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EU Struggles to Reset Ties With Turkey, Erdogan – Wall Street Journal (subscription)

EU Struggles to Reset Ties With Turkey, Erdogan
Wall Street Journal (subscription)
BRUSSELSEuropean Union officials are struggling to figure out how to improve vital economic and security cooperation with Turkey amid a widening political rupture that threatens the fraught relationship. After Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan ...

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EU Struggles to Reset Ties With Turkey, Erdogan - Wall Street Journal (subscription)

Recep Tayyip Erdoan – Wikipedia

"Erdoan" and "Erdogan" redirect here. For other people called Erdoan, see Erdoan (name).

Recep Tayyip Erdoan (Turkish pronunciation:[edep tjjip do()n]( listen); born 26 February 1954) is the President of Turkey since 2014. He previously served as the Prime Minister of Turkey from 2003 to 2014 and as the Mayor of Istanbul from 1994 to 1998. He founded the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2001 and led it to three general election victories in 2002, 2007 and 2011 before standing down as leader upon his election as President in 2014. Originating from an Islamist political background and as a self-described conservative democrat, his administration has overseen social conservative and liberal economic policies.[5] His political agenda and ideals are often referred to as Erdoanism.[6]

Erdoan was a semi-professional footballer playing for Kasmpaa before being elected as the Mayor of Istanbul from the Islamist Welfare Party in 1994. He was stripped and banned from office and imprisoned for four months for the recitation of a poem in a political speech in 1998[7] after which he abandoned openly Islamist politics and established the moderate conservative AKP in 2001. The AKP won a landslide victory in the 2002 general election, with the party's co-founder Abdullah Gl becoming Prime Minister until his government annulled Erdoan's ban from political office. Erdoan subsequently became Prime Minister in March 2003 after winning a seat in a by-election held in Siirt.[8]

As part of his '2023 vision' for the centenary of the Turkish Republic, Erdoan's government oversaw accession negotiations for Turkey's membership of the European Union, an economic recovery following a financial crash in 2001, two successful constitutional referendums in 2007 and 2010, a Solution process with Kurdish militants, an allegedly Neo-Ottoman foreign policy and investments in infrastructure that included new roads, airports, and a high-speed train network.[9][10] With the help of Fethullah Glen's Cemaat Movement, Erdoan was able to curb the political power of the military through the controversial Sledgehammer and Ergenekon court cases. In late 2012, his government began peace negotiations with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) to end the ongoing PKK insurgency that began in 1978. The ceasefire broke down in 2015, leading to a renewed escalation in conflict. In 2016, a coup d'tat was unsuccessfully attempted against Erdoan and Turkish state institutions. This was followed by purges and an ongoing state of emergency.

Nationwide protests against the perceived authoritarianism of Erdoan's government began in May 2013, with the internationally criticised police crackdown resulting in 22 deaths and the stalling of EU membership negotiations. Following a split with long-time ally Fethullah Glen, Erdoan brought about large-scale judicial reforms that were criticised for threatening judicial independence, but which Erdoan insisted were necessary to purge sympathisers of the preacher Fethullah Gulen. A US$100billion government corruption scandal in 2013 led to the arrests of Erdoan's close allies, with Erdoan himself incriminated after a recording was released on social media.[11][12][13] Erdoan's government has since come under fire for alleged human rights violations and crackdown on press and social media, having blocked access to Twitter, Facebook and YouTube on numerous occasions. Erdoan's government lifted the bans upon court orders.[15][16][17] Opposition journalists and politicians have criticised authoritarian tendencies.[18][19] Analysts suggest that Turkey is a majoritarian democracy.[20][21]

Erdoan's supporters point out that since the attempted coup, press restrictions are changing, Erdoan's government dropped charges against the secular Dogan Group, including Hurriyet paper after it was alleged that the $4.5 billion tax fraud charge was initially perpetrated by Gulenist officers.[22] Erdoan enthusiasts also highlight the fact that in the aftermath of the coup attempt, Erdoan issued a Presidential pardon against those who "insulted" him.[23] Erdoan detractors have noted that under Erdoan, more journalists have been incarcerated in Turkey than in any other country, including North Korea.[24] Detractors have also pointed out the fact that the April referendum essentially nullified the traditional legal "check" of parliamentary fiscal review, that parliament had previously held over his executive branch of government.[25] Detractors have claimed that Erdoan's unceasing efforts at broadening his executive powers while also minimizing his executive accountability may amount to the "fall of Turkish democracy,"[26] and the "birth of a dictator."[27]

Erdoan was born in the Kasmpaa neighborhood of Istanbul to which his family had moved from Rize Province. Erdoan allegedly said in 2003, "I'm a Georgian, my family is a Georgian family which migrated from Batumi to Rize."[28][29] However, in a 2014 televised interview on the NTV news network, he said, "You wouldn't believe the things they have said about me. They have said I am Georgian ... even with much uglier things, they have called me Armenian, but I am Turkish."[30][31]

Erdoan spent his early childhood in Rize, where his father was a member of the Turkish Coast Guard.[32] His summer holidays were mostly spent in Gneysu, Rize, where his family originates from. Throughout his life he often returned to this spiritual home, and in 2015 he opened a vast mosque on a mountaintop near this village.[33] The family returned to Istanbul when Erdoan was 13 years old.[32]

As a teenager, he sold lemonade and sesame buns (simit) on the streets of the city's rougher districts to earn extra money.[32] Brought up in an observant Muslim family, Erdoan graduated from Kasmpaa Piyale primary school in 1965, and mam Hatip school, a religious vocational high school, in 1973. He received his high school diploma from Eyp High School. He subsequently studied Business Administration at the Aksaray School of Economics and Commercial Sciences, now known as Marmara University's Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences[1]although several Turkish sources dispute that he graduated.[2][3][4]

In his youth, Erdoan played semi-professional football at a local club.[1][34][35]Fenerbahe wanted him to transfer to the club but his father prevented it.[36] The stadium of the local football club in the district where he grew up, Kasmpaa S.K. is named after him.

Erdoan married Emine Glbaran (born 1955, Siirt) on 4 July 1978.[37] They have two sons; Ahmet Burak and Necmettin Bilal, and two daughters, Esra and Smeyye.[37] His father, Ahmet Erdoan, died in 1988 and his 88-year-old mother, Tenzile Erdoan, died in 2011.[38] He is a member of the Community of skenderpaa, a Turkish sufistic community of Naqshbandi tariqah.[39][40]

While studying business administration and playing semi-professional football, Erdoan engaged in politics by joining the National Turkish Student Union, an anti-communist action group. In 1974, he wrote, directed and played the lead role in the play Maskomya, which presented Freemasonry, Communism and Judaism as evil.[41] In 1976, he became the head of the Beyolu youth branch of the Islamist National Salvation Party (MSP),[42] and was later promoted to chair of the Istanbul youth branch of the party.

After the 1980 military coup, Erdoan followed most of Necmettin Erbakan's followers into the Islamist Welfare Party. He became the party's Beyolu district chair in 1984, and in 1985 he became the chair of the Istanbul city branch. He was elected to parliament in 1991, but barred from taking his seat.[citation needed]

In the local elections of 27 March 1994, Erdoan was elected Mayor of Istanbul, with a plurality (25.19%) of the popular vote. Many feared that he would impose Islamic law; however, he was pragmatic in office, tackling chronic problems in Istanbul including water shortage, pollution and traffic chaos. The water shortage problem was solved with the laying of hundreds of kilometers of new pipelines. The garbage problem was solved with the establishment of state-of-the-art recycling facilities. While Erdoan was in office, air pollution was reduced through a plan developed to switch to natural gas. He changed the public buses to environmentally friendly ones. The city's traffic and transportation jams were reduced with more than fifty bridges, viaducts, and highways built. He took precautions to prevent corruption, using measures to ensure that municipal funds were used prudently. He paid back a major portion of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality's two billion dollar debt and invested four billion dollars in the city.[43]

Erdoan initiated the first roundtable of mayors during the Istanbul conference, which led to a global, organized movement of mayors. A seven-member international jury from the United Nations unanimously awarded Erdoan the UN-HABITAT award.[44][dead link]

In 1998, the fundamentalist Welfare Party was declared unconstitutional on the grounds of threatening the secularism of Turkey and was shut down by the Turkish constitutional court. Erdoan became a prominent speaker at demonstrations held by his party colleagues.[45]

In December 1997 in Siirt, Erdoan recited a poem from a work written by Ziya Gkalp, a pan-Turkish activist of the early 20th century.[46] His recitation included verses translated as "The mosques are our barracks, the domes our helmets, the minarets our bayonets and the faithful our soldiers...."[32] which are not in the original version of the poem. Erdoan said the poem had been approved by the education ministry to be published in textbooks.[47] Under article 312/2 of the Turkish penal code his recitation was regarded as an incitement to violence and religious or racial hatred.[48] He was given a ten-month prison sentence of which he served four months, from 24 March 1999 to 27 July 1999.[49] Due to his conviction, Erdoan was forced to give up his mayoral position. The conviction also stipulated a political ban, which prevented him from participating in parliamentary elections.

