Archive for the ‘Donald Trump’ Category

Economic nationalism at the RNC clashes with Trumps pitch to donors – The Washington Post

MILWAUKEE Former president Donald Trump is trying to present a more worker-friendly vision of the Republican Party at this weeks convention, but he has continued to make clear in private that he views himself as the best choice for billionaires and big business, according to donors who have attended fundraising events.

Even as Trump leans into populist themes that make some Republicans wary, he has told corporate leaders and major donors that he is the only bulwark against Democratic plans to raise taxes. Trump has even told wealthy backers that he needs their help to counter the financial heft of the unions that he is simultaneously trying to court. The convention has also showcased voices friendly to the nations business elite.

The two conflicting versions of the GOPs future leave unsettled exactly how the former president would try to balance his partys factions if he wins in November, probably setting up a reprise of the tensions over economic policy that characterized his first term.

Maybe we are living through a political realignment. Maybe in 2028, Wall Street and the Chamber of Commerce will be solidly Democrat and labor unions will be solidly Republican, but I wouldnt bet on it, said Michael Strain, director of economic policy studies at the conservative American Enterprise Institute.

A speech Monday by Teamsters President Sean OBrien was the most tangible sign yet of Trumps attempt to cast the party in a different light when it comes to the economy.

When did you think you would see that at the Republican National Convention? Trump campaign senior adviser Chris LaCivita asked reporters in Milwaukee on Tuesday, referring to OBriens speech.

Trump had been courting the Teamsters before the convention. At a fundraiser this year at the Pierre hotel in New York, Trump told a room of billionaires, real estate executives and others that the Teamsters really like me. He said he had used Teamsters all my life because of the concrete, all the concrete guys here are the Teamsters.

Im going to get their vote anyway, Trump told the guests. The workers are going to vote for me. Theyre not voting for that guy.

But most unions have endorsed President Biden for reelection this fall. Biden has also advanced populist economic themes while simultaneously raising huge sums of money from billionaire donors and other financial elites, although his policy agenda is much more in line with that of the union movement.

OBrien didnt endorse Trump on Monday; the Teamsters have yet to back a candidate. One prominent Republican strategist close to some of the partys top donors, speaking on the condition of anonymity to provide a candid assessment, said that there was considerable grumbling about OBriens convention speech. But those people were loath to say it publicly because they know Trump is looking to court the unions and win their voters, the strategist said.

Trumps rhetoric among business elites, though, hasnt been as labor-friendly.

At a Business Roundtable event in June, Trump told CEOs that he would cut their corporate taxes again, pleasing people in the room, according to donors, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private remarks. In several fundraisers this year, Trump encouraged the richest CEOs to write large checks to him because unions were giving so much to Democrats. At another fundraiser in Texas, he urged the richest donors to give because the Democrats get the money from the unions, millions and millions of dollars.

He told them explicitly they needed to support him because he would lower their corporate taxes.

Some mainstream party leaders say theyre fine with this weeks framing. Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a former private equity executive, is firmly rooted in the GOPs business-friendly traditions. But in an interview with The Washington Post in Milwaukee, he praised the choice of Sen. J.D. Vance (Ohio) as the vice-presidential candidate, pointing to his military service and up-by-the-bootstraps biography. Vance is viewed as closer to the partys populist wing.

Youngkin said he does not see Vances selection as a signal that the GOP is turning toward more populist economic policies primarily because its the president who sets the agenda, one that Youngkin expects to be an extension of the first Trump administration, featuring more tax cuts and pared-back regulations.

President Trump is going to set the direction of the country, and hes going to build a rip-roaring economy, Youngkin said. Hes done it before; hes going to do it again.

Zoomed out, the convention had plenty of room for corporate executives, too. Gary Cohn, a former Goldman Sachs executive who was one of Trumps top economic advisers in the White House, was seen milling about. Large corporations host nightly parties.

