag order ten times, you suffer the consequences. When Trumps lawyer Todd Blanche promised that hed personally ensure that Trump refrained from public comment about upcoming witnesses, the judge responded, I dont think you can make that representation. Tough but fair.

The former federal and state prosecutor breaks down the headlines at the intersection of law and politics.

The result makes life harder for Trumps defense team, but it also makes the trial more cinematic for all of us. Whos next? Did we see anyone entering the courthouse? Could Stormy Daniels be up? Karen McDougal? Wheres Michael Cohen today? Hope Hicks reportedly drew gasps from the assembled media and courtroom observers when prosecutors called her to the stand.

Alas, there will be no surprise when it comes time for the biggest potential witness of all: the defendant himself, Donald John Trump. Let me preempt the Hamlet routine that surely will play out over the next couple weeks, the to be or not to be around whether Trump will take the stand in his own defense: He shouldnt, and he wont.

Trump, like any defendant, has an unconditional right to testify or not to testify. Nor can the prosecutor make any comment or ask the jury to draw any inference from any defendants decision not to take the stand. (It hardly needs to be said, but just to clear up any confusion: Contrary to Trumps preposterous courthouse rant, the gag order has zero to do with his ability to take the stand in his own defense.)

We can already see Trumps subtle but unmistakable retreat from bluster to sanity. At first, Trump boasted that he would testify in his own defense. Note the careful word choice: Would, which includes an element of conditionality, isnt quite the same as will. Days later, he prudently stepped back: Well, I would if its necessary. Right now, I dont know if you heard about today. Today was just incredible. People are saying the experts, Im talking about legal scholars and experts theyre saying, What kind of a case is this? There is no case.

Few legal scholars are saying quite that, of course, but, overstatement aside, Trump has the right strategic idea here. Indeed, hes got two ironclad reasons not to testify.

First: Hed get annihilated. Trump wouldnt necessarily suffer a Colonel Jessup Youre goddamn right I did! moment his self-preservation instincts are too strong for that but hed surely get twisted in a pretzel when confronted with the difficult questions posed by the prosecutions case. Did he in fact have affairs with McDougal and Daniels? If not, why did he falsely deny knowing them? Did he know about the hush-money payments made for his benefit? Did he authorize them? Why? And why did he falsely claim publicly to know nothing about the women and the payoffs? Why did he sign a series of reimbursement checks to Michael Cohen? Theres little chance hed offer coherent, consistent, plausible explanations.

Thats the risk whenever a defendant takes the stand: It essentially shifts the burden of proof to the defense table. Typically, if the jurors believe the defendant lies on the stand, its over. Cross-examination would simply be too fraught for Trump. He has every right to duck it, and hed be foolish to waive that right and expose himself here.

That brings us to the second point: Trump doesnt need to take the stand in his own defense. Thats not to argue that hes got an acquittal locked up, not by any stretch. (I still believe a conviction is more likely than not on balance.) But its become clear that his lawyers have all the ammunition they need to raise a defense, even without the risk of putting the client on the stand. Why take the risk of calling Trump to the stand to deny his sexual tryst with Daniels when she already signed a statement in 2018 declaring I am denying this affair because it never happened? Why does Trump need to swear he never dealt with Jeffrey McConney about the internal accounting behind hush-money reimbursements when McConney admitted the same in cross? Why must Trump proclaim Michael Cohen a liar when virtually every prosecution witness who has ever met the infamous Fixer has ranted about how he is (or was) a mendacious sleaze?

Indeed, if Trump takes the stand, the whole case will rise or fall on his testimony. If he doesnt, it likely will turn on Cohens. From the perspective of Trumps legal team, thats an easy call.

Weve seen this routine before. Trump vowed that he would testify, wanted to testify, was aching to testify before Robert Mueller, in Congress, and in some of his civil matters before he bailed out and avoided examination under oath. He did testify (sort of) at two of his recent civil trials involving E. Jean Carroll and business fraud in New York. But if Trump thinks those experiences prepared him for a criminal trial, hes mistaken. Both times he testified in civil court, the examinations were narrow, his testimony lasted only minutes, and he essentially self-destructed on the stand anyway. In criminal court, the restrictor plates come off, and prosecutors can drill Trump about the core allegations against him for as long as they please.

