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Donald Trump Makes False Claims About Intel Report on Russian …

The president-election says the intelligence communitys report found absolutely no evidence that foreign hacking affected the election outcome. That claim rates Mostly False.

By Louis Jacobson and Linda Qiu

President-elect Donald Trump has suggested the U.S. intelligence community found no evidence of foreign influence on the 2016 election, but thats a misleading description of what the evidence shows.

Trump was briefed Friday on the probe into allegations of Russian influence, including possible connections to electronic hacking and public releases of private communications by senior Democrats.

A declassified version of the report found that Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered an influence campaign in 2016 aimed at the U.S. presidential election. Russias goals were to undermine public faith in the U.S. democratic process, denigrate (Trumps opponent, Hillary) Clinton, and harm her electability and potential presidency.

Following the intelligence briefing, Trumps office released a statement. After noting the constructive meeting and the tremendous respect he had for the intelligence communitys work, Trump said:

While Russia, China, other countries, outside groups and people are consistently trying to break through the cyber infrastructure of our governmental institutions, businesses and organizations including the Democrat (sic) National Committee, there was absolutely no effect on the outcome of the election including the fact that there was no tampering whatsoever with voting machines. There were attempts to hack the Republican National Committee, but the RNC had strong hacking defenses and the hackers were unsuccessful.

The phrase that caught our eye was there was absolutely no effect on the outcome of the election.

Thats a pretty definitive statement. And Trump echoed that argument in a Jan. 7 tweet: Intelligence stated very strongly there was absolutely no evidence that hacking affected the election results. Voting machines not touched!

The argument that there was no impact of any kind on the election outcome is not backed up by the intelligence communitys report. The report specifically stated it didnt look at that question. Trumps statement rates Mostly False.

Heres what the report actually said:

We did not make an assessment of the impact that Russian activities had on the outcome of the 2016 election. The U.S. Intelligence Community is charged with monitoring and assessing the intentions, capabilities, and actions of foreign actors; it does not analyze U.S. political processes or U.S. public opinion.

So if the Trump campaign is using the intelligence communitys report to back up its assertion that there was no Russian influence on the outcome, its doing so without justification.

When we contacted the Trump transition media office, we did not receive a response. Heres our review of the publicly available evidence.

The Trump camp has a point on one issue: Despite some concern among security experts going into the election that Russia might hack into state and local vote-counting systems and tamper with the tallies, the intelligence communitys report found that any such efforts by Russia were not successful in changing any votes.

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The report says that while Russian intelligence obtained and maintained access to elements of multiple U.S. state or local electoral boards, the Department of Homeland Security assesses that the types of systems Russian actors targeted or compromised were not involved in vote tallying.

Rep. Adam Schiff (D-CA), the ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, conceded that point in an interview with the PBS NewsHour on Jan. 6.

It is true there is no evidence that the tampering with voter machines or tampering with voter registrations or any of like that affected the counting of the votes. Thats true, Schiff told PBSs Judy Woodruff.

Some observers might be concerned that Russia did manage to breach at least some election authorities computer networks, and they might also be concerned that Russia and Putin, according to the report, tried to influence the election, even if its less clear whether they succeeded.

Still, Trump has a point that Russia didnt change votes electronically.

Ballot tampering vs. other types of Russian influence

Members of the Trump camp have portrayed the reports clean bill of health on the question of Russian ballot-tampering as proof that Russia had no impact at all on the election.

For instance, on the Jan. 8 edition of CNNs State of the Union, incoming White House counselor Kellyanne Conway told Jake Tapper that if you read the full report, they make very clear, [Director of National Intelligence James] Clapper in his testimony [to the Senate Armed Services Committee] made very clear on Thursday under oath that that any attempt, any aspiration to influence our elections failed. They were not successful in doing that.

On Fox News Sunday, incoming White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus echoed Conways invocation of Clappers testimony, saying Clapper had testified to the Senate panel that there is no evidence in the report that any of this changed the outcome of the election.

Neither assertion is accurate.

