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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan attends a news conference following the talks with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin in Sochi, Russia, May 3, 2017.(photo byREUTERS/Alexander Zemlianichenko)

Author:Semih Idiz Posted May 9, 2017

Omens for the long-awaited meeting between President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and President Donald Trump at the White House on May 16 do not bode well. Despite the smiles both leaders will no doubt have for the cameras, all the signs are that their talks will be tough.

There is no indication that issues that have strained ties will be resolved with this visit. Erdogans closest advisers are also pessimistic about a successful outcome, while some observers argue that this could be the make-or-break moment for Turkish-US ties.

Erdogans delight when Trump turned out to be the only Western leader congratulating him on his recent referendum victory which effectively makes Erdogan Turkeys unquestioned leader could, therefore, turn out to be short-lived.

Erdogan will travel to Washington with demands that are non-negotiable, leaving little room for diplomatic maneuvering. He has not only given advance notice of his intentions, but he has also sent personal adviser Ibrahim Kalin, head of Turkish Intelligence Hakan Fidan, Chief of the General Staff Gen. Hulusi Akar and Justice Minister Bekir Bozdag to prepare the groundwork.

The composition of this team already points to the issues at stake. Foremost among these is Ankaras insistence that the United States sever its ties with the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG), Washingtons ally in the fight against the Islamic State (IS) in Syria.

Turkey insists that this Kurdish group is a terrorist organization but has failed to convince Washington and other members of the US-led coalition against IS. It has also failed to convince Russia, which is also cooperating with the YPG in Syria.

To the contrary, Washington and Moscow despite their many disagreements over Syria closed ranks with the YPG after Turkeys recent deadly airstrike against the group in northern Syria. That strike elicited a reprimand from Washington and Moscow, with both characterizing it as unacceptable.

On May 9, the Pentagon announced the Trump had approved supplying arms to YPG fighters as part of an operation to retake Raqqa.

Erdogans second major demand will be the extradition of Fethullah Gulen, the self-exiled Islamic cleric who resides in Pennsylvania and whom Erdogan accuses of masterminding last year's failed coup against him.

The United States remains unconvinced of Turkish claims against Gulen, despite the stacks of evidence Ankara says it has provided. There is no indication that Erdogan will be any more successful during his visit, especially when the massive dragnet against alleged Gulen supporters continues unabated in Turkey on the basis of charges that legal experts argue would not stand up in a US court.

This campaign which is also criticized strongly by independent Turkish analysts is expected to strengthen the hand of Gulens legal team and make it harder for Trump to make an executive decision regarding Gulens extradition.

None of this has deterred Erdogan from upping the ante prior to traveling to Washington, though. He told reporters before flying to India last week that he would put pictures and video footage in front of Trump showing American flags and YPG banners (which he referred to as rags) flying side by side, while US Marines and YPG fighters stood guard together.

We will, of course, show these to the president during our visit on [May 16] and ask him what this is all about if we are partners against international terrorism, Erdogan said. He added that Turkey, a NATO ally, was deeply disturbed by this.

Erdogan added defiantly that Turkish strikes against the YPG would continue regardless of what anyone said about these. Aiming his words at the YPG, he said, We can come unexpectedly some night, adding, Let them live in fear.

Turkish press reports indicate that Erdogans advance team in Washington was also lobbying hard to get the United States to come around to Ankaras position on this topic. A diplomat talking to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity claimed, however, that this approach could prove to be counterproductive for Ankara.

The recent strike against the YPG might have been designed to concentrate minds in Washington before Erdogans visit, but it probably cast a shadow over the talks in advance, the diplomat said.

Ilnur Cevik, who advises Erdogan on foreign policy, is also not hopeful about a positive outcome from the Erdogan-Trump talks. Asserting that bad signals are coming from Washington, Cevik argued that the US Central Command had convinced Trumps inner circle that the fight against IS can only be carried out with the YPG.