In 2001, Erdoan established the Justice and Development Party (AKP).[50] The AKP won a landslide victory in the 2002 election, taking nearly two-thirds of the seats. Erdoan could not become Prime Minister as he was still banned from politics by the judiciary for his speech in Siirt. Gl became the Prime Minister instead. In December 2002, the Supreme Election Board canceled the general election results from Siirt due to voting irregularities and scheduled a new election for 9 February 2003. By this time, party leader Erdoan was able to run for parliament due to a legal change made possible by the opposition Republican People's Party. The AKP duly listed Erdoan as a candidate for the rescheduled election, which he won, becoming Prime Minister after Gl handed over the post.[51]

In 2009, Prime Minister Erdoan's government announced a plan to help end the quarter-century-long TurkeyKurdistan Workers' Party conflict that had cost more than 40,000 lives. The government's plan, supported by the European Union, allowed the Kurdish language to be used in all broadcast media and political campaigns, and restored Kurdish names to cities and towns that had been given Turkish ones.[52] Erdoan said, "We took a courageous step to resolve chronic issues that constitute an obstacle along Turkey's development, progression and empowerment".[52] Erdoan passed a partial amnesty to reduce penalties faced by many members of the Kurdish guerrilla movement PKK who had surrendered to the government.[53] On 23 November 2011, during a televised meeting of his party in Ankara, he apologised on behalf of the state for the Dersim massacre, where many Alevis and Zazas were killed.[54]

Prime Minister Erdoan expressed multiple times that Turkey would acknowledge the mass killings of up to 1.5million Armenians during World War I as genocide only after a thorough investigation by a joint Turkish-Armenian commission consisting of historians, archaeologists, political scientists and other experts.[55][56][bettersourceneeded] In 2005, Erdoan and the main opposition party leader Deniz Baykal wrote a letter to Armenian President Robert Kocharian, proposing the creation of a joint Turkish-Armenian commission.[57] Armenian Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian rejected the offer because he asserted that the proposal itself was "insincere and not serious." He added: "This issue cannot be considered at historical level with Turks, who themselves politicized the problem."[58][59]

In December 2008, Erdoan criticised the I Apologize campaign by Turkish intellectuals to recognize the Armenian Genocide, saying, "I neither accept nor support this campaign. We did not commit a crime, therefore we do not need to apologise... It will not have any benefit other than stirring up trouble, disturbing our peace and undoing the steps which have been taken."[60] In November 2009, he said, "it's not possible for a Muslim to commit genocide."[61][62]

In 2011, Erdoan ordered the tearing-down of the Statue of Humanity, a Turkish-Armenian friendship monument in Kars, which was commissioned in 2006 and represented a metaphor of the rapprochement of the two countries after many years of dispute over the events of 1915. Erdoan justified the removal by stating that the monument was offensively close to the tomb of an 11th-century Islamic scholar, and that its shadow ruined the view of that site, while Kars municipality officials said it was illegally erected in a protected area. However, the former mayor of Kars who approved the original construction of the monument said the municipality was destroying not just a "monument to humanity" but "humanity itself". The demolition was not unopposed; among its detractors were several Turkish artists. Two of them, the painter Bedri Baykam and his associate, Pyramid Art Gallery general coordinator Tugba Kurtulmus, were stabbed after a meeting with other artists at the Istanbul Akatlar cultural center.[63]

On 23 April 2014, Erdoan's office issued a statement in nine languages (including two dialects of Armenian), offering condolences for the mass killings of Armenians and stating that the events of 1915 had inhumane consequences. The statement described the mass killings as the two nations' shared pain and said: "Having experienced events which had inhumane consequences such as relocation during the First World War, (it) should not prevent Turks and Armenians from establishing compassion and mutually humane attitudes among one another".[64]

During Erdoan's time as Prime Minister, the far-reaching powers of the 1991 Anti-Terror Law were reduced and the Democratic initiative process was initiated, with the goal to improve democratic standards in general and the rights of ethnic and religious minorities in particular. However, after Turkey's bid to join the European Union stalled, European officials noted a return to more authoritarian ways,[65] notably on freedom of speech,[66][67][68]freedom of the press[69][70][71] and Kurdish minority rights.[72][73][74][75] Demands by activists for the recognition of LGBT rights were publicly rejected by government members,[76] and members of the Turkish LGBT community were insulted by cabinet members.[77]

Reporters Without Borders observed a continuous decrease in Freedom of the Press during Erdoan's later terms, with a rank of around 100 on the Press Freedom Index during his first term and a rank of 154 out of a total of 179 countries in 2013.[78]Freedom House saw a slight recovery in later years and awarded Turkey a Press Freedom Score of 55/100 in 2012 after a low point of 48/100 in 2006.[79][80][81][82]

In 2011, Erdoan's government made legal reforms to return properties of Christian and Jewish minorities which were seized by the Turkish government in the 1930s.[83] The total value of the properties returned reached $2billion (USD).[84]

Under Erdoan, the Turkish government tightened the laws on the sale and consumption of alcohol, banning all advertising and increasing the tax on alcoholic beverages.[85] A law raising the legal drinking age from 18 to 24 was in place from 2011 until it was abolished in 2013.[citation needed]

Erdoan argues that the crackdown against Gulenists is a necessary measure, his supporters insist he is maintaining the rule of law, 6000 teachers were re-instated after it was shown they didn't have Gulenist links.[86]

In 2002, Erdoan inherited a Turkish economy that was beginning to recover from a recession as a result of reforms implemented by Kemal Dervi.[87] Erdoan supported Finance Minister Ali Babacan in enforcing macro-economic policies. Erdoan tried to attract more foreign investors to Turkey and lifted many government regulations. The cash-flow into the Turkish economy between 2002 and 2012 caused a growth of 64% in real GDP and a 43% increase in GDP per capita; considerably higher numbers were commonly advertised but these did not account for the inflation of the US dollar between 2002 and 2012.[88] The average annual growth in GDP per capita was 3.6%. The growth in real GDP between 2002 and 2012 was higher than the values from developed countries, but was close to average when developing countries are also taken into account. The ranking of the Turkish economy in terms of GDP moved slightly from 17 to 16 during this decade. A major consequence of the policies between 2002 and 2012 was the widening of the current account deficit from 600 million USD to 58 billion USD (2013 est.)[89]

Since 1961, Turkey has signed 19 IMF loan accords. Erdoan's government satisfied the budgetary and market requirements of the two during his administration and received every loan installment, the only time any Turkish government has done so.[90] Erdoan inherited a debt of $23.5billion to the IMF, which was reduced to $0.9billion in 2012. He decided not to sign a new deal. Turkey's debt to the IMF was thus declared to be completely paid and he announced that the IMF could borrow from Turkey.[91] In 2010, five-year credit default swaps for Turkey's sovereign debt were trading at a record low of 1.17%, below those of nine EU member countries and Russia.

In 2002, the Turkish Central Bank had $26.5billion in reserves. This amount reached $92.2billion in 2011. During Erdoan's leadership, inflation fell from 32% to 9.0% in 2004. Since then, Turkish inflation has continued to fluctuate around 9% and is still one of the highest inflation rates in the world.[92]

The Turkish public debt as a percentage of annual GDP declined from 74% in 2002 to 39% in 2009. In 2012, Turkey had a lower ratio of public debt to GDP than 21 of 27 members of the European Union and a lower budget deficit to GDP ratio than 23 of them.[93]

The unemployment rate increased from 10.3% in 2002 to 11.0% in 2010.[94]

In 2003, Erdoan's government pushed through the Labor Act, a comprehensive reform of Turkey's labor laws. The law greatly expanded the rights of employees, establishing a 45-hour workweek and limiting overtime work to 270 hours a year, provided legal protection against discrimination due to sex, religion, or political affiliation, prohibited discrimination between permanent and temporary workers, entitled employees terminated without "valid cause" to compensation, and mandated written contracts for employment arrangements lasting a year or more.[95][96]

Erdoan increased the budget of the Ministry of Education from 7.5billion lira in 2002 to 34billion lira in 2011, the highest share of the national budget given to one ministry.[97] Before his prime ministership the military received the highest share of the national budget. Compulsory education was increased from eight years to twelve.[98] In 2003, the Turkish government, together with UNICEF, started a campaign called "Come on girls, let's go to school!" (Turkish: Haydi Kzlar Okula!). The goal of this campaign was to close the gender-gap in primary school enrollment through the provision of a quality basic education for all girls, especially in southeast Turkey.[99]