First, a lack of ballot tampering does not equal a lack of Russian influence on the election.

Conway and Priebus essentially defined ballot-rigging as the only way an election can be influenced, when in reality the intelligence report primarily addresses other ways Russia tried to influence the election. The Russian effort blended, in the reports words, covert intelligence operationssuch as cyber activitywith overt efforts by Russian Government agencies, state-funded media, third-party intermediaries, and paid social media users or trolls.

And second, Clapper in his testimony never said that any attempt, any aspiration to influence our elections failed (as Conway put it) or that there is no evidence in the report that any of this changed the outcome of the election (as Priebus put it).

Clappers most direct remark at the Senate hearing on this issue came in this exchange with the panels chairman, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ):

McCain: So really, what were talking about, is if they succeeded in changing the results of an election, of which none of us believe they were, that would have to constitute an attack on the United States of America because of the effects, if they had succeeded, would you agree with that?

Clapper: First, we cannot saythey did not change any vote tallies oror anything of that sort.

McCain: Yeah, Im just talking about

Clapper: And we have nowe have no way of gauging the impact thatcertainly the intelligence community cant gauge the impact it had on the choices the electorate made. Theres no way for us to gauge that.

Subsequently in the hearing, Clapper arguably went even further in a response to questioning by Sen. Angus King (I-ME).

King, referring to his work with Baltic states that have been grappling with Russian influence in elections for several years, said, The best defense is for our public to know whats going on, so they can take it with a grain of salt Thats why I think public hearings like this and the public discussion of this issue is so important, because were not going to be able to prevent this altogether. But we need to have our people understand that when theyre being manipulated. Would you agree with that conclusion?

Clapper responded, Absolutely. Thats why I feel so strongly about the statement in October, referencing his own statement during the campaign that the Russian government had been engaged in efforts intended to interfere with the U.S. election process.

How credible is the argument that Russia influenced the election in some fashion?

Schiff is one of many Democratic officials who believe that other types of Russian efforts may have had an impact on an election that ultimately hinged on fewer than 100,000 votes cumulatively in three statesMichigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

In his PBS interview, Schiff specifically referred to the hacking and release to websites such as WikiLeaks of personal emails written and received by Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta and other top Democratsreleases that Trump prominently featured during the campaign.

The daily dumping of information that was damaging to Secretary Clinton and helpful to Donald Trump was hugely consequential, Schiff said.

But is it possible to move beyond a gut feeling and prove that Russia influenced enough voters to change the elections outcome? Not really, say political scientists.

A campaign as large-scale as a presidential race is buffeted by so many factors that its essentially impossible to know for sure that any given factor played a role in determining who won.

The presidential election, with its national constituency, is decided by multiple, interrelated causes, all of which were necessary but not sufficient, said Kyle Saunders, a Colorado State University political scientist. Referring to such factors as the candidates personalities and messages as well as the general political environment, Saunders said that no one determinate cause can be offered as the explanation, and doing so is a fools errand.

Saunders agreed that one doesnt have to believe that hacking did affect the election to say comfortably that Trump is wrong to say it absolutely didnt affect the electiontheres simply no way of knowing either way with any certainty that something affected the outcome.

He added that while a reasonable case can be made that the hacking did help Trump, thats informed speculationnot certaintyand said theres no way to know how big a factor it may have been compared to other factors.

It is difficult to argue that the barrage of damaging information released almost exclusively about Clinton and Democrats did no harm or did not create an atmosphere in which voters questioned her judgment or credibility or dampen support for her candidacy, said Costas Panagopoulos, a Fordham University political scientist.

That said, Panagopoulos added, in truth, there is no way to know with certainty what the causal impact of Russian involvement was on the outcome of the 2016 election.

Cory Booker on Senate confirmations

Another topic on the Sunday shows was the presidential transition and vetting Trumps nominees. Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) suggested on CBSs Face the Nation that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell once advocated for a thorough vetting of President Barack Obamas Cabinet nominees but now seems to have a different standard.