Turkey is offering to participate in the operation to liberate the IS stronghold of Raqqa, together with fighters from the Free Syrian Army (FSA) that it supports, provided the YPG is excluded.

Turkish and FSA fighters fought side by side in northern Syria against IS under Turkeys Operation Euphrates Shield, with some air support from the United States.

Cevik claimed in his column in Yeni Birlik that US generals who say the FSA has not proved itself on the battlefield are trying to cast a shadow over our successes in Syria by lying to Trump and his men.

Ufuk Ulutas, a columnist for Aksam and foreign policy director for the government-supported Political Economic and Social Research Foundation, believes Trump needs a quick success story in Syria, which is why he is pushing hard to liberate Raqqa with YPG support.

Ulutas says this reveals a lack of long-term planning by Trump, and he reasons that even if Raqqa is liberated in this way, terrorism will increase there, as will US losses.

The US ruined Iraq. Turkeys biggest agenda item [during Erdogans visit] will be to try and ensure the US does not repeat the mistakes it made in Iraq in Syria, Ulutas said in his column.

A US acting without Turkey will only fuel terrorism and expand Iranian influence, Ulutas argued.

The possibility of increased US-Russian cooperation in Syria following the recent phone conversation between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin could pose another complication for Erdogan.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will be in Washington this week for talks with Secretary of State Rex Tillerson about the de-escalation zones proposed by Russia, Turkey and Iran. Turkey supports these zones, but it is wary that regions along its borders held by the YPG with US and Russian support might be officially declared safe zones by Washington and Moscow.

This would put these areas out of the reach of Turkish strikes unless Ankara is willing to risk confrontations with Russia and the United States.

The Tillerson-Lavrov meeting, therefore, could turn out to be more significant for Syria than the Erdogan-Trump meeting.

Erdogan still needs to come back from Washington with some kind of success story. Given the way the cards are stacked, though, he could very well end up coming back empty-handed.

Serdar Turgut, who reports for daily Haberturk from Washington, has cited insider information that indicates Erdogan is unlikely to get what he wants regarding the YPG.

Others are arguing that Erdogans chances of success regarding the extradition of Gulen also appear slim.

Our alliance with the US, which has continued for years despite its ups and downs, faces the risk of being severed this time, Turgut wrote recently.

Erdogan has played his hand and is not open to compromises. The onus, therefore, is on Trump to come up with face-saving formulas for Erdogan while maintaining US policies that are unlikely to change. If this cant be done, Turkish-US ties will face even more turbulence, as many are already predicting they will.

Read More: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2017/05/turkey-united-states-erdogan-trump-meeting.html

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Odds appear stacked against success of Erdogan-Trump meeting - Al-Monitor

The mandate for enhanced presidential powers, notwithstanding the narrow margin of victory, tightens President Erdogans grip on power in Turkey. By JOHN CHERIAN

The whirlwind campaign launched by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to enhance presidential powers has succeeded narrowly. The countrys Election Commission officially confirmed the win for the yes camp in the referendum on the new Constitution. The Election Commission stated that 51.41 per cent of the electorate voted in favour of the amendments backed by the President and the ruling AK (Justice and Development) Party. Those who voted against the controversial amendment constitute 48.59 per cent of the electorate, showing how sharply polarised Turkey is now.

The opposition has alleged widespread fraud, saying that the decision to count 1.5 million unstamped ballot papers was illegal and had led to widespread rigging. The Election Commission has defended its decision to count all ballots, saying that it was meant to ensure that all the votes cast were counted and attributing the presence of unstamped ballots to clerical error. In all previous elections, unstamped ballot papers were deemed invalid and not counted. All the same, the key cities of Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir voted against Erdogan. Surprisingly, it was in the Kurdish-dominated areas of the country where Erdogan found much of the support. It only served to fuel suspicions about the vote.

The main opposition party, the Republican Peoples Party, has taken the issue to the European Court of Human Rights. European election monitors have reported many incidents of irregularities in the conduct of the referendum process. European governments are not happy with the fact that the Turks resident in their countries voted overwhelmingly in Erdogans favour. The German and Dutch governments had prohibited Erdogans senior Ministers from campaigning on their soil.

