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Few Americans noticed when Andrew Cuomo, the 56th Governor of New York State, essentially launched his 2020 presidential bid on January 3rd at LaGuardia Community College in Queens, the borough of his birth. The speech was billed as a State of the State address but it was clearly a transparent effort to broaden his exposure to an audience west of the Appalachian Mountain range and south of the Verrazano Bridge.

Yet before he can cast himself as the savior of liberal Democrats by running to be the 46th president, Cuomo has a hurdle to overcome: Reelection to the job he currently has in 2018.

If the NYS GOP want to win the 2018 governors race, however, stalwarts of party could take into account a handful of considerations to realize that Donald TrumpDonald TrumpDocuments reveal how Manafort connected with Trump: report McConnell: Supreme Court vacancy helped Trump win Trump defends Syria strike on Twitter MORE, Jr., might be the candidate they are looking for:

1. Be Different

The GOP needs to field an unconventional candidate that is not connected to the sour taste many New Yorkers have for the current political element in either party.

At 39 years old, Donald, Jr., would be a generation younger than his would-be rival. The ideal candidate would employ an outsider status and lack of political experience as assets, effortlessly turning Cuomos resume and family history in politics into liabilities.

Donald Trump Jr. is considering running for governor of New York: report https://t.co/lfI1yAsSjv pic.twitter.com/wI0v6bxJWR

Hillary didnt lose the electoral vote because she wasn't liberal enough. She lost because she was too establishment, too cautious and too slippery. Similarly, Cuomo, the eldest son of a three-term NY governor who also served as HUD secretary and state attorney general, might also have a hard time portraying himself as anything other than the embodiment of the status quo.

2. Find a New Republican Base

Trump, Jr., could speak the language of downstate Democrats by being born and raised in the area and to upstate Republicans by simply not being Cuomo. A smart strategy would be to apply statewide over the next year the strategy his father used to win the national election last year: Reach out to the blue collar/union workers Democrats have taken for granted and disaffected, promise to drain the swamp 363 miles north of Washington D.C. and resist appearing to cater to party and/or financial influence.

3. Tilt at Windmills

A Siena Research Institute poll from February showed Gov. Cuomo with an enviable 60 percent favorability. In spite of the polling what good Republican trusts polling today anyway? the standard-bearer of the Republican Party must be willing to charge into the headwinds of a seemingly-unwinnable race. A side benefit will be that fielding a serious and credible challenger for this NY gubernatorial race would put Democrats on notice that Republicans wont be writing off traditionally and reliably blue territory in the near future

4. Become Picasso

A common tactic of the Republicans is to paint their opponents as tax-and-spend liberals looking to divide and alienate our fellow citizens. This will not require a lot of paint with Governor Cuomo. New Yorkers that have already fled the state for environmentally and financially greener pastures and those whose plans will be hastened by Governor Cuomos added expense to their tax bills know better than to think Bernie SandersBernie SandersClinton touts NY tuition-free college program As governor, can Donald Trump Jr. make New York great again? Bernies tuition plan is doomed to fail everyone knows, no one cares MORE 2.0 is the future of revitalizing a state that desperately needs revitalization.

Andrew Cuomo 2020? Democrats should say 'Fugetaboutit.' - My latest column for @thehill https://t.co/dtH752cBki

Republicans should be explaining that real leadership is not spending money we dont have or making promises that will financially burden future generations of New Yorkers.

5. Make Cuomo Too Liberal (Even for NY)

The state commander-in-chiefs promotion to the nations commander-in-chief could be put on permanent hold if the GOP properly exploits the Bernie Sanders connection our current governor is endeavoring to cement. Last years candidacy of the admitted Democratic Socialist two words Cuomo is too careful to utter made the word free not only a vision for Democrats but a requirement.

6. And Donald, Jr., Conservative Enough (Even for NY)

The power elite of the state will no doubt raise the question as to whether Donald Trump, Jr. is a real conservative. The jury is out on the answer to this query. But the eldest son of the president is something most NY Republicans are not: He is someone that could win. Hoping for a candidate to run with the bona fides to check every box that aligns with the conservative party hasn't produced much in recent years in New York, a state where every statewide elected official is a Democrat.

7. Stress Cuomos "All-About-Me" Style

A hurdle for Andrew Cuomo will be his blind ambition. His high-profile feud with NYC Mayor Bill De Blasio a fellow Democrat raises serious questions about an ability to bring his own party together let alone run on a platform of national unity. For a party that has made a cottage industry clamoring about President Trumps divisive political style, Democratic voters might balk at the hypocrisy in reelecting and then nominating for president a man whose alienation of political opponents, regardless of party affiliation, is a natural part of his DNA.

8. First Your Guns

New York has set the example, Cuomo said following the passage of the NYSAFE Acts regulation of firearms in 2013. Many gun owners outside of the NYC/Buffalo/Syracuse regions continue to see the measure as a power grab by Cuomo to bolster his standing with the left at the expense of civil liberties. Don Jr. should be reiterating a position that defends lawful gun owners who feel under siege by our current governor.