The Republican-controlled Senate will hold several confirmation hearings for the week of Jan. 10, frustrating Democrats like Booker who say the jam-packed schedule was a move to deflect public attention from Trumps more controversial nominees.

But back in 2009, Mitch McConnell was the person thats saying, Hey, we should have all the ethics information in before we do the hearings. I just was reviewing his letter this morning, Booker said Jan. 8, emphasizing that rigorous review is perhaps more important for Trumps nominees given their wealth, international business ties, and potential conflicts of interest.

Is Booker right that McConnell advocated for complete ethical review for Obamas appointees before holding confirmation hearings?

Bookers claim is accurate, though it may be a bit premature to accuse McConnell of hypocrisy. It rates Mostly True.

All Cabinet-level positions as well as scores of senior-level personnel for executive branch agencies must be confirmed by the Senate. (Those who dont have to be confirmed are positions that solely advise the president.)

First, the president or president-elect selects, vets, and submits nominations to the appropriate Senate committees. Then the committees typically hold investigations (using information provided by the White House and their own research) and hearings (for public debate over the nomination). Finally, after review, they report the nominations to the full Senate for a vote on the floor.

According to the Congressional Research Service, the clearance stage includes submitting financial disclosure forms, completing background checks, and signing ethics agreements that identify and outline ways to mitigate conflicts of interest, reviewed and certified by the Office of Government Ethics. This typically occurs before the nominations are submitted to the Senate.

The rules for confirmation vary by committee. All review a nominees biographical rsum and some set of disclosure forms. Some also consult FBI background checks. Again, this information gathering often happens before a hearing but is more often required before a vote.

In a letter released by Senate Democrats, the director of the independent Office of Government Ethics, Walter Shaub, expressed concern that several of Trumps nominees with scheduled hearings have yet to complete the ethics review process as of Jan. 6, 2017.

I am not aware of any occasion in the four decades since OGE was established when the Senate held a confirmation hearing before the nominee had completed the ethics review, Shaub wrote. In fact, OGE has not received even the initial draft financial disclosure reports for some of the nominees scheduled for hearings.

Out of the Trump picks with confirmation hearings scheduled, ethics forms have been submitted for attorney general nominee Sen. Jeff Sessions, secretary of state nominee Rex Tillerson, defense secretary nominee James Mattis, and transportation secretary nominee Elaine Chao, according to the Associated Press.

Its unclear if forms have been submitted for CIA director nominee Rep. Mike Pompeo, homeland security secretary nominee Gen. John Kelly, and housing secretary nominee Ben Carson.

Forms have not been submitted for education secretary nominee Betsy DeVos or commerce secretary Wilbur Ross.

Experts agreed with Bookers characterization of McConnells letter, sent to then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid dated Feb. 12, 2009.

Prior to considering any time agreements on the floor on any nominee, McConnell wrote, ranking members expect eight ethical standards to be met.

Among them: a completed FBI background check, a completed Office of Government Ethics letter, completed financial disclosure statements (and tax returns where they apply), and a completed committee questionnaire submitted to the respective Senate committees prior to a hearing being noticed.

In laymans terms, McConnell not only required for completion of disclosures but also review prior to floor consideration, said Wayne Steger, a political science professor at DePaul University and the author of A Citizens Guide to Presidential Nominations.

The ethics review process had to be complete before he would agree to set aside the right to filibuster nominations, said Steven Smith, a political science professor at Washington University in St. Louis and expert on Senate procedure.

Bookers office also referred us to a 2009 Roll Call article on McConnells letter.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) on Thursday threatened to filibuster any of President Barack Obamas executive branch nominations if they do not meet what he deemed a series of standards for installment, the article reads (full version here).

McConnells office, meanwhile, argued that Booker mischaracterized the letter. McConnells communications director, David Popp, pointed out that by the time McConnell sent the letter on Feb. 12, the Senate had already held hearings for everyone Obama nominated. This is accurate, and all but one of the 13 nominees were confirmed before Feb. 12.

