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Crowds gather for the start of the San Fermin festival in Pamplona, Spain.

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Protesters demonstrating against the upcoming G20 economic summit ride boats on Inner Alster lake during a protest march in Hamburg, Germany. Hamburg will host the upcoming G20 summit and is expecting heavy protests throughout.

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Israeli Air Force Efroni T-6 Texan II planes perform at an air show during the graduation of new cadet pilots at Hatzerim base in the Negev desert, near the southern Israeli city of Beer Sheva

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Russian President Vladimir Putin (C) stands under pouring rain during a wreath-laying ceremony marking the 76th anniversary of the Nazi German invasion, by the Kremlin walls in Moscow, on June 22, 2017

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A runner lies on the ground after arriving at the finish line in Frankfurt Germany. More than 1,000 runners climbed the 1202 stairs, and 222 meters of height in the Frankfurt Messeturm skyscraper run

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Recep Tayyip Erdogan: Turkish President could face arrest in Sweden over 'genocide' lawsuit - The Independent

Despite their differences, however, the government and opposition leaders appeared to be taking great pains to prevent a major confrontation as the march reached its culmination. The rally on Sunday could have easily been prohibited under the state of emergency that has been in force since the coup attempt. Large numbers of police officers escorted the marchers but did not interfere.

Hundreds of thousands of protesters arrived in Istanbul for the end of the three-week March for Justice. Led by Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the head of the main opposition party, they protested the government's recent crackdown on dissenters.

In a symbolic gesture, but also perhaps in an effort to manage the crowds, Mr. Kilicdaroglu walked the last two miles to the rally on his own. A former civil servant, Mr. Kilicdaroglu, 69, has captured the imagination of many supporters with his mild manner and his insistence on a peaceful march, in the spirit of Mahatma Gandhi.

This is not an anti-government protest, Samet Akten, communications director for the march, said in a statement on Sunday. It is important to recognize the exceptionally peaceful nature of this process as well as its very specific goal. We will be expressing a collective, nonpartisan desire for an independent and fair judicial system, which has lately been lacking in Turkey.

Though the government allowed the march and rally to proceed despite security concerns and its evident criticism of Mr. Erdogans authoritarian leadership, it is the largest sign of opposition since the failed coup last July, which resulted in the deaths of 249 people.

Politicians, including members of the C.H.P., rallied behind the president after the coup attempt, but differences over the scale of his crackdown have since emerged. Mr. Erdogan has ordered the arrests of 50,000 people accused of links to the coup plotters, and organized a referendum that granted him greater powers, including over the judiciary.

In an interview with the German weekly Die Zeit last week, Mr. Erdogan insisted that the judiciary in Turkey was independent and defended the widespread arrests, saying many of those detained, including journalists, face terrorism charges.

If it turns out that they are innocent, the judiciary will release them, he said. But if they are guilty, the judiciary will rule accordingly.

Sundays rally passed without incident. Mr. Kilicdaroglu commended his supporters for completing the march peacefully and thanked the security forces for their management of the crowds.

But he was forthright in his accusations against Mr. Erdogans government, calling on him to immediately lift the state of emergency and release two hunger strikers who are seriously ill. He also urged judges to resist government pressure or resign. I am telling him directly from here, Your justice will not crush us, he said.

He presented a 10-point statement demanding that changes in the constitution be reversed, that last years coup attempt be fully investigated and that journalists, members of Parliament and army privates be released and civil servants reinstated.

Justice is a right, we want our right back, he said. We millions here demand a new social contract.

Dursun Cicek, a C.H.P. member of Parliament and a former political prisoner, said the rally marked the opening of a campaign by opposition parties to challenge Mr. Erdogans government ahead of the presidential election in 2019. If they change, then O.K., he said. But if they dont change, we will gain power in a democratic way.

Mr. Erdogan, who was at the Group of 20 meeting in Hamburg, Germany, last week, and met with Rex W. Tillerson, the United States secretary of state, in Ankara on Sunday, did not react to Mr. Kilicdaroglus challenge.