9. Drain the Swamp

The biggest obstacle to a Cuomo bid isn't a Republican challenger. Its the lack of real reform in Albany and the governor turning a blind eye to corruption not to mention shuttering the Moreland Commission in the most corrupt legislature in the nation. The swamp in Washington, D.C., the current president ran against in 2016 looks like a country club compared to the ethical morass in Albany. The GOP candidate must focus on demolishing the twisted normalcy of our state capitalwhich runs through the executive branch as well.

10. Make it Personal Because it is

The GOP must find a candidate that could make the race not just an election between two parties but a visceral and transparently personal contest. The 2018 governors race should become a referendum on the future of our state and its role in the national dialogue. It would be difficult to envision a more distinctive race and a more monumentally engaging story than the presidents son running in 2018 to lead New York from despair while simultaneously defeating a potential challenger to his father in 2020. Americans responded to the call for Donald Trump to, in his words, make the nation great again. New York Republicans would be wise to consider if his son could be the candidate to do the same for our state.

Donald Trump, Jr., winning in the Empire State in 2018 would be an uphill climb under the best circumstances. Despite the challenge, state Republicans might be wise to bet on the Trump brand even when the odds and an incumbent opponent with presidential ambitions are stacked against him.

James Coll is an adjunct professor of American and Constitutional history at Hofstra University and the founder of ChangeNYS.org, a not-for-profit dedicated to promoting civic education in New York State. He lives in Seaford.

The views of contributors are their own and not the views of The Hill.

See the article here:
As governor, can Donald Trump Jr. make New York great again? - The Hill (blog)

By Philip Bump, The Washington Post

For the tenth weekend in a row, President Donald Trump is visiting a Trump-branded property every weekend except the first two after his inauguration.

For the sixth weekend in a row, hes golfing at one of those properties; hes golfed on nine of those 10 weekends.

In total, Trump has spent time at one-or-more Trump-branded property on 28 of the days hes been president meaning that he visits a property thats part of his private business empire more than a third of the days hes been in office, or once every 2.8 days. The frequency at which he golfs is lower: Hes golfed on 17.9 percent of the days hes been president, or about once every 5.6 days.

By comparison, Barack Obama golfed once every 8.8 days over the eight years that he was president. And he was excoriated by his political opponents for doing so including Trump.

Most of the visits Trump has made to Trump-branded properties were to Mar-a-Lago, where Trump this week hosted the president of China, Xi Jinping. Hell stay at the resort through Sunday, and he may (as he did on Saturday) head to Trump International Golf Course in Palm Beach, Florida. Trumps team is cagey about when he actually plays golf, probably precisely because of the conflict between his words on the campaign trail and his behavior in office.

Mar-a-Lago is a members-only facility, with those who pay the steep initiation fee suddenly gaining occasional proximity to the president and, at times, his Cabinet and senior staff. This week, ProPublica reported that the wall that Trump insisted would be built between himself and his business interests is fairly porous, with Trump able to receive money from the Trump Organization as he wishes. The free advertising his properties have received from his visit his golf club in Virginia, his hotel in downtown Washington likely help boost those businesses bottom lines, and, ultimately, his own.

These trips arent free, of course. Each weekend trip to Mar-a-Lago costs taxpayers an estimated $2 million. The extended trip this week for the Xi visit certainly cost more, particularly given the added security concerns.

If Trump does play golf Sunday, he will have played once every 5.3 days of his presidency. If he keeps up that pace, he will have golfed 261 times by the end of his first term. (Obama golfed 333 times over his eight years.)

If he continues to visit Trump properties at his current pace, he will have done so on 524 days of the 1,461 days between his inauguration and Jan. 20, 2021.

Continue reading here:
Donald Trump has visited a Trump-branded property every 2.8 days of his presidency - The Denver Post

Legendary news anchorDan Rather had some strong words for journalists whofawned over theU.S. airstrike in Syria this week while asking few critical questions.

The number of members of the press who have lauded the actions last night as presidential is concerning, Rather wrote in a Facebook post on Friday. War must never be considered a public relations operation. It is not a way for an Administration to gain a narrative. It is a step into a dangerous unknown and its full impact is impossible to predict, especially in the immediate wake of the first strike.

Cable news personalities on Friday seemed to equate the legitimacy of a U.S. president with dropping bombs. CNNs Fareed Zakaria stated that Donald Trump became president of the United States when the strikes started, while The Washington Posts David Ignatius said on MSNBC that the commander in chief had put pure more umph, more credibility back into American power.MSNBCs Brian Williams went so far as to call the Tomahawk missiles which state-run Syrian media reported killed at least nine people, including four children beautiful.

Rather pointed out that no matter what someones opinion on whether the airstrike was the correct course of action, the medias job is to ask difficult questions, not drool over the spectacle of war:

The role of the press is to ask hard questions. There is ample evidence that this Administration needs to face deep scrutiny. The lies we have heard, the chaos in governance, and the looming questions about ties with Russia - itself a major player in Syria - demand that the press treat this latest action with healthy skepticism. Perhaps it was the right thing to do. Perhaps a strong and wise policy will emerge. But that judgement is still definitely hanging in the balance.