If you read the letter, it simply calls for continuing the best practices and precedents of the Senateit does not ask for new preconditions the way Sen. Booker and other Democrats are now doing, such as calling for the tax returns of all nominees, rather than only in those committees that regularly request returns, he said.

Appearing right before Booker on Face the Nation, McConnell dismissed concerns from Democrats as sour grapes disguised as little procedural complaints and emphasized the need to get Trumps national security team up and running on Day 1. He suggested his ethical standards hadnt changed and said there is still time to comply.

After all, we are still in the process of getting the papers in. I think at least five of the nominees have all of their papers in, he said. The real thing is the vote on the floor, and we want to have all of the records in, all of the papers completed before they are actually confirmed on the Senate floor.

Read more fact-checks at PunditFact.com.

Originally posted here:
Donald Trump Makes False Claims About Intel Report on Russian ...

Donald Trump Favorable Rating – Polls – HuffPost Pollster

Jan 7 Jan 10

1,424 Adults

Jan 6 Jan 10

1,787 Adults

Jan 5 Jan 9

899 Registered Voters

Jan 5 Jan 7

1,988 Registered Voters

Dec 31, 2016 Jan 3, 2017

1,647 Adults

Dec 30, 2016 Jan 3, 2017

1,961 Adults

Dec 24 Dec 27, 2016

1,662 Adults

Dec 22 Dec 22, 2016

1,000 Likely Voters

Dec 17 Dec 20, 2016

1,376 Adults

Dec 16 Dec 20, 2016

2,065 Adults

Dec 14 Dec 18, 2016

1,000 Likely Voters

Dec 12 Dec 15, 2016

1,000 Adults

Dec 11 Dec 13, 2016

1,034 Registered Voters

Dec 10 Dec 13, 2016

1,447 Adults

Dec 9 Dec 13, 2016

1,259 Adults

Dec 9 Dec 13, 2016

1,208 Adults

Dec 7 Dec 12, 2016

1,316 Adults

Dec 8 Dec 11, 2016

2,000 Registered Voters

Dec 1 Dec 9, 2016

1,005 Adults

Dec 6 Dec 7, 2016

1,224 Registered Voters

Dec 2 Dec 6, 2016

1,716 Adults

Dec 2 Dec 5, 2016

999 Adults

Nov 30 Dec 5, 2016

1,502 Adults

Dec 1 Dec 2, 2016

1,401 Registered Voters

Nov 28 Dec 1, 2016

1,001 Adults

Nov 29 Nov 30, 2016

992 Adults

Nov 25 Nov 29, 2016

1,704 Adults

Nov 19 Nov 22, 2016

1,411 Adults

Nov 18 Nov 22, 2016

1,645 Adults

Nov 17 Nov 20, 2016

1,071 Registered Voters

Nov 17 Nov 20, 2016

1,003 Adults

Nov 16 Nov 18, 2016

1,885 Registered Voters

Nov 12 Nov 15, 2016

1,659 Adults

Nov 11 Nov 15, 2016

1,761 Adults

Nov 9 Nov 13, 2016

1,019 Adults

Nov 4 Nov 7, 2016

4,171 Registered Voters

Oct 31 Nov 7, 2016

Adults

Nov 4 Nov 6, 2016

799 Likely Voters

Nov 3 Nov 6, 2016

802 Registered Voters

Nov 3 Nov 6, 2016

1,410 Registered Voters

Nov 2 Nov 6, 2016

2,756 Registered Voters

Nov 4 Nov 5, 2016

1,482 Likely Voters

Nov 3 Nov 5, 2016

1,282 Likely Voters

Nov 2 Nov 5, 2016

1,937 Likely Voters

Nov 1 Nov 5, 2016

1,009 Likely Voters

Nov 1 Nov 3, 2016

1,587 Adults

Oct 30 Nov 1, 2016

1,388 Registered Voters

Oct 31 Oct 31, 2016

5,360 Registered Voters

Oct 29 Oct 30, 2016

1,772 Likely Voters

Oct 24 Oct 30, 2016

Adults

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Donald Trump Favorable Rating - Polls - HuffPost Pollster

Donald Trump & Democrats — Why the Media Always Lose to …

The best thing that happened to Donald Trump all week is that BuzzFeed published the raw Russia dossier about him.