In 2005, the parliament granted amnesty to students expelled from universities before 2003. The amnesty applied to students dismissed on academic or disciplinary grounds.[100] In 2004, textbooks became free of charge and since 2008 every province in Turkey has its own university.[101] During Erdoan's Premiership, the number of universities in Turkey nearly doubled, from 98 in 2002 to 186 in October 2012.[102]

The Prime Minister kept his campaign promises by starting the f@tih project in which all state schools, from preschool to high school level, received a total of 620,000 smart boards, while tablet computers were distributed to 17 million students and approximately one million teachers and administrators.[103]

Under Erdoan's government, the number of airports in Turkey increased from 26 to 50.[104] Between the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 and 2002, there had been 6000km of dual carriageway roads created. Between 2002 and 2011, another 13500km of expressway were built. Due to these measures, the number of motor accidents fell by 50 percent.[105] For the first time in Turkish history, high speed railway lines were constructed, and the country's high-speed train service began in 2009.[106] In 8 years, 1076km of railway were built and 5449km of railway renewed. The construction of Marmaray, an undersea rail tunnel under the Bosphorus strait, started in 2004. When completed, it will be the world's deepest undersea immersed tube tunnel.[citation needed] Construction of the 1.9km long Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge began in 2013.[107] The chosen name for the bridge led to protests by Alevis in Turkey because of the role Sultan Selim I, nicknamed "the Grim" due to his cruelty, played in the Ottoman persecution of Alevis.[108]

In March 2006, the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) held a press conference to publicly protest the obstruction of the appointment of judges to the high courts for over 10 months. The HSYK said Erdoan wanted to fill the vacant posts with his own appointees. Erdoan was accused of creating a rift with Turkey's highest court of appeal, the Yargtay, and high administrative court, the Dantay. Erdoan stated that the constitution gave the power to assign these posts to his elected party.[109]

In May 2007, the head of Turkey's High Court asked prosecutors to consider whether Erdoan should be charged over critical comments regarding the election of Abdullah Gl as President.[109] Erdoan said the ruling was "a disgrace to the justice system", and criticized the Constitutional Court which had invalidated a presidential vote because a boycott by other parties meant there was no quorum. Prosecutors investigated his earlier comments, including saying it had fired a "bullet at democracy". Tlay Tucu, head of the Constitutional Court, condemned Erdoan for "threats, insults and hostility" towards the justice system.[110]

The Turkish parliament agreed to reduce the age of candidacy to the parliament from 30 to 25 and abolished the death penalty in all instances, including war time.[citation needed]

Erdoan supported the continuation of Turkey's high population growth rate and, in 2008, commented that to ensure the Turkish population remained young every family would need to have at least three children.[111][112] He repeated this statement on numerous occasions.[113] In 2010, Turkey's population was estimated at 73,700,000, with a growth rate of 1.21% per annum (2009 figure).[114]

On 26 May 2012, answering the question of a reporter after a UN conference on population and development in Turkey, Erdoan said that abortion is murder, saying, "You either kill a baby in the mother's womb or you kill it after birth. In many cases [not all], there's no difference."[115]

Erdoan has stated that he opposes Turkey's high and growing rate of caesarean section births because he believes that they reduce the fertility of Turkish women, and he is in favor of limiting the number of such births in Turkish hospitals.[116][117]

In a 2010 meeting with women NGO representatives, asked why he kept addressing them exclusively as mothers, Erdoan said: "I do not believe in the equality of men and women. I believe in equal opportunities. Men and women are different and complementary."[118] In 2014, he addressed the Istanbul Women and Justice Summit of the Women and Democracy Association (Turkish: Kadn ve Demokrasi Dernei, or KADEM): "Our religion [Islam] has defined a position for women [in society]: motherhood. You cannot explain this to feminists because they don't accept the concept of motherhood." Calling for "equivalency" between the genders, he stated: "You cannot bring women and men into equal positions; that is against nature because their nature is different," while reaffirming that full equality regardless of gender before the law should be maintained.[119]

After assuming power in 2003, Erdoan's government embarked on a sweeping reform program of the Turkish healthcare system, called the Health Transformation Program (HTP), to greatly increase the quality of healthcare and protect all citizens from financial risks. Its introduction coincided with the period of sustained economic growth, allowing the Turkish government to put greater investments into the healthcare system. As part of the reforms, the "Green Card" program, which provides health benefits to the poor, was expanded in 2004.[120] The reform program aimed at increasing the ratio of private to state-run healthcare, which, along with long ques in state-run hospitals, resulted in the rise of private medical care in Turkey, forcing state-run hospitals to compete by increasing quality.

In April 2006, Erdoan unveiled a social security reform package demanded by the International Monetary Fund under a loan deal. The move, which Erdoan called one of the most radical reforms ever, was passed with fierce opposition. Turkey's three social security bodies were united under one roof, bringing equal health services and retirement benefits for members of all three bodies. The previous system had been criticized for reserving the best healthcare for civil servants and relegating others to wait in long queues. Under the second bill, everyone under the age of 18 years was entitled to free health services, irrespective of whether they pay premiums to any social security organization. The bill also envisages a gradual increase in the retirement age: starting from 2036, the retirement age will increase to 65 by 2048 for both women and men.[121]

In January 2008, the Turkish Parliament adopted a law to prohibit smoking in most public places. Erdoan is outspokenly anti-smoking.[122]

2013 Gezi Park protests against the perceived authoritarianism of Erdoan and his policies, starting from a small sit-in in Istanbul in defense of a city park.[123] After the police's intense reaction with tear gas, the protests grew each day. Faced by the largest mass protest in a decade, Erdoan made this controversial remark in a televised speech: "The police were there yesterday, they are there today, and they will be there tomorrow." After weeks of clashes in the streets of Istanbul, his government at first apologized to the protestors[124] and called for a plebiscite, but then ordered a crackdown on the protesters.[123][125]

In December 2013, Turkish police detained more than 50 people[126] and arrested 16 others, including the general manager of Halkbank and the sons of three government ministers, on charges of corruption.[127] Although Erdoan blamed foreign ambassadors and pro-Erdoan newspapers accused the United States or Israel of a plot, outside analysts attribute the arrests to a power struggle between the Prime Minister and Fethullah Glen. Glen, who lives in the U.S., leads a religious movement that had supported the AKP's rise to power. In late 2013, Erdoan's government proposed shutting down Turkish private schools, many of which are funded by Glen. Glen's supporters are believed to have wide influence in the police and judiciary in Turkey.[128]

In late December, Hrriyet and Yeni afak papers published comments by Erdoan stating that he believes he is the ultimate target of a corruption and bribery probe of his allies. The Turkish Prime Minister told journalists that anyone attempting to enmesh him in the scandal would be "left empty handed." Erdoan reshuffled his Cabinet on 25 December, replacing 10 ministers hours after three ministers, whose sons were detained in relation to the probe, resigned.[129]

A file containing five audio recordings of conversations between Erdoan and his son from a 26-hour period beginning 17 December 2013, in which he appeared to be instructing his son to conceal very large amounts of money, was posted to YouTube and widely discussed on social media.[130][131] On 26 February 2014, Erdoan acknowledged that his telephone had been tapped, but denied that the conversation was real, instead calling it an "immoral montage" that had been "dubbed" by combining other conversations. An analysis by Joshua Marpet of the United States, published by McClatchy, concluded that the recordings were "probably real", and if not, the fabrication was done with a sophistication he had not previously seen.[132]

On the night of 26 February 2014, Turkey's Parliament, dominated by Erdoan's Justice and Development Party, passed a bill that allowed the government the power to block Internet sites, subject to court review within three days, and granting it access to Internet traffic data. Another bill previously approved by a parliamentary committee would grant the MT intelligence service access to data held by the government, as well as private institutions and courts. The following day President Abdullah Gl approved placing an investigative agency that appoints judges and prosecutors under the control of Erdoan's justice minister.[132]

On 20 March, Erdoan made a speech promising to "rip out the roots" of the Twitter service. Hours later the telecommunications regulator BTK blocked DNS service to the site, citing four court orders the Turkish government had made requiring them to remove content to preserve privacy that had not been heeded. Sources covering the story attributed this to the use of Twitter to share links to the Erdoan recordings on YouTube.[133] Erdoan also threatened to ban Facebook. However, the block of Twitter proved ineffective, with traffic increasing a record 138%, and #TwitterisblockedinTurkey becoming the top trending term worldwide.[134] To circumvent the block, Google suggested Turks use Google Public DNS at 8.8.8.8 and 8.8.4.4, numbers which were soon graffitied in dozens of locations around Istanbul.[135][136] President Abdullah Gl criticized the Twitter ban, defying it himself.[137][138] Two months later, on 3 June, Turkey's telecommunications watchdog ordered the ban to be lifted, after a ruling by the Constitutional Court.[139]

On 1 July 2014, Erdoan was named the AKP's presidential candidate in the Turkish presidential election. His candidacy was announced by the Deputy President of the AKP, Mehmet Ali ahin.