In an interview with Bloomberg published Tuesday, Trump also called for cutting the corporate tax rate to 15 percent from 21 percent something some of his advisers have said he would not try to do while suggesting he could pick JP Morgan CEO Jamie Dimon, a billionaire, for treasury secretary.

Many corporate interest groups, like the Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable, have long been wary of parts of Trumps bedrock economic agenda, including ramping up the aggressive trade policy of his first term and cracking down on undocumented immigrants. On those points, Trump and Vance were already united before Vance joined the GOP ticket.

And some corporate-minded Republicans fear that their ability to check Trumps most disruptive policies could wane. That might mean Trump does less to pursue initiatives such as repealing the Affordable Care Act or cutting food stamps that were priorities of the last generation of GOP policymakers. Meanwhile, a second Trump White House would also probably take steps that are anathema to Wall Street-aligned Republicans, such as escalating a global trade war and implementing mass deportations.

Trump put language in the Republican Partys platform that the GOP now supports tariffs, according to people familiar with the drafting.

Hes all big government, big government move beyond Reaganism, all that stuff, one Trump adviser, speaking on the condition of anonymity to share candid opinions, said of Vance. And now hes the heir apparent.

Trumps first term was characterized by frequent disputes between two factions of the administration over economic policy: business-friendly Republicans, such as Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and Larry Kudlow, Trumps top economic aide; and economic populists, such as strategist Stephen K. Bannon and trade advisers Peter Navarro and Bob Lighthizer, who pushed for greater confrontation with China.

Trump liked to play the camps off each other, and he took some populist steps, including through higher tariffs on U.S. trade partners. But tariffs aside, his policies overwhelmingly reflected the priorities of Mnuchin or Kudlow, on everything from cutting corporate taxes, to appointing regulators friendly to Wall Street, to attempting to slash government spending on social programs.

Both sides have jockeyed for influence since Trump left office, hoping for prime position in a potential second administration. But Vances elevation may be the clearest signal that the economic populists are likely to have a greater say in the second term than they did in the first.

Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) told The Post that Vance is an articulate spokesperson for what I call economic nationalism, economic populism, which is really about rebuilding American industry and protecting American jobs.

Hawley said he was optimistic that Trump would pursue this policy agenda if reelected, including by significantly expanding tariffs and even by embracing labor legislation that Republicans have traditionally opposed.

Thats been nowhere in the Republican Party of my lifetime to date, so its very significant, Hawley said. If the Republican Party is going to be a true majority party not just win an election here and there, but become a majority party theyre going to have to be the party of working people and blue-collar folks. And youre starting to see that reality sink in.

OBriens call for Republicans to shift policies to better support blue-collar workers went over well with at least one delegate: Ed Cox, an attorney with expertise in finance law, who also is chairman of the New York State Republican Party. Cox described himself as probably one of the people in that convention center who negotiated a union contract. He said OBrien echoed the paradigm shift that Trump has signaled he wants to see.

Trump has been very consistent, Cox said. This is not a small change.

Isaac Arnsdorf and Azi Paybarah contributed to this report.

See the article here:
Economic nationalism at the RNC clashes with Trumps pitch to donors - The Washington Post

Theres No Zealot Like a Trump Convert – The New York Times

Good evening from Milwaukee, where I had a relish tray last night. Today, Im looking at how the Republican National Convention has become a conversion story. Then, we zoom into a light-blue state where Republicans think they have a shot in November.

When Senator J.D. Vance of Ohio takes the stage in Milwaukee tonight to accept his partys nomination to be vice president, he will complete the final stage in his transformation from foil to acolyte of former President Donald Trump.

His long history of disparaging Trump, whom he has called an idiot and cultural heroin, does not make him less suited for elevation within his party. Rather, it makes him a better avatar for the tale Trump wants to tell.

Vance is a political convert, whose remaking of himself and his political image in order to thrive in Trumps Republican Party proves and reinforces Trumps power. And he will serve as a capstone for a convention that has been a conversion story unto itself.