As we move toward the end phase of this trial, my sense is that both sides should be satisfied not overjoyed, but satisfied with how the case has gone. Prosecutors have done a solid, workmanlike job building their case, and Trumps lawyers have planted the seeds of reasonable doubt. As a defense attorney, thats about the best you can hope for at this point: Youre in the game and youve got a shot to pull it out. To call Trump to the stand would upend the trial and shove all the defense chips over to an extraordinarily risky bet. For all his public bluster and equivocation, theres simply no way Trump will engage in unilaterally assured self-destruction.

This article originally appeared in the free CAFE Brief newsletter. You can find more analysis of law and politics from Elie Honig, Preet Bharara, Joyce Vance, and other CAFE contributors at CAFE.com

Daily news about the politics, business, and technology shaping our world.

By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice and to receive email correspondence from us.

Read the original:
Will Donald Trump Take the Stand at His Trial? - New York Magazine

Donald Trump is facing felony charges in four separate criminal indictments in three states and Washington, D.C., with a guilty verdict in any of the cases possibly meaning a prison sentence.

The circumstances have raised an often-asked question: Could Trump, or anyone else, be convicted of a felony and serve as commander in chief, possibly from prison?

The short answer, legal experts said, is yes because the U.S. Constitution does not forbid it.

The Constitution has a limited set of requirements to be president. You have to be at least 35, a natural-born U.S. citizen and a resident here for at least 14 years, said UCLA professor Richard L. Hasen, an election law expert.

Hasen said the 14th Amendment, passed by Congress after the Civil War, bars anyone who participated in an insurrection from running for the presidency. But thats not what Trump is on trial for in New York, and so there are no other restrictions, he said, referring to the former presidents first criminal case, scheduled to begin with jury selection Monday.

Nor is Trump charged with insurrection in his other criminal cases.

The scenario might seem counterintuitive, given that numerous states prohibit felons from holding state or local office and even restrict their right to vote. As he has in so many respects, Trump is again testing political norms and demonstrating that just because the nations democratic system might not have anticipated an unlikely outcome does not mean it cant happen.

Trump is charged in state court in New York with falsifying business records to conceal a hush money payment from voters in the 2016 election. He also faces charges in federal court in D.C. and state court in Georgia related to trying to overturn the results of the 2020 election. In Florida, he is under federal indictment for allegedly mishandling classified materials after leaving the White House and obstructing government efforts to retrieve them.

He has pleaded not guilty to all 88 counts that he faces.

In drafting the Constitution, the framers did not seriously consider that someone convicted of a significant crime would be a viable candidate for the White House, said Kimberly Wehle, a law professor at the University of Baltimore. Instead, she said, such a person presumably would be stunted in their political rise and unlikely to reach the highest levels of the American political system.

Applicants for many federal jobs, particularly in the intelligence and defense agencies, cannot pass background checks to gain high-level national security clearances if they have a criminal record. Why Congress, in passing the 14th Amendment, did not go further to ban all felons from the presidency is a question of political will, Wehle said.

Why are we as a country so allergic to the idea of ensuring that people who reach that unparalleled position of power are subject to the same considerations and requirements that many people under his chain of command, and who hold regular jobs, have to comply with? Wehle said.

At least once, a candidate who made it onto the presidential ballot conducted his campaign from a prison cell. In 1920, Eugene V. Debs, leader of the Socialist Party of America, stood as his partys presidential nominee while serving a 10-year federal sentence for sedition over his vocal opposition to the involvement of the United States in World War I. Debs received roughly 900,000 votes, or about 3 percent of ballots cast that year.

Trump commands far greater public support: With the nominating conventions still months away, polls show him slightly leading President Biden in several swing states. Though some of the surveys indicate that his support could drop if he is convicted of a crime, Trump has consolidated backing within the Republican Party since the indictments began a little more than a year ago, vanquishing his rivals in the GOP primary contests.

A major challenge to his ability to run was rejected last month.

In December, the Colorado Supreme Court ruled that Trump could be kicked off the states primary ballot under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment because of his alleged involvement in inciting the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection at the U.S. Capitol.

But the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously reversed that decision in March, stating that only Congress can enforce the constitutional provision that bars insurrectionists from becoming federal officeholders and candidates.

Legal experts said it would take a broader constitutional amendment, with the backing of two-thirds of Congress, to enact a ban to keep felons from running for the White House a highly unlikely outcome given the nations sharply polarized political climate.

A legal solution is not the best path, said Chris Edelson, an assistant professor of government at American University. Rather, he said, Republican and Democratic leaders, along with the electorate, must reaffirm their commitment to democracy by rejecting candidates who have violated the law or been charged with crimes.