Erdoan made a speech after the announcement and used the 'Erdoan logo' for the first time. The logo was criticised because it was very similar to the logo that U.S. President Barack Obama used in the 2008 presidential election.[140]

Erdoan was elected as the President of Turkey in the first round of the election with 51.79% of the vote, obviating the need for a run-off by winning over 50%. The joint candidate of the CHP, MHP and 13 other opposition parties, former Organisation of Islamic Co-operation general secretary Ekmeleddin hsanolu won 38.44% of the vote. The pro-Kurdish HDP candidate Selahattin Demirta won 9.76%.[141]

On 21 August, a 3-hour AKP Central Executive Committee meeting chaired by Erdoan selected Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutolu as candidate for the party leadership.

Erdoan's last public appearance before assuming the presidency was his parting speech during the AKP's first ever extraordinary congress on 27 August 2014, where his successor as party leader was to be elected. In a 110-minute speech, he criticised rival political parties for their opposition to his bid for the presidency and the solution process with the PKK, vowing to continue the fight against Fethullah Glen's 'parallel structure'. Erdoan further stated that his departure would not result in a loss of political vision or electoral support for the party.

Erdoan was one of 1,420 delegates who cast votes to elect the new leader. Ahmet Davutolu was the only candidate, having been handpicked by Erdoan as his successor in a party executive committee meeting on 21 August. Davutolu was unanimously elected with 100% of the vote and the support of 1,382 delegates. There were 6 invalid or blank votes.[citation needed]

The congress was criticised for lacking any reference to Mustafa Kemal Atatrk, as well as the lack of competition in the leadership election.

Erdoan took the oath of office on 28 August 2014 and became the 12th president of Turkey. He administered the new Prime Minister Ahmet Davutolu's oath on 29 August. When asked about his lower-than-expected 51.79% share of the vote, he allegedly responded, "there were even those who did not like the Prophet. I, however, won 52%."[142]

Assuming the role of President, Erdoan was criticized for openly stating that he would not maintain the tradition of presidential neutrality.[143] Erdoan has also stated his intention to pursue a more active role as President, such as utilising the President's rarely used cabinet-calling powers.[144] The political opposition has argued that Erdoan will continue to pursue his own political agenda, controlling the government, while his new Prime Minister Ahmet Davutolu would be docile and submissive.[5] One reason for this allegation was the fact that Erdoan himself chose Davutolu to succeed him as Prime Minister, meaning that Davutolu was unanimously elected leader unopposed.[clarification needed][145][146] Furthermore, the domination of loyal Erdoan supporters in Davutolu's cabinet has also fuelled speculation that Erdoan intends to exercise substantial control over the running of the government.[147]

Erdoan has also received criticism for the construction of a new palace called Ak Saray (pure white palace), which occupies approximately 50 acres of Atatrk Forest Farm (AO) in Ankara.[148][149] Since the AO is protected land, several court orders were issued to halt the construction of the new palace, though building work went on nonetheless.[150] The opposition described the move as a clear disregard for the rule of law.[151] The project was subject to heavy criticism and allegations were made; of corruption during the construction process, wildlife destruction and the complete obliteration of the zoo in the AO in order to make way for the new compound.[152] The fact that the palace is technically illegal has led to it being branded as the 'Ka-Ak Saray', the word kaak in Turkish meaning 'illegal'.[153]

Ak Saray was originally designed as a new office for the Prime Minister. However, upon assuming the presidency, Erdoan announced that the palace would become the new Presidential Palace, while the ankaya Kk will be used by the Prime Minister instead. The move was seen as a historic change since the ankaya Kk had been used as the iconic office of the presidency ever since its inception. The Ak Saray has almost 1,000 rooms and cost $350million (270million), leading to huge criticism at a time when mining accidents and workers' rights had been dominating the agenda.[154][155]

On 29 October 2014, Erdoan was due to hold a Republic Day reception in the new palace to commemorate the 91st anniversary of the Republic of Turkey and to officially inaugurate the Presidential Palace. However, after most invited participants announced that they would boycott the event and a mining accident occurred in the district of Ermenek in Karaman, the reception was cancelled.[156]

Amid claims that the Turkish government funds IS fighters, several Kurdish demonstrations broke out near the Turkish-Syrian border in protest against the government's inactivity.[157] These protests escalated during the fighting in the border town of Kobane, with 42 protestors being killed following a brutal police crackdown.[158][159] Voicing concerns that aid to Kurdish fighters would assist PKK rebels in resuming terrorist attacks against Turkey, Erdoan held bilateral talks with Barack Obama regarding IS during the 56 September 2014 NATO summit in Newport, Wales.[160][161] In early October, United States Vice President Joe Biden accused Turkey of funding IS, to which Erdoan angrily responded, "Biden has to apologize for his statements" adding that if no apology is made, Biden would become "history to me." Biden subsequently apologised.[162] In response to the U.S. request to use ncirlik Air Base to conduct air strikes against IS, Erdoan demanded that Bashar al-Assad be removed from power first.[163]

Turkey lost its bid for a Security Council seat in the United Nations during the 2014 election;[164] the unexpected result[165] is believed to have been a reaction to Erdoan's hostile treatment of ethnic Kurds fighting ISIS on the Syrian border[166][167] and a rebuke of his willingness to support IS-aligned insurgents opposed to Syrian president Bashar al-Assad.[166][167]

As President, Erdoan has been a strong advocate of an executive presidency that would boost his own powers and has maintained an active influence over political affairs despite the symbolic nature of his office. In 2016, he was accused of forcing the resignation of Prime Minister Ahmet Davutolu due to his scepticism over the proposed presidential system, resulting in his replacement by close ally Binali Yldrm. He has also come under fire for constructing Ak Saray, the world's largest palace on Atatrk Forest Farm and Zoo for his own use as President and has been repeatedly accused of breaching the constitutional terms of his office by not maintaining political neutrality. In 2015, amid consistent allegations that he maintained financial links with Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant militants, revelations that the state was supplying arms to militant groups in Syria in the 2014 National Intelligence Organisation lorry scandal led to accusations of high treason.[168][169][170] In July 2015, Turkey became involved in the war against ISIS. The Turkish military has simultaneously launched airstrikes against Kurdistan Workers' Party bases in Iraq.[171] In July 2015, a raid by US special forces on a compound housing the Islamic State's "chief financial officer", Abu Sayyaf, produced evidence that Turkish officials directly dealt with ranking IS members.[172]

On 18 August 2016, Erdoan said that "terrorist organizations such as Daesh, Boko Haram and al-Qaeda were formed to harm Islam and ignite Islamophobia across the world." Furthermore, he said that "Daesh is a terrorist organization that casts a shadow, a dark pall over Islam. We could never take sides with Daesh."[173]

The President of Turkey is required to be neutral and independent from partisan politics and all presidents must pledge to adhere to these requirements whilst taking the oath of office. Breaking the presidential oath of office is a violation of the Constitution of Turkey. However, shortly after he assumed the presidency, the opposition accused Erdoan of breaking the terms of office by being openly partisan in his dealings with the AKP government.[174] In February 2015, Erdoan was widely condemned by the opposition for calling for people to vote for the AKP in the upcoming June 2015 general election.[175]

On 6 February 2015, while giving a speech at Bursa, Erdoan publicly called for 400 MPs at the next general election in order to push through constitutional changes, continue the Solution process with Kurdish rebels and establish a presidential system. Although he did not mention a specific party, only the AKP formally endorses these three policies. In addition, Erdoan made an indirect reference to the opposition and criticised them for allegedly being on the side of Fethullah Glen, which he said would not carry them into government. He also criticised the opposition's legal effort to prevent him from speaking publicly until the June 2015 general election.[176]

As President, Erdoan has overseen a revival of Ottoman tradition, greeting Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas with an Ottoman-style ceremony in the new presidential palace, with guards dressed in costumes representing founders of 16 Great Turkish Empires in history.[177] While serving as the Prime Minister of Turkey, Erdoan's AKP made references to the Ottoman era during election campaigns, such as calling their supporters 'grandsons of Ottomans' (Osmanl torunu).[178] This proved controversial, since it was perceived to be an open attack against the republican nature of modern Turkey founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatrk. In 2015, Erdoan made a statement in which he endorsed the old Ottoman term klliye to refer to university campuses rather than the standard Turkish word kamps.[179] Many critics have thus accused Erdoan of wanting to become an Ottoman sultan and abandon the secular and democratic credentials of the Republic.[180][181][182][183] When pressed on this issue in January 2015, Erdoan denied these claims and said that he would aim to be more like Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom rather than like an Ottoman sultan.[184]

President Erdoan and his government press for court action against the remaining free press in Turkey. The latest newspaper that has been seized is Zaman.[185] After the seizure Morton Abramowitz and Eric Edelman, former U.S. ambassadors to Turkey, condemned President Erdoan's actions in an opinion piece published by the Washington Post: "Clearly, democracy cannot flourish under Erdogan now."[186] "The overall pace of reforms in Turkey has not only slowed down but in some key areas, such as freedom of expression and the independence of the judiciary, there has been a regression, which is particularly worrying," rapporteur Kati Piri said in April 2016 after the European Parliament passed its annual progress report on Turkey.[187]