It cant be pleasant for anyone to see his name associated with prostitutes and a bizarre sex act in print the principle that all publicity is good publicity can be taken too far even for Donald Trump. But in the medias ongoing fight with Trump, BuzzFeeds incredible act of journalistic irresponsibility represented the press leading with its chin.

Trump thrives off media hostility, and the more hostile and the less defensible the better. It allows him to portray himself as the victim of a stilted establishment. It fires up his supporters. It keeps the debate on terrain that is familiar and favorable to him whether or not he is being treated fairly and allows him to adopt his preferred posture as a counterpuncher.

There are legitimate questions raised about how determined Trump has been to ignore evidence of Russias hacking operations prior to the election. BuzzFeed unintentionally did more to obscure and delegitimize these questions than Trump Tower could ever hope to. By publishing the uncorroborated dossier, BuzzFeed has associated the Russia issue with fantastical rumors and hearsay.

Its decision to post the document has to be considered another chapter in the ongoing saga of the media and Democrats losing their collective minds. If the election had gone the other way, it is hard to see BuzzFeed publishing a 35-page document containing unverified, lurid allegations about President-elect Hillary Clinton that it didnt consider credible. This was an anti-Trump decision, pure and simple.

It created a media firestorm, even though everyone should realize by now that media firestorms are Trumps thing. They have been literally since the day he got into the presidential race. They suck the oxygen away from everything except the transfixing melodrama surrounding Donald Trump. The question is always, How can he possibly escape this? And at the center of attention, vindicating his own honor and that of his supporters by proxy, he always does.

The paradox of the Trump phenomenon is that he may be ripping up sundry political norms, yet he benefits when his opponents and adversaries do the same. When Marco Rubio descended to Trumps level in the primaries and mocked the size of his hands, it hurt Rubio most. The Democrats have done themselves no favors by implicitly refusing to accept the election results after browbeating Trump for months to accept the results in advance. And if the press is going to lower its standards in response to Trump, it will diminish and discredit itself more than the president-elect.

For all that Trump complains about negative press coverage, he wants to be locked in a relationship of mutual antagonism with the media. It behooves those journalists who arent partisans and reflexive Trump haters to avoid getting caught up in this dynamic. If they genuinely want to be public-spirited checks on Trump, they shouldnt be more bitterly adversarial, but more responsible and fair.

None of this is a particularly tall order. Yet its unlikely to happen, even if it was encouraging that so many reporters opposed BuzzFeeds decision. The press and Trump will continue to be at war, although only one party to the hostilities truly knows what he is doing, and it shows.

Rich Lowry is the editor of National Review. He can be reached via e-mail: [emailprotected]. 2017 King Features Syndicate

Continued here:
Donald Trump & Democrats -- Why the Media Always Lose to ...

Donald Trump’s Threat to Press Freedom: Why It Matters

Less than a month before the U.S. presidential election, the Committee to Protect Journalists issued an unprecedented statement denouncing the then-Republican nominee. [Donald] Trump has insulted and vilified the press and has made his opposition to the media a centerpiece of his campaign, said the committee, a New York-based organization that promotes press freedom. A Trump presidency would represent a threat to press freedom in the United States.

With little more than two months before Trump takes the oath of office, the threat to the mediaand the publics right to knowis reality. However, President-elect Trump may find a thicket of laws and Supreme Court precedents limit his maneuveringslight comfort for those working to protect a free press.

Supporters of Republican U.S. presidential nominee Donald Trump scream and gesture at members of the media in a press area at a campaign rally in Cincinnati, Ohio, October 13. Mike Segar/Reuters

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At the president-elects often incendiary rallies, Trump frequently blasted the press as dishonest, disgusting and scum. The crowds that gathered to watch him would often turn and jeer at the reporters, hemmed in the press pen.