Read Rathers whole post below.

As Fusion editor Alex Pareene noted last month, equating dropping bombs with being presidential is especially dangerous in the era of Trump, who has demonstrated repeatedly that he cares deeply about how hes treated on TV.

Several journalists, including The Intercepts Glenn Greenwald and MSNBCs Chris Matthews, suggested that the strike could have been a calculated move on Trumps part to turn press coverage in his favor.

Read the original here:
Dan Rather Slams Journalists Who Hailed Donald Trump's Bombs As 'Presidential' - Huffington Post

Before he gets more deeply involved in Syrias civil war, Donald Trump will have to win one at home. The Republican Party was already divided after failing to repeal Obamacare. Now the conflict has spread to the White House, where Steve Bannon and Jared Kushner are at daggers drawn. Even Trumps most loyal grassroots and media supporters are in an uproar over the presidents evolving foreign policy, which has taken a turn toward the establishment as his domestic agenda sinks into the swamp he promised to drain.

How much damage has the Syrian attack done to Trump? Hes lost Ann Coulter, who took to Twitter to vent her outrage and retweet lesser-known supporters who felt equally betrayed. Hes lost Justin Raimondo of Antiwar.com and the sizable blocs of Ron Paul and Pat Buchanan activists who had flocked to Trumps America First banner. Hes even lost InfoWars, whose readers are overwhelmingly against the attacks, to judge from the sites self-polling and user comments. Commenters at Breitbart.com are not less outraged over Trumps move.

The president has lost his base, or is in grave danger of doing so. But he has also picked up new support: from John McCain, Lindsey Graham, and Bill Kristol, all of whom praised the airstrike on Syria. Neoconservatism is suddenly back in fashion at the White House, or so it seems.

Trumps supporters had been growing restive over a litany of setbacks and reversals even before this. The presidents executive order to restrict immigration from countries with active Islamist revolutionaries has bogged down in the courts. Obamacare repeal turned into a fiasco, with the White House getting behind an unpopular plan that neither conservatives nor right-wing populists could get behind. Bannon, the tribune of the right-wing populists, appears to be losing ground by the day in the White Houses internal battles. Word that Reince Priebus may soon be replaced as chief of staff by a more moderate Washington insider led Laura Ingraham to quip on Twitter, Trump is going into the Swamp he promised to drain for his new Chief-of-Staff. (A former chief of staff to Sen. Arlen Specter is among those being considered)

Its Bannon whose dismissal would be a real call to arms for the right, however. Only anonymous sources have been willing to speak to the press about Bannons reputed power struggle with Trumps son in law, Jared Kushner. But outside the White House, establishment Republicans have started to go on the record calling for Bannons removal. Politico notes that Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen has told a Miami radio station that Bannons downfall would be welcome news for the nation. She predicts his days are numbered in that administration. And I think profound changes will be coming.

This is the springtime of Republicans discontent. The failure of Trumps opening gambits in his first 100 days in office has created an opening for the establishment he vanquished during last years election to come to his rescue now: at least, thats how they would tell it.

Neoconservatives, in particular, have always been prepared to work with the personnel at hand: Kristol preferred John McCain as the Republican nominee in 2000, but he was glad to accept George W. Bush, especially once Bush placed Dick Cheney on the ticket. There are a lot of lesser-known Dick Cheneys ready to join the Trump administration just as soon as the Nationalists or Bannonitesas the supposed Kushner faction is said to call themare gone.

There are precedents for this: in 1980, right-wing conservatives from the West and South expected to staff the Reagan administration. They swiftly lost out to people they called the Eastern Establishment and to rising neoconservatives such as William Bennett, who was picked to head the National Endowment for the Humanities over the favored right-wing candidate, a University of Dallas professor of literature named M.E. Bradford. The conservative wars that have flared up from the 1990s to today have their roots in what the right experienced a betrayal of the Reagan Revolution. Reagan was personally popular enough with his own base, and with the whole country, that such conflicts didnt cost him re-election. But they did create splits that ultimate crippled George H.W. Bush in the 1992 primaries, when the right produced a challenger in the form of Pat Buchanan.

Trump does not have the same margin of safetyor any margin. He is the least popular of any president in modern times at this point in his administration. But he endured plenty of bad polls in the primaries and general election last year as long as his core activists and supporters stood by him, and those same voters have been steadfast during these troubled first 11 weeks. Trump would be well-served if he could expand his base of support. But demolishing his existing base and replacing it with one that appeals to Bill Kristol or John McCain does not seem like a smart political move. Even the less overtly neoconservative Republican brand represented by Paul Ryan proved to be politically leaden when Romney and Ryan shared a ticket in 2012. The neocons and the new center-right establishment were the winners of the old Republican civil warbut they never did stamp out the opposition, and they had the hardest of times winning national elections.

More:
Donald Trump's Biggest Problem - The National Interest Online