On 22 June 2016, President Recep Tayyip Erdoan said that he considered himself successful in "destroying" Turkish civil groups "working against the state",[188] a conclusion that had been confirmed some days earlier by Sedat Lainer, Professor of International Relations and rector of the anakkale Onsekiz Mart University: "Outlawing unarmed and peaceful opposition, sentencing people to unfair punishment under erroneous terror accusations, will feed genuine terrorism in Erdoan's Turkey. Guns and violence will become the sole alternative for legally expressing free thought."[189]

After the coup attempt, over 200 journalists were arrested and over 120 media outlets were closed. Cumhuriyet journalists were detained in November 2016 after a long-standing crackdown on the newspaper. Subsequently, Reporters Without Borders called Erdoan an "enemy of press freedom" and said that he "hides his aggressive dictatorship under a veneer of democracy".[190]

In a speech broadcast live on television, President Erdoan said on Friday, 11 March 2016: "I hope the constitutional court would not again attempt such ways which will open its existence and legitimacy up for debate".[191] On 26 February, Erdoan had said in a public speech that he did "neither respect nor accept" a constitutional court ruling that the detention of Can Dndar and Ekrem Gl from Cumhuriyet had violated their rights.[192]

In an interview to the news magazine Der Spiegel, the German minister of defence Ursula von der Leyen said on Friday, 11 March 2016, that the refugee crisis had made good cooperation between EU and Turkey an "existentially important" issue. "Therefore it is right to advance now negotiations on Turkey's EU accession".[193]

In its resolution "The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey" from 22 June 2016, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe warned that "recent developments in Turkey pertaining to freedom of the media and of expression, erosion of the rule of law and the human rights violations in relation to anti-terrorism security operations in south-east Turkey have... raised serious questions about the functioning of its democratic institutions."[194][195]

On 15 July 2016, a coup d'tat was attempted by the military, with aims to remove Erdoan from government, however by the next day Erdoan's government managed to reassert effective control in the country.[196] Reportedly, no government official was arrested or harmed, which among other factors raised the suspicion of a false flag event staged by the government itself.[197][198]

Erdoan, as well as other government officials, have blamed an exiled cleric, and once an ally of Erdoan, Fethullah Glen, for staging the coup attempt.[199] Suleyman Soylu, Minister for Labor in Erdoan's government, accused the US of planning a coup to oust Erdoan.[200]

Erdoan, as well as other high-ranking Turkish government officials have issued repeated demands to the US to extradite Gllen.[201][202]

Following the coup attempt, there has been a significant deterioration in Turkey-US relations. European and other world leaders have expressed their concerns over the situation in Turkey, with many of them warning Erdoan not to use the coup attempt as an excuse for crackdown against his opponents.[203]

The rise of Islamic state and the collapse of the Kurdish peace process lead to a sharp rise in terrorist incidents in Turkey until 2016 Erdoan was accused by his critics of having a 'soft corner' for ISIS[204] However, after the attempted coup, Erdoan ordered the Turkish military into Syria to combat ISIS and Kurdish militant groups.[205] Erdoan's critics have decried purges in the education system and judiciary as undermining the rule of law[206] however Erdoan supporters argue this is a necessary measure as Gulen-linked schools cheated on entrance exams, requiring a purge in the education system and of the Gulen followers who then entered the judiciary.[207][208]

Erdoan's plan is "to reconstitute Turkey as a presidential system. The plan would create a centralized system that would enable him to better tackle Turkey's internal and external threats. One of the main hurdles allegedly standing in his way is Fethullah Gulen's movement ..."[209] In the aftermath of the 2016 Turkish coup d'tat attempt, a groundswell of national unity and consensus emerged against cracking down on the coup plotters with a National Unity rally held in Turkey that included Islamists, secularists, liberals and nationalists.[210][211] Erdoan has used this consensus to remove Gulen followers from the bureaucracy, curtail their role in NGOs, Turkey's Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Turkish military, with 149 Generals discharged.[212] In a foreign policy shift Erdoan ordered the Turkish Armed Forces into battle in Syria and has liberated towns from IS control.[213] As relations with Europe soured over in the aftermath of the attempted coup, Erdoan developed alternative relationships with Russia,[214][215] Saudi Arabia[216] and a "strategic partnership" with Pakistan,[217][218] with plans to cultivate relations through free trade agreements and deepening military relations for mutual co-operation with Turkey's regional allies.[219][220][221]

On 20 July 2016, President Erdoan declared the state of emergency, citing the coup d'tat attempt as justification.[222] It was first scheduled to last three months. The Turkish parliament approved this measure.[223] The state of emergency was later extended for another three months, amidst the ongoing 2016 Turkish purges including comprehensive purges of independent media and detention of tens of thousands of Turkish citizens politically opposed to Erdoan.[224]

Early during his prime ministership, Erdoan was praised as a role model for emerging Middle Eastern nations due to several reform packages initiated by his government which expanded religious freedoms and minority rights as part of accession negotiations with the European Union.[225] However, his government underwent several crises including the Sledgehammer and Ergenekon cases against the Turkish Armed Forces, corruption scandals, accusations of media intimidation, as well as the pursuit of an increasingly polarising political agenda; the opposition accused the government of inciting political hatred throughout the country. Central to the accusations of authoritarianism are Erdoan's controversial ties with exiled Islamic cleric and former ally Fethullah Glen, who has been accused of calling for the dismantling of the secular Turkish state in favour of an Islamic Republic, although Glen had been acquitted in 2006 of the charge, based on the same alleged statements, of trying to overturn the government.[226]

In response to criticism, Erdoan made a speech in May 2014 denouncing allegations of dictatorship, saying that the leader of the opposition, Kemal Kldarolu, who was there at the speech, would not be able to "roam the streets" freely if he was a dictator.[227] Kldarolu responded that political tensions would cease to exist if Erdoan stopped making his polarising speeches for three days.[228] One observer said it was a measure of the state of Turkish democracy that Prime Minister Ahmet Davutolu could openly threaten, on 20 December 2015, that, if his party did not win the election, his country's Kurds would endure a repeat of the era of the "white Toros", the Turkish name for the Renault 12, "a car associated with the gendarmarie's fearsome intelligence agents, who carried out thousands of extrajudicial executions of Kurdish nationalists during the 1990s."[229]

In February 2015, a 13-year-old child was arrested after allegedly criticising Erdoan on Facebook.[230] In 2016, a waiter was arrested for not serving tea to Erdoan.[231]

Erdoan referred to the Turkish novelist and Islamist ideologue, Necip Fazl Ksakrek, as his muse. Ksakrek was regarded by some analysts, such as Gnther Jikeli and Kemal Silay, as the source of his views on Jews.[232][233][234] Ksakrek's publications included the Turkish translation of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and praise for industrialist Henry Ford's The International Jew, as well as a political program in which he wrote: "Chief among these treacherous and insidious elements to be cleansed are the Dnmeh and the Jews".[235][236][237]

A 2009 report issued by the Israeli Foreign Ministry, said that Erdoan "indirectly incites and encourages" antisemitism.[238] In 2013, Erdoan was placed second on the Simon Wiesenthal Center's list of the year's top ten antisemitic personalities, after Erdoan blamed the "interest rate lobby" as organizers of the mass protests against him in cities around the country in June 2013.[239] In another quote that was regarded as antisemitic, he said "When the word 'media' is pronounced, Israel and Israel's administration comes to mind. They have the ability to manipulate it as they wish." He then claimed that not only the international press but also Turkish newspapers were run by Israel.[240] During the campaign for the Turkish elections in June 2015, Erdoan accused The New York Times of being represented by "Jewish capital" after foreign media outlets expressed concern over the corrosion of freedom of expression in Turkey.[241][242][243]

When during a televised press conference he was asked if he believed a presidential system was possible in a unitary state he affirmed this and cited Nazi Germany as an example of how this is possible.[244] However, the Turkish president's office said that Erdoan was not advocating a Hitler-style government when he called for a state system with a strong executive. Furthermore, that the Turkish president had declared the Holocaust, anti-semitism and Islamophobia as crimes against humanity and that it was out of the question for him to cite Hitler's Germany as a good example.[245]

The judiciary has traditionally adhered to strict secular principles as outlined in the Constitution of Turkey. This resulted in the closing down of two former parties of which Erdoan was a member, namely the Welfare Party in 1998 and the Virtue Party in 2001. The judiciary was thus seen as a significant threat to the Justice and Development Party (AKP). In 2008, the Constitutional Court of Turkey heard a case in favour of closing down the AKP and banning 71 senior members from politics for five years. Although the AKP survived closure, it lost 50% of its state funding.