There were serious recriminations between Ankara and a few western European capitals in the run-up to the referendum. The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe has said that many votes could have been manipulated in favour of the government during the counting process. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe issued a statement saying that the late changes in the counting procedures removed an important safeguard. German Chancellor Angela Merkel has said that she is closely watching the response from Ankara over allegations of electoral malpractices, and Germany has threatened unspecified action against Turkey. Angela Merkel said that Germany would talk to its European Union (E.U.) partners about which precise consequences are appropriate and at what time.

Erdogan has not shown any signs of being perturbed by the threats coming from Brussels and Berlin despite his narrow margin of victory. (The ruling AK Party had expected a much higher margin.) Erdogan knows that the E.U. is essentially a Christian club and that Turkey, with its large Muslim population, will never be accepted as a full member. Besides, Turkey has many cards to play in case the E.U. imposes sanctions. Last year, after the E.U. criticised the Turkish governments disproportionate response to the coup of July 2016, Turkey threatened to lift restrictions on the movement of over three million refugees residing on its territory. Erdogan has time and again threatened to open the border gates.

It was the refugee influx, mainly from Turkey, two years ago that shook up European politics and led to the rise of xenophobic right-wing parties. The Europeans had after all encouraged Erdogan in his full-throated pursuit of regime change in Syria. They had looked the other way when many of their own radicalised citizens went to Turkey to cross over into Syria to wage jehad. Turkey was the principal staging point where these foreign fighters were armed and trained by intelligence agencies of the West and the Gulf kingdoms. Europe is complaining about the authoritarian tendencies of Erdogan after the chickens have come home to roost. On the other hand, President Donald Trump of the United States was among the few Western leaders to call up Erdogan to congratulate him on his latest electoral triumph.

Erdogan did not waste any time in declaring victory. Even before the full count was completed, his supporters started celebrating. Erdogan told his supporters that Turks were witnessing the most important governmental reforms in our history. With the constitutional changes now having electoral validity, the President will have full control over the government. After the 2019 presidential election, the parliament will be reduced to a virtual rubber stamp. The new Constitution abolishes the post of the Prime Minister. Before Erdogan occupied the centre stage of Turkish politics, the office of the President was ornamental. Decision-making powers lay with the parliament and the Prime Minister. But de facto power passed into Erdogans hands when he shifted to the presidency after serving three terms as Prime Minister. The constitutional amendments that have been approved in the referendum have only served to make this fact a reality.

Under the new Constitution, the President can issue decrees and appoint judges and officials responsible for vetting his decisions. Four members of the Supreme Council of Judges and Prosecutors, Turkeys highest judicial body, will be appointed by the President. The other members will be appointed by the parliament. Although the new Constitution limits presidential terms to two consecutive five-year ones, he can seek a third term if the parliament decides to call for new elections before the end of his second term. Erdogan loyalists insist that checks and balances remain. They point out that the opposition in the parliament, especially if it has a majority, will be a moderating and restraining influence on the presidency. The Constitution that was junked by the voters was after all written in 1982, when the military was at the helm of affairs, they say. The parliamentary system of government that had been in place since independence produced 65 governments in Turkey; few of them survived a full term.

Erdogans supporters argue that political stability is essential for unity and economic progress. They deny that the new Constitution gives the President control over the judiciary. Instead, they claim, there will now be more civilian monitoring of the judiciary. After the adoption of the new Constitution, the two remaining military courts, the last vestiges of the military-inspired 1982 Constitution, will be dissolved. Political pluralism had never taken root in Turkey. The first multiparty elections in the country were held only in 1946, though the Turkish Republic was founded in 1923. The military has staged four successful coups since 1960 to restore order. Last years coup nearly succeeded.