In a healthy, functioning system there would have been a different nominee. Republicans would have said, Hey, this is too much, Edelson said of Trump.

In most states, felons lose their voting rights for at least a limited period. In Florida, Trumps state of residency, they must complete their sentences, including parole or probation, and pay fees and fines before regaining the right to cast a ballot.

That sets up the possibility that Trump, if convicted, could lose his right to vote while remaining on the presidential ballot.

Desmond Meade, executive director of the Florida Rights Restoration Coalition, said Floridas felon voting ban is far too restrictive. He said it was ironic that in a GOP presidential primary debate last summer, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis who has opposed efforts to ease voting restrictions for those found guilty of crimes indicated he would support Trump as the party nominee even if he were convicted. Five other then-candidates agreed.

That was an amazing moment, Meade said, because if youre willing to support someone running for president who has a felony conviction, there should be no reason you dont support someone who has a felony conviction from being able to vote for who they want as president.

See the original post here:
Trump can still serve as president if he's convicted of a crime - The Washington Post - The Washington Post

1. NY AG Letitia James is not done with Donald Trump  Business Insider
2. Trump's Ex-Finance Chief Is Sentenced to 5 Months in Rikers for Perjury  The New York Times
3. Trump trial witnesses take note: Former Trump Org CFO sent to jail for perjury  MSNBC

View post:
NY AG Letitia James is not done with Donald Trump - Business Insider

There are almost daily headlines now describing what Donald Trump would do if elected: the mass deportations, the pardons handed out to his friends and golf buddies, the Justice Department settling scores and waging personal vendettas. The former president has even promised violence if the election goes against him, warning that it could be a blood bath.

But as worrying as these prospects are, they are far from the biggest threats he poses. What we should fear most is Mr. Trump transforming our government into a modern-day Tammany Hall, installing a kleptocratic leadership that will be difficult if not impossible to dislodge.

I do not discount the possibility of state-sponsored violence, and I worry deeply about the politicization of the civil service. But those are, for the most part, threats and theories, and while they need to be taken seriously, people should be paying more attention to a far more likely reality: that Mr. Trump would spend much of his time in office enriching himself. He failed spectacularly as an insurrectionist and as a disrupter of the civil service, and his clownish and chaotic style may well lead to failure again but he has succeeded time and time again in the art of the steal. If his grift continues into a second term, it will not only contribute to the fraying trust Americans have in their institutions, but also impair our ability to lead the world through a series of escalating crises.

Recall how Mr. Trump operated in his first term. Not only did he keep his stake in more than a hundred businesses, he made it a practice to visit his properties around the country, forcing taxpayers to pay for rooms and amenities at Trump hotels for the Secret Service and other staff members who accompanied him money that went straight into his bank accounts and those of his business partners. Those interested in currying favor with the president, from foreign governments to would-be government contractors, knew to spend money at his hotels and golf clubs. According to internal Trump hotel documents, T-Mobile executives spent over $195,000 at the Trump Washington Hotel after announcing a planned merger with Sprint in April 2018. Two years later, the merger was approved.

Government, like fish, rots from the head down. Mr. Trumps example freed up cabinet members to award huge contracts to their friends, business associates and political allies, while others ran their departments like personal fiefs. After the State Departments inspector general was fired, Secretary of State Mike Pompeos use of official trips for clandestine meetings with conservative donors and his familys alleged misuse of staff members for tasks like walking his dog, picking up his wife from the airport and fetching his takeout came to light. And, in addition to being accused of improperly accepting gifts from those seeking influence, several other cabinet members were alleged to have used government funds for private travel. These may seem like banal infractions, but taken together, they are a reflection of who Mr. Trump is and how he governs.

Throughout his life, through Trump-branded wine, chocolate bars, sneakers, NFTs, ties, MAGA paraphernalia, a $59.99 Bible (of all things) and, most recently, his Truth Social meme stock ploy, he has shown an unstoppable drive to enrich himself at all costs. He sees politics, like business, as a zero-sum game in which he wins only if someone else loses. These are the instincts that drive corruption, kleptocracy and grift. And, if past is prologue, were looking at a much more damaging sequel.

We are having trouble retrieving the article content.

Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit andlog intoyour Times account, orsubscribefor all of The Times.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access.

Already a subscriber?Log in.

Want all of The Times?Subscribe.

Read more here:
Opinion | What Worries Me Most About a Trump Presidency - The New York Times