In April 2014, the President of the Constitutional Court, Haim Kl, accused Erdoan of damaging the credibility of the judiciary, labelling Erdoan's attempts to increase political control over the courts as 'desperate'.[246]

Both the military and judiciary were widely known for their secular credentials, both therefore representing a threat to Erdoan's moderately Islamist government. During the chaotic 2007 presidential election, the military issued an E-memorandum warning the government to keep within the boundaries of secularism when choosing a candidate. Regardless, Erdoan's close relations with Fethullah Glen and his Cemaat Movement allowed his government to maintain a degree of influence within the judiciary through Glen's supporters in high judicial and bureaucratic offices.[247][248] Shortly after, an alleged coup plot codenamed Sledgehammer became public and resulted in the imprisonment of 300 military officers including brahim Frtna, etin Doan and Engin Alan. Several opposition politicians, journalists and military officers also went on trial for allegedly being part of an ultra-nationalist organisation called Ergenekon.

Both cases were marred by irregularities and were condemned as a joint attempt by Erdoan and Glen to curb opposition to the AKP.[249] The original Sledgehammer document containing the coup plans, allegedly written in 2003, was found to have been written using Microsoft Word 2007.[250] Despite both domestic and international calls for these irregularities to be addressed in order to guarantee a fair trial, Erdoan instead praised his government for bringing the coup plots to light.[251] When Glen publicly withdrew support and openly attacked Erdoan in late 2013, several imprisoned military officers and journalists were released, with the government admitting that the judicial proceedings were unfair.[252]

When Glen withdrew support from the AKP government in late 2013, a government corruption scandal broke out, leading to the arrest of several family members of cabinet ministers. Erdoan accused Glen of co-ordinating a "parallel state" within the judiciary in an attempt to topple him from power. He then removed or reassigned several judicial officials in an attempt to remove Glen's supporters from office. Erdoan's 'purge' was widely questioned and criticised by the European Union.[253] In early 2014, a new law was passed by parliament giving the government greater control over the judiciary, which sparked public protest throughout the country. International organisations perceived the law to be a danger to the separation of powers.[254]

Several judicial officials removed from their posts said that they had been removed due to their secularist credentials. The political opposition accused Erdoan of not only attempting to remove Glen supporters, but supporters of Mustafa Kemal Atatrk's principles as well, in order to pave the way for increased politicisation of the judiciary. Several family members of Erdoan's ministers who had been arrested as a result of the 2013 corruption scandal were released, and a judicial order to question Erdoan's son Bilal Erdoan was annulled.[255] Controversy erupted when it emerged that many of the newly appointed judicial officials were actually AKP supporters.[256] slam iek, a judge who ejected the cases of five ministers' relatives accused of corruption, was accused of being an AKP supporter and an official investigation was launched into his political affiliations.[257] On 1 September 2014, the courts dissolved the cases of 96 suspects, which included Bilal Erdoan.[258]

Erdoan has been criticised for his politicisation of the media, especially after the 2013 protests. The opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) alleged that over 1,863 journalists lost their jobs due to their anti-government views in 12 years of AKP rule.[259] Opposition politicians have also alleged that intimidation in the media is due to the government's attempt to restructure the ownership of private media corporations. Journalists from the Cihan News Agency and the Glenist Zaman newspaper were repeatedly barred from attending government press conferences or asking questions.[260] Several opposition journalists such as Soner Yaln were controversially arrested as part of the Ergenekon trials and Sledgehammer coup investigation.[261] Veli Ababa, a CHP politician, has called the AKP the 'biggest media boss in Turkey.'[259]

In 2015, 74 US senators sent a letter to US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to state their concern over what they saw as deviations from the basic principles of democracy in Turkey and oppressions of Erdoan over media.[262]

Continued here:
Recep Tayyip Erdoan - Wikipedia

Erdogan Has Just Been Declared The Leader Of The Entire …

You are here: Home Featured General Highlight Erdogan Has Just Been Declared The Leader Of The Entire Muslim World, Muslims Are Already Calling Him God

On the right, Hayrettin Karaman , the main Fatwa giver in Turkey who is announcing to prep Erdogan as Caliph of the Muslim World

By Walid Shoebat

Below we will discuss a multitude of biblical references to show how far this one man matches what Scripture refers to as the man of sin, but before we do, 2016 will yield muchto monitor Turkeys rise to a Caliphate system which its initiation was sparked when on this Friday, HayrettinKaraman, Erdogans main Fatwa giver issued some very strange declarations.

As hewrote for Yeni Safak, the pro-Erdogan main newspaper under the control of Erdogan in Istanbul. In his article regardingthe new presidential systemwhich Erdogan wants to establish, Karamandesperately defended Erdogan and declaredwhat we were saying all along they will do; that Erdoganwill soonbecome the Caliph for all Muslims.The following is a presentation of the exciting part in an article Hayrettin Karamanwrote:

During the debate on the presidential system, here is whateveryonemust do so while taking into account the direction of the worlds national interest and the future of the country and not focus on the party or a particular person. What this [presidential system] looks like is the Islamic caliphate system in terms of its mechanism. In this system the people choose the leader, the Prince,and then all willpledge the Bayah[allegiance] and then the chosen president appointsthe high government bureaucracy and he cannot interfere in the judiciary where the Committee will audit legislation independent of the president. HayrettinKaraman

This one statement yields a multitude of prophetic consequences. Bayat,as Islam calls it, which is giving allegiance, is the hallmark of theAntichristas John declared:but the fatal wound was healed! The whole world marveled at this miracle andgave allegianceto the beast (Revelation 13:3).

And here this man who is given allegiance to is called The Prince, exactly as predicted in Daniel 9:26.

Erdogan qualifies to be king of fierce countenance (Daniel 8:23)

Karaman is the major Islamist fatwa-giver in Turkey, one of Erdogans main henchmen and a practitioner of Muruna, the Muslim Brotherhoods allowance for sanctioning Islamic prohibition in the case of Jihad, which means that the Mufti can bendIslamic Sharia to produce favorable fatwas, whatever it takes to establish an Islamic Caliphate. Hosea 12:7 tells us of the Antichrist: He is a merchant, the balances of deceit are in his hand: he loveth to oppress. The Balance of deceit is exactly how the three decade Islamic doctrine,Muruna, is defined as the Doctrine of Balance where a Muslim can balance between good and evil and is sanctioned to do evil for the sake of victory. He will be a master of deception and will become arrogant; he will destroy many without warning. (Daniel 8:25)

As Todays Zaman assessErdogans caliphate of corruption through Muruna and by giving him full allegiance:

This is how Erdogan was able to legitimize the corrupt and illegal practices of the Islamist politicians and businessmen. This includes getting bank credit with interest, a system not sanctioned by Islam but is sanctioned through Muruna, donating huge amounts of money to the charities of politicians in return for favorable public tenders and contracts, and even getting people killed for the benefit of the state. As Ali Bula wrote some time ago, Erdoan started getting these fatwas after becoming mayor of Istanbul in 1994.

According to the general theory of political Islam, the relationship between those who lead and those who are led is based upon a contract of allegiance. Those who are led declare, via their representatives, thatthey will obey their leader, thussurrendering all of their political rights unconditionally to said leader. And so the contract draws up the parameters for both sides: The leaderwill lead justly, while thosewho are led will be obedient. In the meantime, within the traditions of political Islam,those who use their power in this way are calledcaliphs. And a caliphate is, for leaders who rely upon religious references in the Islamic world, the name of the system that they will inevitably turn towards.

Karaman very recently wrote another column on the caliphate. He argues that it is the best regime. His formulation is not a democratic one. Similar to Irans ayatollahs and mullahs, he wants to create a mullahcracy where the serious decisions will be given by Erdoans mouthpiece fatwa-givers, not by the people. His Yeni Safak piece is one the greatest enigmas of the Erdoan era.

The situation in Turkey as some analysts reveal is likened to the Nazi era just prior to the holocaust. Erdogan wants the annihilation, a literal holocaust, of all of his opponents. Daily Zaman, the Turkish news media persecuted by Erdogan exposes:

Nowadays, the AKPs propaganda machine propagates that Hizmet volunteers are traitors and infidels. According to a poll that the stanbul Institute conducted, 40 percent of people believe the Hizmet is made up of infidels. Many more see the movement as a puppet of the West. Pro-Justice and Development Party (AKP) figure Hayrettin Karaman issued a terrible fatwa about two years ago that, for the sake of protecting the state civilians and religious groups, should be terminated. Prime Minister Ahmet Davutolu stated that for the state, even the offspring of Hizmet volunteers should be sacrificed. Many pro-AKP figures in social media keep writing that the lives, properties and wives of the Hizmet volunteers are halal (permissible to be confiscated) by the Caliph, i.e. Erdoan.