That attempted coup, it can be reasonably concluded now, was the handiwork of the Gulenist network, which had infiltrated all key institutions and had the support of disaffected junior officers. It is clear that had the putsch attempt succeeded, sections of Turkish society and, more importantly, some of Turkeys Western allies would have welcomed it. The West was getting increasingly fed up by the recalcitrance of Turkeys strongman on key issues such as illegal mass migration and the repression of the Kurds. The West is, in fact, busy these days trying to prop up a Kurdish statelet along the border with Turkey by openly aligning with Kurds in Syria who support the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). The formation of a Kurdish state with the PKK calling the shots is anathema to the Turkish political establishment.

Turkey was also threatening to move closer, militarily and politically, to Russia. It may not have been a coincidence that the military plotters were mainly based in Incirlik, the military base used by the U.S. The U.S. has steadfastly refused to repatriate the exiled leader of the Gulenist movement, Fethullah Gulen, from his retreat in a Pennsylvania estate. But some credit for the initial taming of the military should also go to the Gulenists. When they were working in tandem with Erdogan and the ruling AK Party, they played a key role in curtailing the role of the army in politics. The methods used may not have been above board, but by the end of the last decade, the army ceased to have veto power over the government. Army representatives were removed from important institutions like the National Security Council.

Erdogans bitter parting of ways with the Gulenists in the beginning of the decade, coupled with his interventionist policies in Syria, contributed to the political turmoil of the past few years in Turkey. To pursue his ambitious political agenda, Erdogan reignited the war with the Kurds in order to stoke nationalistic fervour. The move paid him handsome dividends electorally, both in the national elections two years ago and now in the referendum on the Constitution. The country and the people, however, have paid a high price for the kind of stability Erdogan has wrought. His much-flaunted zero problems with neighbours, which had earned peace and prosperity for the country, is now in tatters. Today, Turkey is at loggerheads with all its neighbours, and its once booming economy is in the doldrums.

Assassinations, suicide attacks and other myriad forms of terrorism have plagued the country as Erdogan single-mindedly implemented his political agenda. Daesh had initially kept its powder dry in Turkey because of the support it got from Ankara in the initial years of the Syrian civil war. But after the Turkish army joined hands with the U.S. in targeting it, Daesh has changed tack. It has been responsible for most of the major suicide attacks. Erdogan has been claiming that the only sure way of ending terrorism in the country is to usher in the presidential form of government, which would give him untrammelled powers. On the campaign trail, he branded those opposing the constitutional changes as supporters of terrorism.

The referendum itself was held under less than ideal conditions. It came in the wake of the failed military coup and the declaration of emergency law. People from all walks of life were incarcerated, including those suspected of having links with the banned Gulen movement or the proscribed PKK. All arms of the government and the security forces were affected by the widespread purges. The media came in for particular attention from the authorities. The Gulen-controlled media, which had a big presence, were completely liquidated, with most of the editors and writers put behind bars. The repression extended to secular media professionals, too. The authorities targeted people even slightly sympathetic to the Kurdish cause.

Some 1,45,000 people were arrested; 1,34,000 people suspected of having connections with the Gulenists or of having links with the coup attempt were either dismissed or suspended from their jobs. Anyone expressing dissent was characterised as a terrorist and detained. The purge is still on, and there are few signs that it is going to stop anytime soon. Parliamentarians do not have immunity under the draconian provisions of the emergency laws. Many prominent Kurdish politicians, including the two leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party, Selahattin Demirtas and Figen Yuksekdag, are behind bars. Prime Minister Binali Yildirim, speaking after the referendum results were out, reiterated his governments resolve to further intensify the struggle with our internal and external enemies. Unless there is internal peace and stability and normalcy returns to the neighbourhood, Turks are in for a roller-coaster ride.

Erdogan was in India on a state visit in the first week of May. Before his departure for New Delhi, the Turkish government announced more restrictions on the media. Access to Wikipedia was blocked and another 4,000 civil servants were sacked. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who also likes to nurture a strongman image, welcomed Erdogan warmly. Recently, there have been suggestions from think tanks sponsored by the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh on the need for a strong presidential form of government in India. The present governments eagerness to have simultaneous parliamentary and Assembly elections could be part of this game plan. Erdogan has won election after election on the twin planks of religion and nationalism. The Erdogan recipe is tempting to many would-be stongmen in the world.