On the internet, the vitriol from Trump fans continued. In April, the journalist Julia Ioffe received a barrage of anti-Semitic abuse and death threats after she wrote a critical profile of Trumps wife Melania for GQ magazine. In October, a Trump supporter sent Newsweek s Kurt Eichenwald ( who has been vocal about his epilepsy) a video that triggers seizures. Other Newsweek staffers have received anti-Semitic slurs on Twitter and memes about hanging journalists from trees.

Even the few news outlets who backed Trump werent always safe. In March, Florida police charged Trumps then-campaign manager Corey Lewandowski with battery after he appeared to grab Breitbart reporter Michelle Fields as she approached Trump to ask him a question. (Florida ultimately decided not to prosecute Lewandowski, and he landed a job at CNN.)

Amid the threats and abuse, Trumpwho once gave interviews to any outlet that would pay him attentionstarted turning on the press. At a Texas rally in February, Trump made a promise. If elected president, he said, I'm going to open up our libel laws so when [journalists] write purposely negative and horrible and false articles, we can sue them and win lots of money.

Could he do this? Probably not, says Craig Aaron, the president of the U.S. advocacy group Free Press. Aaron points out that the U.S.s free speech protections through law and Supreme Court precedent make it difficult for a public figure to sue the press and win. And as hell learnif he hasnt alreadytheres no more public figure than a president, Aaron says. Though I suppose in theory he could badger journalists with frivolous lawsuits.

But whether Trumps threat was realistic, it had a chilling effect on news organizations. His rise was the most distressing campaign in memory, from the perspective of press freedom, says Suzanne Nossel, the executive director of PEN American Center, which advocates for free expression. In short, there has probably never been a presidential candidate so openly and publicly hostile to the press.

Now that hes won, there's definitely reason for concern, Nossel says. If the campaign and his past history are any indication, this will be a president who is dismissive of the role of the press. Accusatory. Punitive in his treatment of journalists. Arbitrary. Secretive when he wants to be.

Throughout the campaign, Trump denied press credentials to a range of news organizations, from BuzzFeed to Politico to the Washington Post . At the time, Post editor Marty Baron described Trumps ban as a repudiation of the role of a free and independent press. (Perhaps keen to get back in Trumps good graces, the Post s owner, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, recently tweeted : Congratulations to @realDonaldTrump. I for one give him my most open mind and wish him great success in his service to the country.)

Trump, of course, has not yet assumed the powers of the presidency. But his refusal to allow a press pool to accompany him to his meeting with President Barack Obama on Thursday suggested that his hostility toward reporters has not waned. In newsrooms all over the country, journalists are now wondering: What happens to a free press under President Trump?

First, the good news. The U.S. Constitution, and a succession of Supreme Court rulings, will ensure that the press is somewhat shielded against the caprices of a man who has openly mused about suing news outlets who report critically on him.

The First Amendment guarantees that Congress can make no law that abridges the freedom of the press, writes Andrea Hatcher, associate professor and chair of the department of politics at the University of the South, in an email to Newsweek. A free press is part of the American identity. And textual Constitutional guarantees have always been rather sacred.

In recent decades, the Supreme Court has consistently ruled to protect the presss freedom. Camila Vergara, a PhD candidate in political science at Columbia University and an adjunct lecturer in political theory at New York University, outlined three landmark decisions to Newsweek that she said would keep news outlets free to criticize Trump.

The first ruling came in 1931, in Near v. Minnesota , when the Supreme Court found that a state law allowing prior restraint of the pressessentially, censorship in advancewas unconstitutional.

The secondwhich could stymie Trumps February promise to sue journalists and win lots of moneywas in 1964 with New York Times v. Sullivan, which established the actual malice standard. The court unanimously decided that for a public figure to win a libel suit against the media, he or she had to prove the outlet acted with actual maliceessentially, that the report was known to be inaccurate or that it was published with reckless disregard for its veracity.