Conversion is a defining feature of todays Republican Party, given how full it is of Republicans who did not much like Trump when he cannonballed into politics in 2016, and how far it has moved from the Reaganesque tenets that once defined it. The intraparty unity on display here is possible only because a lot of people have changed their minds about the former president over the past eight years. Trump himself, a former Democrat, has changed his politics, too.

Trump cares little about whether his converts are doing so for pragmatic reasons or moral ones, just as long as their fealty is public, and over the course of this week, Trump has paraded his converts for all the country to see.

We are having trouble retrieving the article content.

Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit andlog intoyour Times account, orsubscribefor all of The Times.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access.

Already a subscriber?Log in.

Want all of The Times?Subscribe.

Link:
Theres No Zealot Like a Trump Convert - The New York Times

Opinion | Donald Trump, Man of Destiny – The New York Times

Every act of political violence yields instant reactions that cant be supported by the available facts.

A single assassination attempt by a loner with a rifle doesnt necessarily tell us anything about whether America is poised to plunge into a political abyss. Nor do the motives of would-be assassins necessarily map onto a given eras partisan divisions. Nor can we say definitively that this assassination attempt has sealed up the 2024 election for Donald Trump and his running mate, J.D. Vance surely the wild twists and turns of the Trump era should disabuse us of that kind of confidence.

Having lived through eight years of that era, though, I feel comfortable making one sweeping statement about the moments when Trump shifted his head fractionally and literally dodged a bullet, fell bleeding and then rose with his fist raised in an iconic image of defiance. The scene on Saturday night in Pennsylvania was the ultimate confirmation of his status as a man of destiny, a character out of Hegel or Thomas Carlyle or some other verbose 19th-century philosopher of history, a figure touched by the gods of fortune in a way that transcends the normal rules of politics.

In Hegels work, the great man of history is understood as a figure whose own particular aims involve those large issues which are the will of the World Spirit. Hegels paradigm was Napoleon, the Corsican adventurer whose quest for personal power and military glory spread the ideas of the French Revolution, shattered the old regimes of Europe and ushered in the modern age.

For Hegel the great mans role is a fundamentally progressive one. He is developing or revealing some heretofore hidden truth, pushing civilization toward its next stage of development, sometimes committing crimes or trampling sacred things but always in service to a higher aim, the unfolding intentions of a divine process.

In different ways in my own lifetime, American conservatism and liberalism placed Hegelian hopes in Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama, both figures who seemed to embody a grand optimistic vision of how the global future would unfold.

We are having trouble retrieving the article content.

Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit andlog intoyour Times account, orsubscribefor all of The Times.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access.

Already a subscriber?Log in.

Want all of The Times?Subscribe.

Read more here:
Opinion | Donald Trump, Man of Destiny - The New York Times

Opinion | The Secret of Trumps Resurrection – The New York Times

In November 2022, after the Republicans lackluster showing in the midterms, I wrote a column titled Donald Trump Is Finally Finished. I keep a printed copy on my desk as a humbling reminder of how wrong I can be.

How did Trump go from a disgraced has-been even Fox Newss Laura Ingraham implied he was putting his own grudges ahead of whats good for the country to the man of destiny he had become even before he dodged that bullet on Saturday?

A simple explanation goes something like this: The G.O.P. ceased to be a normal political party in 2016 and became a cult of personality, less interested in winning elections than in burnishing the savior-victim myth of its charismatic leader. As a cult, the party could never realistically allow any other Republican to successfully challenge Trump for the nomination. And as a nominee, Trump would only gain strength once the extent of President Bidens mental decline became obvious.

But this analysis, true to a point, falls short in at least three respects. It doesnt give Trump the political credit he deserves. It fails to reckon with the Biden administrations political blunders. And it reduces the Democrats problem to a Biden problem. Their problem is bigger than that.

First, Trump. Just as Barack Obama knew that he stood for hope, Trump knows that he stands for defiance. Defiance of what, or whom? Of the gatekeepers to cultural respectability in todays America. And who, in the minds of Trump supporters, are they?