Supporters of Mr. Erdogan were largely absent from the rally. Some workers watched in silence. Drivers complained that roads were sealed off for the march.

God sees everything, one driver said.

Supporters of the C.H.P. said they welcomed the call for action. I am really happy that finally we have heard this is the beginning, and from the street, Ogun Gidisoglu said. Referring to Mr. Kilicdaroglu, he said, He has unleashed us.

But some said they feared that the success of the march would lead to arrests of their leaders in coming days.

Mahmut Tanal, a senior C.H.P. member of Parliament and a member of the parliamentary human rights commission, said it was a risk they were prepared for. I am one of their targets, he said. If they try and arrest me, I will welcome them.

Our aim was to raise awareness and serve a wake-up call for justice, Mr. Tanal said. I think we have succeeded.

An article on Monday about a protest march in Istanbul referred incorrectly to Die Zeit, a German newspaper that published an interview with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Die Zeit is a weekly, not a daily.

A version of this article appears in print on July 10, 2017, on Page A7 of the New York edition with the headline: March for Justice Ends 3-Week Protest in Turkey.

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'March for Justice' Ends in Istanbul With a Pointed Challenge to Erdogan - New York Times

A Swedish law adopted in 2014 allows the country's courts to judge cases of alleged crimes against humanity regardless of where they have been committed or by whom.

The law stipulates that "anyone, who in order to completely or partially destroy a national or ethnic group of people" kills, causes serious pain or injury is "guilty of genocide".

The Public Prosecution Offices said it would now decide whether to initiate a preliminary investigation, adding that "it may take a while".

If prosecutors decide to launch an investigation, Erdogan could risk an arrest warrant in Sweden, the lawmakers said.

Carl Schlyter, an MP for the Greens, said he hoped other lawmakers in European countries would follow their move.

"If (Erdogan) is hindered from roaming around in Europe and influencing European countries the way he wants, then I hope that this will affect his politics," he said.

The UN Human Rights Office in March released a report on allegations of "massive destruction, killings and numerous other serious human rights violations committed" between July 2015 and December 2016 in Turkey's southeast.

Hundreds of members of the Turkish security forces have been killed since the collapse of the ceasefire, and the army has claimed killing thousands of militants.

The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), classified as a terror group by Turkey, the EU and the US, has waged an insurgency in the country since 1984 -- initially focusing on independence demands then greater rights -- that has left at least 40,000 people dead.

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Swedish lawmakers file 'genocide' complaint against Erdogan - Times LIVE

Another symbolic aspect of the march is the comparison of its leader K?l?daro?lu to Gandhi

If were going to have a true democracy, we have to start with justice, said Turkish Republican Peoples Party (CHP) member of parliament Selin Sayek-Bke.

Sayek-Bke was speaking to an interviewer from the BBC while participating in the 432-kilometre Justice March from Ankara to Istanbul called by the CHPs leader Kemal K?l?daro?lu in response to the jailing of one of the partys MPs, Enis Berbero?lu. Berbero?lu was jailed for 25 years for leaking footage of Turkeys MIT security agency sending trucks full of weapons over the border to Syria. The March, which, according to K?l?daro?lu, has attracted around 40,000 protesters, is due to end on Sunday, July 9 at the Istanbul prison where the lawmaker is being held.

I talked about our #JusticeMarch to @BBCNews. It was literally a breathtaking interview.

The accusation that Turkeys government lent material support to terrorist groups in Syria is one about which the ruling Erdogan administration is particularly sensitive. It is one of the main reasons the administration decided to block Wikipedia entirely in May, after two articles appeared on the site mentioned Berbero?lus leaks while he was the editor of Hurriyet newspaper in 2014.

President Erdogans ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) would appear to be in an unassailable position, having won every election since coming to power in 2002, including the constitutional referendum in April 2017 to change Turkeys politics to a Presidential system that would allow Erdogan to remain in charge until 2029.