Finally, the third decision, again involving the New York Times , saw the court rule in 1971 that the U.S. government (the other plaintiff) could not stop the Times and the Washington Post from publishing the then-classified Pentagon Papers, documents which detailed the nations involvement in Vietnam. The ruling, Vergara says, puts the burden of proof on the government, to prove that publication of sensitive information would undermine national security.

In other words, the Supreme Court has had the presss back. The trouble is that theres a vacancy on the court, created by the death of Justice Antonin Scalia in February. Two of the sitting judges, Anthony Kennedy and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, are over 80 years old. Should they die or retire, Trump will have the chance to appoint two more justices to the bench. (In September, sources claimed that Trump wanted to nominate the Silicon Valley billionaire Peter Thiel a man who is also notorious for bankrolling the lawsuit that sued Gawker out of existenceto the court. Spokespeople for both Trump and Thiel denied the reports.)

What now is frighteningfor a free press and other freedoms we hold dearis that the president is positioned to create a court that can interpret the Constitution in ways that undermine our libertyeven those that we thought to be inviolable, writes Hatcher. Unified ideological control of the three branches of government, plus many of the state governments, means that institutional checks and balances are more vulnerable than they have ever been.

A supporter of Republican U.S. presidential nominee Donald Trump screams at members of the media working in a press area at a Trump campaign rally in West Palm Beach, Florida, October 13. Reuters

Even if the Supreme Court continues to protect the First Amendment, and with it the U.S. press, there are other ways that Trump could limit journalistic freedoms. The pattern is intimidation and threats. In September, for instance, he threatened a lawsuit against the New York Times .

The following month, when the Times published an article about the women accusing Trump of assault, the candidate claimed he was going to sue the newspaper and the women who went on the record.

He never pursued these lawsuits. The discovery process would have been too damaging, as commentators noted, and he would not have had much of a case: The Times story was a piece of newsworthy reporting on someone who is obviously a public figure. So the newspaper refused to back down. We welcome the opportunity to have a court set him straight, the Times lawyer wrote in a letter to Trump's counsel.

But Trumps intimidation was enough to get his point across. Other news outlets lack the resources that the Times has to defend itself against a potential libel suit (a more vulnerable newspaper with lesser resources might have backed down). Plus, the election outcome has taught him that going to war with the press works, so why would he change now? says Aaron. I suspect Trump will use the power of his office in the more predictable but no less problematic ways weve glimpsed on the campaign trail: intimidating journalists, turning his bully-pulpit power against them and trying to delegitimize the role of an adversarial press at every opportunity. He also predicts Trump will expand the Obama administrations war on whistleblowers.

Nossel is worried but cautiously optimistic.

He doesn't seem to understand or respect the principles of press freedom that is so important in this country, she says. Maybe that'll change. There's a certain solemnity of responsibility that's maybe setting in for him now. Regardless, her organization will be watching. I would be surprised if we don't have a busy time ahead of us, Nossel says.

To some people, these concerns might seem trivial. Across the U.S., marginalized groups more vulnerable than journalists are terrified for their futurewith some ethnic minorities already falling victim to abuse. But a free press is one of several entities that gives voice to the voiceless. If a Trump administration restricts and limits it, the effects will reverberate far beyond the news organizations.

So whats the plan? How can journalists prepare themselves for the age of Trump?

Aaron offers some advice. Don't normalize; scrutinize, he says. Don't be a stenographer. Stay away from the press conferences and golf courses and dig into the documents, appointments and policies including policies that will shape journalism, the internet and the media business.

What else? Stand up for those asking President Trump hard questions. Show solidarity with everyone committing acts of journalism even if they don't have fancy credentials. Get a good lawyer on speed dial. And encrypt everything.

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Donald Trump's Threat to Press Freedom: Why It Matters

Donald Trump Beats Libel Lawsuit Over Tweets Directed at …

Donald Trump says he wants to "open up" libel laws, but a few days before he becomesthe next President of the United States, he became fortunate that such laws place high burdens on plaintiffs. A New York Supreme Court judge on Tuesday agreed to dismiss a defamation suit brought byCheryl Jacobus, a political strategist who, Trump tweeted, had "begged" him for a job and went "hostile" when she was turned down.