We are of course not at that stage, thanks to external and domestic factors. Yet, the AKP regime started imprisoning Hizmet volunteers just because they donated money to Hizmet associations. The AKP has also been confiscating properties of Hizmet businessmen. So far, similar to the Holocaust, very few people in Turkey and abroad have vehemently objected to this and many more have been silently watching, thanks to the anti-Hizmet propaganda that they have been listening to for decades.

Hizmet is theGlen movement and is a transnational religious and social movement led by TurkishIslamicscholar and preacherFethullah Glen. The movement has no official name but it is usually referred to asHizmet(the Service) by its followers and asCemaat(the Community/Assembly) by the broader public in Turkey.

When viewed in light of the natural balances between civil and political Islam, the current tension we see between the Glen movement and Erdoan makes much more sense. The war unleased by Erdoan against the Glen movement is at the same time a war unleashed by political Islam against civil Islam. By declaring the civil arena the enemy, Erdoan has radicalized the political arena. And today, in order to wield power and authority that is not constitutionally his,Erdoan has a need for strong Islamic models such as the caliphate.

The article written by a man with foresight named Ihsan Yilmaz concluded:

I do not want to disrespect the noble memory of the Holocaust victims by likening their terrible fate to what is happening nowadays to the Hizmet Movement volunteers in Turkey. The Holocaust is not, and cannot be, comparable with any human suffering on earth. It is unique. Nevertheless, I argue that human nature has always essentially been the same and evil humans have always acted in similar ways. The motivations, argumentations, tactics and actions of todays cruel humans are not very much different from the Nazis. It is true that what Hizmet volunteers have suffered so far is not even one millionth of what the innocent Jews suffered. But if the evil people in Turkey can find it necessary to eradicate the movement and if they can find the opportunity, they will not hesitate to follow the footsteps of the Nazis. Let me explain.

First of all, unfortunately, Turkish socio-political culture is not immune from the sickness of trying to destroy the other. Especially when it comes to political dissent, the states on these lands have acted swiftly and brutally. Ottoman history is full of such terrible examples of crushing dissent by brute force, the Alevis being the main sufferers. What the secular-nationalist Young Turks did to the Armenians in 1915 speaks for itself. While hundreds of thousands of Armenian men, women and children lost their lives, their Kurdish and Turkish neighbors were either buying their goods and properties for very cheap prices or they were looting them. The many heroic Kurds and Turks (officials and civilians) who helped the Armenians were not treated well by the rulers. The Greeks also had similar problems. During the night of September 6-7, 1955, their goods and properties were looted as a result of a government-motivated pogrom. While some Alevi intellectuals were being burned, most probably by the deep state, at a hotel in Madimak in the early 1990s, thousands of Sunni civilians were watching the fire without feeling anything, to say the least.

When Erdogans party had a major setback, many thought it was his end. But by meticulous study of Daniels text, we accurately predicted the reverse will happen (and we were accurate to the letter):

For the first time in 13 years, the Turkish AKP, led by President Erdogan and Prime Minister Davutoglu, has lost its majority hold on the parliament which held312 of the 550 seats in parliament and now only holds 258 seats while the other three (CHP, MHP and HDP) now has 292 seats.

So doesthis set back mean the end for Erdogan and the AKP Party and are we to now eliminate the man of Turkey as the wrong candidate from being the Antichrist?

Hardly.

In fact, such a loss bolsters the biblical argument since unlike what most imagine, that the Antichrist storms in because through his charisma he gains a popular vote. On the contrary, Antichrist, as we are told by Daniel, does not gain prominence by majority support:

With the force of a flood they shall be swept away from before him and be broken, and also the prince of the covenant. Andafter the leagueis madewith himhe shall act deceitfully, for he shall come up andbecome strong with a smallnumber ofpeople. (Daniel 11:23)

The Antichrist, when he emerges, he forms a league and advances with a small number of supporters. Historically, the AKP began from a small number of people, the Refah Welfare Party which participated in the1991 electionsin a triple alliance with theNationalist Movement Party(MHP) and theReformist Democracy Party(IDP) to gain 16.9% of the vote. It was truly the incumbentPresidentRecep Tayyip Erdoan,a former member of the party, but later foundedJustice and Development Party(AKP) who catapulted the AKP to what it is today which still holds over 40 percent of the seats defeating all the other three. This is truly a victory for the Erdoganwho started with a few number of people.

And now that Erdogan will uprootthe three horns in Turkeys government, 2016 will have major consequences to world events, especially prophetically, and by 2018, we estimate the prophetic scene will be very clear and by 2023, we foresee that all hell will break loose.

So what are the chances of soon seeing the rise of the Antichrist and what of these criteria does Erdogan match? And what are the probabilitiesthat one man hits the nail on several issues?

The results will shock many to find any other man that fits the labels. In everything Erdogan does, Erdogan parallels Antiochus Epiphanies. He causeddeceitto prosper (Daniel8:25). He isking of fierce countenance (Daniel 8:23).

He is starting animosity with Egypt(Daniel 11:42).Erdogan wants to become chief and prince of Meshech and Tubal (Ezekiel 38:2, Mushki and Tabalani in Asia Minor/Turkey). He is changing set laws (Daniel 7:25) to make solid his princely title.If Tayyip Erdoan shifts to a presidential system, he will probablyassign advisors from the regions under the caliphateand open representative agenciesof all Islam Union nations in that 1,005-room [the presidential palace] in Betepe, said Dilipak speaking at a conference organized by AKP Toronto Election Coordination Center in Canada.

Dilipak also added that Erdoan would assign advisersfor all Muslim nations in the world.Erdoan has been known for his longtime aspiration for a presidential (in reality Caliphate) system in the country. The crowds wavesto him thefiery red,hyacinth blue, andsulfur yellow (Revelation 9:17). It would be a matter of time to get these colors into their new emblem.

After the victory, Erdogans supporters waved the fiery red, hyacinth blue and sulphur yellow banners that resemble the Islamist party.

Erdogan matches Habakkuk who speaks of Antichristas the Proud Man who enlarged his desires as hell, and is as death, and cannot be satisfied, but gathereth unto him all nations, and heapeth unto him all peoples (2:5). Erdogan is definately a proud man who desires to gather unto him all nations in his neo-Ottoman Caliphate dream to unite the Muslim world. He denies Father and Son (1 John 2:22) and does not honor the God of his fathers asTurkey at one point in time was Christian.

He started with a small number of people (Daniel 11:23, see explanation in this article above). He blasphemes against the most high even accepting worship. (2 Thess 2). Erdogan is hailed in Turkey not only as Sultan but as a prophet healer andone who can even change the laws of the universe: Spring has come to Sanliurfa. Bothnature and historyarerisingup togreet our prime minister, says Finance Minister Mehmet Simsek on Erdogans visit to the southeastern province of Sanliurfa on March 9th. Yet the Finance Minister did not face any sanctions from Erdoganfor declaration of divinity and neither didAKP lawmaker Fevai Aslan who on January 16th when he said: Erdogan is a leader whogathers all of Allahs qualities in himself. Neither did theDeputy Health Minister Agah Kafkas was reprimanded when on May 19, 2013 hesaid: To do what Erdogan does is sunna.Sunna which theDeputy Health Minister was referring to is theobedience to Muhammad. In other words, to obey Erdogan is to obey the Prophet himself! And neither wasAKP lawmaker Huseyin Sahin on July 20, 2011 was reprimanded by Erdogan for saying: Believe me, eventouching our prime ministerisworshipto me.

These are major figures and Erdogan is acting as if he is Christ who did not denounce worshiping Him and Erdogan did not denounce worship either. And if one thinks that its only the followers who elevate Erdogan to prophet, healer, master of the universe and nature, or deity, think again. One news media from Istanbul, wrote this regarding Edrogan himself, firing anyone who denounces him beingGod.

Even when we declared Jalal al-Din Rumi. We concluded thiscrucial issue since Sufi Islam adheres to a theology calledFanain which man can declare himself to beingGod Erdogan afterwards, two weeks ago and just as we predicted, elevated Rumi in order to allow for such theology:

He traveled to the Central Anatolian province in order to attend the eb-i Aruz (Night of Union) ceremony to commemorate the 741st anniversary of the death of Jalaladdin Rumi (Mevlana) in the evening.

Erdogan praised Rumi:

If we have a homeland and a flag today, and if we live in an independent country, all fraternally, this is thanks to believers like Mevlana, Ahmed Yesevi [Rumi], as well as our generals such as Saladin (of Ayyub dynasty) and Alparslan (of Seljuk dynasty), Erdogan said.

Rumi is crucial for Erdogans dream of deity. Then we have countless statements made by Erdogan where he hones in on Jerusalem. And ifChrist said that Jerusalem is the apple of My Eye, that is Christs eye, Erdogan said:Jerusalem is the apple of every Muslims eye.