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Sultan Erdogan - Frontline

The Times of Israel

Erdogan's uncontrollable urges Israel Hayom After an extended period of calm in Israeli-Turkish relations, which both countries utilized to rehabilitate their fragile fabric of shared connections in the fields of economy, tourism and even diplomacy, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan once ... Foreign Ministry rebukes Turkey envoy over Erdogan commentsThe Times of Israel Erdogan: Muslims Must Flood the Temple Mount to Save J'slm from JudaizationThe Jewish Voice In Jab at Erdogan, Israeli President Notes Jerusalem's Jewish Majority Dates to Ottoman PeriodAlgemeiner Breitbart News -The Libertarian Republic -Middle East Monitor all 204 news articles »

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Erdogan's uncontrollable urges - Israel Hayom

In an April 16 referendum, Turkish citizens voted in favor of a measure that will fundamentally change the nature of Turkeys political system. Although the republic has a long history of such votesseven referendums, and three of them during Justice and Development Party (AKP) rulethis one surpassed all others in terms of its political significance. By a narrow margin (only 51.4 percent voted yes), the tally will result in the scrapping of Turkeys parliamentary political system, which predates the establishment of the modern Turkish republic. The new presidential system will vest significantly more power in the executive and will likely further the development of a two-party presidential system (though it will not terminate the existence of smaller parties) with an excessively powerful president holding most of the cards.

Despite the radical changes, the referendum has generated very little excitement within Turkey. That is because it will have only a limited near-term impact on Turkeys power structure and domestic policies. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the AKP do and will continue to wield the real power in the country. In fact, Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahceli, whose offer to support the presidential system led the AKP to finally bring the issue to the table in November 2016, has justified his position by arguing that the referendum will merely legalize the model of government that is already effectively practiced.

Perhaps another reason for the somber atmosphere is that the referendum passed by such a narrow margin. Even the parties supporting itall of the conservative Islamic and nationalist parties apart from the small pro-Islamic Felicity Partyfailed to convince a significant share of their own voters of the need to change the political system. The no vote comprised not only the voter bases of the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP) and the Peoples Democratic Party (HDP) but also a considerable chunk of the normal base of the parties of the yes camp.

To put the contentious aspects

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Erdogan's Fragile Referendum Coalition - Foreign Affairs (subscription)

ByBahattin Gonultas,Tuba Sahin

ANKARA

Turkey's president Wednesday has called on Muslim countries around the world to build efficient transportation networks in order to accelerate integration among themselves.

"Reinforcing our cooperation in the field of transport - one of the six areas covered under the COMCEC Strategy - is important for facilitating trade between our member countries and accelerating integration," said Recep Tayyip Erdogan in his opening statement at the 33rd meeting of the Standing Committee for Economic and Commercial Cooperation (COMCEC) of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in Ankara.

"In todays world, where global competition is intensifying, the cost and time advantage gained through efficient transport networks will make significant contributions to enhancing our competitive power, improving our trade, and strengthening our cultural ties," he added.

Erdogan said the Muslim world was witnessing developments that will shape the fate of its next century.

"As Muslims, we are struggling to simultaneously overcome many threats, trials and tribulations," he said.

Erdogan said terror organizations such as Daesh, al-Qaeda and the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) were shedding the blood of Muslims by hiding behind religious concepts.

"On the other hand, social maladies, such as Islamophobia, xenophobia and cultural racism are recurring in the West," he added.

Erdogan said that people in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Libya, Afghanistan and many other places had to live with death, cruelty and terror at every moment.

"It is our responsibility to say 'stop' to this harrowing and anguishing picture," the president said. "We cannot permit the greed, grudges and self interest of certain people to steal our future."

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Erdogan urges Muslim states to build transport networks - Anadolu Agency