Yet the CHPs Justice March and its obvious symbolism have rattled leading figures in Erdogans party. Prime Minister Binali Yildirim said it is starting to taste sour. It is time to end it, while Erdogan himself accused the marchers of being allied to the Kurdish PKK militia and Fethullah Glens religious movementthe group the AKP accuses of instigating last years 15 July coup attempt. Erdogan has frequently associated his political opponents with terrorism in the past.

Perhaps a key objection is the appropriation of the word JusticeAdalet, a core element of Erdogans party nameto indicate that the perceived injustice is now coming from Erdogans religious conservative movement itself. The AKP was founded as a moderate Islamic party seeking greater freedom of religion for the large number of conservative Muslims who were previously discriminated against in areas of public life such as courts and universities. But now these restrictions no longer exist, this aspect of the conservative platform has lost its meaning. The party itself has become less moderate, as it seeks to expand the influence of political Islam into education, the courts, and the military.

The Justice March approaching Istanbul Image by Ziya Kseo?lu. Used with permission.

Another symbolic aspect of the march is the comparison of its leader K?l?daro?lu to Gandhi. K?l?daro?lu is often physically compared to Gandhi, and the latters 1930 Salt March against unfair taxes imposed by the British eventually led to Indias independence from British colonialism. For many, the Justice March represents new and exciting shift in tactics by the CHP, who have previously been cautious about overt displays of direct action to challenge the government.

But as the political situation in Turkey has worsened, few other groups besides the CHP are in any position to resist. In recent months, MPs from the pro-Kurdish HDP party have been imprisoned, along with hunger-striking teachers, journalists and hundreds of others accused of participation in banned organisations, sometimes for offences as minor as opening an account at a bank affiliated with Glens Cemaat movement. Even members of Turkeys local Amnesty International branch were arrested in the middle of a human rights training session they were holding. This is especially ironic, as Erdogan had once been adopted by Amnesty as a Prisoner of Conscience in 1998, when he was briefly arrested by the Turkish government on accusations of stoking religious violence by reading a poem at a rally.

The CHPs previous inaction had led to criticism that K?l?daro?lu was weak and ineffective, a charge that seems less credible the more AKP criticises the Justice March, which will end in Istanbul on Sunday with a large rally.

So far, a number of people have had heart attacks while participating in the 432-kilometre journey from Ankara to Istanbul, and AKP supporters have tried to disrupt the protest, one going as far as to dump a truckload of manure in front of the march.

However, as the number of participants has increased to the tens of thousands, the March seems to have taken on greater momentum. Among the protesters is a man who looks surprisingly like a shorter double of K?l?daro?lu, who one Twitter user jokingly referred to as his powerbank.

K?l?daro?lu carrying his powerbank with him

The marchers were even joined by members of the pro-Kurdish HDP party, with whom the CHP has historically had a less than friendly relationship. In May 2016, CHP representatives voted with the government to support a bill that would allow MPs to be stripped of immunity and allow the government to prosecute them. As a result, 13 HDP MPs and countless other officials have been jailed.

The CHP is a nationalist party that would not easily speak out against the jailing of Kurdish politicians; but now that the prosecutions have reached its own MPs, it has found that many other groups are willing to follow its critical lead. The challenge now is to keep that opposition unified.

The march reached Istanbul on Friday, 7 July and will culminate in a big protest rally over the weekend. At the moment, there do not appear to be any specific proposals from the CHP about what its next steps will be. CHP MP Selin Sayek-Bke has said that We need to achieve what we couldn't do following Gezi and 16 April [the date of the constitutional referendum], we need to show the decisiveness that would bring the energy of the social opposition to politics.