Jacobus sued Trump and his former campaign manager Corey Lewandowski over comments made in the midst of a heated Republican primary. Seeking $4 million in damages, shealleged in her complaint that the Trump campaign tried to recruit her in May 2015, even attempting to entice her with the prospect of a post-campaign job at Fox News. She says Lewandowski told her that Trump was very close to Roger Ailes.She further claimed of coming to the judgment that working for Trump was untenable because Lewandowski was a "powder keg."

In January 2016, she appeared on CNN to discuss Trump's decision to skip a primary debate on Fox News and opined that Trump was "using the Megyn Kelly manufactured kerfuffle as an excuse." A few days later, she returned to Don Lemon's show and was dubious about Trump's claims of self-funding his campaign.

This may have set Trump off. In one tweet, he wrote how he"turned her down twice and she went hostile. Major loser, zero credibility."

In response to the defamation lawsuit, Trump moved to dismiss on the basis that the statements were "pure opinion," not susceptible to any defamatory meaning because they couldn't be proved true or . His attorney also pointed the judge's attention to the hyperbolic nature of Twitter, and wrote that when plaintiffs likeJacobus have access to the media, they face higher burdens because of their opportunity to rebut points.

This led to a noteworthy hearing in October where the judge heard Trump's attorney, Lawrence Rosen, say that "perception is reality" and the plaintiff's attorney, Jay Butterman, nod to Nazi Germany with a warning thatthe rights of individuals could be trampled upon just for voicing some criticism of someone in power.

Today, New York judge Barbara Jaffereleased her decision grantingTrump's motion to dismiss.

"Trump's characterization of plaintiff as having 'begged' for a job is reasonably viewed as a loose, figurative, and hyperbolic reference to plaintiff's state of mind and is therefore, not susceptible of objective verification," writes Jaffe. "To the extent that the word 'begged' can be proven to be arepresentation of plaintiff's interest in the position, the defensive tone of the tweet, having followed plaintiff's negative commentary about Trump, signals to readers that plaintiff and Trump were engaged in a petty quarrel."

The judge explores the context of the tweets and how Trump has used the medium. She notes "Trump's regular use of Twitter to circulate his positions and skewer his opponents and others who criticize him, including journalists and media organizations whose coverage he finds objectionable."

"His tweets about his critics, necessarily restricted to 140 characters or less, are rife with vague and simplistic insults such as 'loser' or 'total loser' or 'totally biased loser,' 'dummy' or 'dope' or 'dumb,' 'zero/no credibility,' 'crazy' or 'wacko' and 'disaster,' all deflecting serious consideration," she continues.

"And yet," the judge adds, "the context of a national presidential primary and a candidate's strategic and almost exclusive use of Twitter to advance his views arguably distinguish this case from those where heated rhetoric, with or without the use of social media, was held to constitute communications that cannot be taken seriously.... These circumstances raise some concern that some may avoid liability by conveying positions in small Twitter parcels, as opposed to by doing so in a more formal and presumably actionable manner...."

The judge then writes that nevertheless, and "with the spirit of the First Amendment," she finds a reasonable reader would recognize Trump's schoolyard type squabble as rendering statements of "opinion, even if some of the statements, viewed in isolation, could be found to convey facts."

The judge concludes, "Thus, although the intemperate tweets are clearly intended to belittle and demean plaintiff, any reasonable reading of them makes it 'impossible to conclude that [what defendants said or implied]...could subject...[plaintiff] to contempt or aversion, induce any unsavory opinion of [her] or reflect adversely upon [her] work,' or otherwise damage her reputation as a partisan political consultant and commentator.... Indeed, to some, truth itself has been lost in the cacophony of online and Twitter verbiage to such a degree that it seems to roll of the national consciousness like water off a duck's back."

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Donald Trump Beats Libel Lawsuit Over Tweets Directed at ...