They are the reporters who said it was a conspiracy theory to suggest Covid emerged from a Chinese lab. Or the academic deans who insist every job applicant write D.E.I. statements and refuse to hire those who criticize them. Or the do-gooders who charge that Americans who want better control of the southern border are motivated by racism. Or the pundits who say, as one NBC contributor put it in 2016, that 100 percent of Trump voters are deplorable. Or the journalists who claimed that inflation is good for you.

We are having trouble retrieving the article content.

Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit andlog intoyour Times account, orsubscribefor all of The Times.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access.

Already a subscriber?Log in.

Want all of The Times?Subscribe.

View post:
Opinion | The Secret of Trumps Resurrection - The New York Times

Opinion | What if We Learn Nothing About the Man Who Shot Donald Trump? – The New York Times

Eleven of the last 12 American presidents have endured an assassination attempt or a plot against their lives. The same is true for 20 of the countrys 45.

Most of the recent plots have been foiled early, making the indelible image of Donald Trump fist-pumping in Pennsylvania seem like an atavistic monument or an ominous portent or perhaps both. In the bedtime-story version of our national mythology, the country left behind the violence and disorder of the 1960s decades ago, for what turned out to be a wobbly but enduring peaceful equilibrium, one whose veneer began to crack only recently, with violent rhetoric rekindling over the past decade especially prominently on the right. But as David Dayen noted in The American Prospect the day after the shooting, in the 1970s Gerald Ford was shot at, and in the 1980s Ronald Reagan was actually shot; in both Bill Clintons and Barack Obamas presidencies, shots were fired at the White House.

Not all of these attempts were serious, but if amateur marksmanship and a chance gust of wind are what spared Donald Trumps life last Saturday, similar vicissitudes might have ended Fords or Reagans, as well, in which case we would all be telling very different stories about the past 50 years of American history. And though we may describe the stochastic terror of the past decade in terms of ugly bumper stickers and reckless speeches, there has been real violence, not just incitement. Gabrielle Giffords was, in fact, shot and almost killed; Steve Scalise, too.

America is staring into the abyss, The Financial Times declared in the aftermath of Saturdays shooting, but often we see chaos around the corner as a way of telling ourselves it hasnt already arrived. No political party, movement, ideology or manner of thinking has had an absolute monopoly on this violence, and it really hasnt mattered whether the surrounding political atmosphere was aggressive or docile, Dayen wrote. In our messy reality, political violence exists as a background hum. Already, it seems, the assassination attempt has faded from the news, having hardly made a mark on the shape of the presidential race or, beyond a few ear bandages worn in showy solidarity, on the Republican National Convention that almost immediately followed.

Its not even clear whether it is right to call last weekends shooting an act of political violence. The attempted assassination produced only a brief flare of partisan meaning, though the motive was never clear. The gunman was a registered Republican and recognizably a conservative to classmates but not, it seems, an especially active or outraged political actor and had not left much of a memorable ideological impression on those who knew him. He apparently donated $15 to a progressive organization in 2021, and as OSINT sleuths and self-deputized detectives argued about it over the weekend, it was striking to think how much meaning seemed to hang on a donation the size of a trip to Starbucks. When no obvious partisan explanation was immediately found, we simply moved on.

Perhaps a motive will become clearer in the days ahead. But for now, there is not much more to go on, and it seems likeliest that the would-be assassin remains a kind of cipher. Like the Las Vegas shooter Stephen Paddock before him, Thomas Crooks briefly tore a rupture in the fabric of American reality, only to fill the space with a kind of silence, a mute biography and an unstated philosophy a peculiarly American kind of terrorism in which the act of violence does not call attention to a cause greater than the shooter or generate a politically strategic backlash. Instead, it briefly elevates the profile of the man with the gun.

We are having trouble retrieving the article content.

Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit andlog intoyour Times account, orsubscribefor all of The Times.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access.

Already a subscriber?Log in.

Want all of The Times?Subscribe.

More:
Opinion | What if We Learn Nothing About the Man Who Shot Donald Trump? - The New York Times