In an interview with CNN Turk, K?l?daro?lu said that the result of the march is that people have overcome their fear of speaking out against the government. What remains uncertain is how the AKP government responds to the voices raised against it. But if the CHP can galvanise the anger of many groups who feel marginalised and fearful of the state, it could lead to greater success for the party in the Parliamentary and Presidential elections which are both due to be held in 2019.

This article was written by John Lubbock and published by Global Voices on 8July, 2017.

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Turkish oppn looks to build on march momentum for ousting Erdogan in 2019 - Business Standard

Recep Tayyip Erdogan at the G20 leaders summit in Hamburg, Germany. Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

This week is the first anniversary of the failed coup against Turkeys President Recep Tayyip Erdoan, a coup he has used since to further alienate his opponents. Most recently, on 16 April, he won a referendum to become head of state and head of government simultaneously, emerging as the most unassailable Turkish politician since Mustafa Kemal Atatrk established the secular republic in 1923.

In the 1920s and 1930s, Atatrk shaped Turkey in his own image as a western society. In his Turkey, the state banished religion to the private sphere and discriminated against pious citizens. But since 2003, Erdoan has dismantled Atatrks societal model, flooding political and education systems with rigidly conservative Islam, as well as pivoting Turkey away from Europe and the west.

This is, paradoxically, Erdoans Atatrk side. Of course, Erdoan does not share his values, just his methods. Just as Atatrk reshaped Turkey, so Erdoan is building a new country, but one that sees itself as profoundly Islamist in politics and foreign policy to make it a great power once again.

Erdoan is an anti-Atatrk Atatrk. As I explain in my book The New Sultan, having grown up in secularist Turkey and faced social exclusion at a young age because of his piety, Erdoan is motivated by animosity towards Atatrks ways. Yet he has dismantled Atatrks system by using the very tools that the countrys founding elites provided: state institutions and top-down social engineering.

Erdoan has used the founders means and methods to replace even Atatrk himself. The end product is that Turkey now discriminates against citizens who do not first and foremost identify through conservative political Islamism, the branch to which Erdoan belongs. However, Erdoan has a problem: whereas Atatrk came to power as a military general, the president has a democratic mandate to govern. And what is more, Turkey is split almost down the middle Erdogan won the April referendum with only 51% popular support.

Despite this, Erdoan wants to change Turkey in his own image in the way that Atatrk did and herein lies the crisis of modern Turkey: half of the country embraces Erdoans brand of politics, but the other half vehemently opposes it. So long as Turkey is genuinely democratic, Erdoan cannot continue to govern the way he likes to.

This has given birth to Erdoans dark, illiberal side: in order to push forward with his platform of revolutionary change against a split society, he has been cracking down on his opponents and locking up dissidents. Although he has won elections democratically, Erdoan has gradually become more autocratic, ensuring, once he has won an election, that the political playing field is uneven in order to prevent power from escaping his hands.

Accordingly, although Turkeys elections continue to be free, they are increasingly not fair. Erdoans electoral strategy has created deeply entrenched polarisation in Turkey: his conservative base, constituting about half of the country, has zealously rallied around him in his defence; the other half resents him.

Last years failed coup only sharpened Turkeys dilemma. Although the initial post-coup purges and arrests targeted members of the conservative Glen movement erstwhile allies who seem to have turned against him in the coup Erdoan has since cast a wide net, arresting anyone who opposes him. He has jailed 40,000 people since the coup, purging another 150,000. His opponents now loathe him.

But Erdoan does not seem to take notice. On 18 May, he declared that the state of emergency put in place after the 2016 coup would be extended until there is welfare and peace in the country. He has even threatened todetainKemal Kilicdarolu, head of the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP), who is currently leading a march from Ankara to Istanbul to protest against Erdoans ongoing crackdown. Erdoan knows that he cannot continue to govern Turkey the way he likes so long as it is a democracy which is why he is now taking steps to end democracy.

Soner Cagaptay is a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and author of The New Sultan: Erdoan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey

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One year on from the failed coup, Recep Tayyip Erdoan is more ... - The Guardian