He is healing the fatal wound of an empire that ruled and was the greatest menace (a beast is a menace to Gods people) to the Church (Revelation 13). Todaybillboards can be seen all around Istanbul. The posters read: Yeniden Dirilis, Yeniden Yukselis, meaning, Resurrection Again, Rising Again.The fatal wound, or demise of the Ottoman Empire happened in 1923 and Erdogan intends for hisresurrection of the Ottoman Empireto be done by 2023:

Therefore it is no coincidence to observe that some of the followers of Erdoan believe he is a caliph who seeks to resurrect the Islamic Caliphate and the Ottoman Empire. It is no coincidence that Erdoans target of The Great Turkey is intended to be completed in 2023

Erdogan, the ruler of Turkey, this flag of the red dragon with the two horns of the crescent, issued a flood (Revelation 12) into Europe where the heart of Christendom was in scenes that were unprecedented in history where Germany and the E.U came to Erdogan begging to stop thisflood. It will be a matter of time when the woman who gave birth to the man child (Christ) stomps the crescent under her feet (Revelation 11-12).

Erdogan as he causes havoc in Syriais getting bad news from the north (Russia, Daniel 11:44) and desires to also rule Iraq (ancient Babylon) setting up encampments there. He is getting ready to qualify as King of Babylon (Isaiah 14:4, a title given to Antichrist).

Qaradawi, the spiritual head of the Sunni Muslim world, declared Erdogan speaking of a sign of the end of the world when he declared that the angelic host will soon descend on earth after this establishment of the coming Caliphate in Turkey. From a Christian perspective this is the casting of the fallen angels which Daniel the prophet spoke about the minions of the Luminous One, Lucifer are finally cast out and the Antichrist of Isaiah 14 to soon be revealed. Qaradawi speaks ofconfederacy sparked by Turkey of different Muslim states mentioned in severalmajor Scripture passages (Dan 2:31-35, 40-45; 7:7-8, 19-24; Rev 13:1-2; 17:3, 7, 12-16, Ezekiel 30 the league and the entire context ofEzekiel 28-31).

As if all this is not enough, Qaradawi even gives an example:

There are big countries such as China, which has a population of about 1.5 billion, according to the statistics, in a time when the number of Muslims in the world about 1.7 billion, and thus could meet in the form of the Union.

Erdogan does not honor the desire of women (Daniel 11:37), prohibiting them entry in the government and promoting the wearing of the hijab.

The Muslim scholarly powers hasalready asked the Muslim world to pledge allegiance to Erdoan.So in order to convey my two-decade persistent message, I brought forth other watchmenfrom the source itself in Turkey. Todays Zaman,a favorite of mine and a persecuted voicegives a similar perspective of what I have been trying to say for a while now, but hearing it, from the horses mouth if you will, can bring in credibility to my trumpet sound of this coming flood of nations, and with all these probabilities, from here, from my ark, it will start slowly, then it will thunder as my voice thunders to the hills, to the valleys and to the nations. Is anyone listening?

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Can the ‘She-Wolf’ Who Rejected the Harem Take On Sultan Erdogan? – Foreign Policy (blog)

Turkeys neo-sultan managed to swing the April 16 constitutional referendum in his favor, but its a precarious, illegitimate win and he knows it. The question now is how President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will handle his biggest domestic threat, a woman no less, who has refused to join his political harem, drawing support or, at the very least, respect from unlikely quarters.

Meral Aksener, a 60-year-old seasoned politician and former Turkish interior minister, fired up the campaign trail in the lead-up to the April 16 constitutional referendum. Her rallies calling on Turks to reject Erdogans proposed constitutional amendments drew thousands of worshipful supporters who, like her, defied threats and intimidation to make their voices heard. Braving mid-speech power cuts, using battery-powered megaphones, disobeying demonstration bans by local ruling party officials, powering through thugs from her own erstwhile ultranationalist party mucking about her rallies, Aksener thundered on like a tank, as one of her female supporters at a rally put it.

She has been dubbed Asena, the she-wolf of Turkish mythology who gave birth to 10 half-human, half-wolf males. When accused of the most heinous catch-all political sin in Turkey today belonging to exiled cleric and alleged coup plotter Fethullah Gulens movement Aksener brushes it off with the no-nonsense brusqueness of a Turkish grandmother.

Its worth combing through all these labels, plaudits, and allegations, since Aksener is a complex character whose political roots mirror the multilayered diversity of contemporary Turkish politics and that, in essence, is what makes her a potent threat to Erdogan.

She is a grandmother, a nationalist some would say ultranationalist and a political warrior. She is not a Gulenist or a member of FETO (Fethullah Gulen Terrorist Organization) as the Turkish government loves to call any of its detractors if it cant plausibly accuse them of being Kurdish terrorists. She is not pro-Kurdish, of course; as a fervent nationalist, she has no love for Kurds who reject the wisdom of crushing their identity to become model Turks. The antipathy is mutual. Shes not an Islamist. But she is a self-declared pious Muslim, and her links to one of the forebears of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) honchos plus her resistance to the military meddling in politics in the 1990s lends her serious cred among the Islamist set.

As for that florid comparison to the she-wolf Asena, it does have some lupine consistency: Aksener leads a breakaway faction of the ultranationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) whose youth wing, the Grey Wolves, has a decades-long tradition of fascist violence.

Over the past few months, one of the more disturbing signs on the referendum campaign trail was the frequent display of the Grey Wolves gesture at AKP rallies supporting the Yes vote. A hand sign representing a wolf head made by holding up the index and little fingers while touching the thumb to the middle two digits, the Grey Wolves sign is seen as a Turkish equivalent of the Nazi salute. Under current MHP leader Devlet Bahceli, the party has been reformed, though the wolverine sign remains commonplace.

But it remains a disquieting display and a disturbing reminder of the unlikely alliances Erdogan has had to forge to get those sweeping presidential powers he has been seeking for so long.

Erdogans constitutional referendum train took to the rails in January when the president, riding a patriotic wave after the July 2016 coup attempt, managed to get parliamentary approval for a raft of 18 article amendments swapping Turkeys parliamentary system for a presidential one. He secured a parliamentary majority for the measure by the skin of his teeth, only after he secured MHP support. Bahceli, the raspy-voiced leader of the MHP, was an unlikely convert to Erdogans executive presidency gospel: The aging ultranationalist had long dismissed it as a system with no balances, no checks, and no brakes and a sultanate with no throne.

But in the end, there were no brakes on Bahcelis political machinations. Erdogan had helped Bahceli stave off a party leadership challenge by Aksener. The AKP strongman managed that by getting one of the countrys ever-pliant courts to rule against Akseners leadership bid. A former MHP senior official told the Economist that his former boss may have been offered a cabinet post after the 2019 elections. Deals were done, favors had to be returned; its the usual palace intrigue of Turkish politics today.

Aksener ferociously opposed Erdogans bid to scrap the system Turkeys founding father, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, enshrined nearly a century ago. She was one of the most effective No campaigners in the lead-up to the April 16 vote, and shes still keeping up the fight. Her Twitter posts after Sundays vote reassured supporters that she is contesting the referendum results while calling on them to take to the streets.

In a strange way, the latest twist in the Turkish presidents unbridled power grab has been good for Aksener, and therein lies the biggest chink in Erdogans political armor. It comes not from the liberal, secular left that part of the political spectrum has been effectively crushed by Erdogans crackdowns on the pro-Kurdish Peoples Democratic Party (HDP) and the main secular opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP) but from the nationalist right. This aspect tends to get overlooked in the international press, which limits itself to viewing Turkey primarily in a binary bind between conservative Islamists on one side and secular elites on the other the trite, old Black Turks versus White Turks dichotomy.

But theres more to Turkey today than meets the eye.

Akseners meteoric rise and the way she has managed to worm her way into the mainstream from the fascist, ultranationalist fringe is spectacular indeed.

Gender, for once, has been her biggest asset; the fact that she has managed to stick it to the boys in the macho world of Turkish conservative politics has earned her the love of some and the grudging respect of many others.

And nowhere is this girl-power play more evident than in her grasp of the symbolism of the hand gesture.

A good-looking woman with stylishly cropped hair set off by de rigueur pearl drop earrings, Aksener favors the sort of pantsuit ensembles made famous by fellow power granny Hillary Clinton. In the old days, especially during her high-profile breakup with the MHP, she was wont to flash the Grey Wolves sign at mass rallies. But over the past few months, that has given way to holding up her palm adorned with a henna imprint of the Turkish flag. During a TV interview, she explained that some of her young grassroots volunteers came up with the idea. By all accounts, it worked. With the post-coup press clampdowns ensuring that Turkish media barely covered the No campaign, Akseners henna flag went viral on social media.

Her former boss, the aging Bahceli, who has been facing the heat from his nationalist base for his tryst with the political devil, publicly disparaged her henna sign. Big mistake. Social media sites such as Twitter and Instagram exploded with all sorts of people elderly veiled women, young soldiers, grizzled granddads beaming with a henna flag on their palms. The hashtag #KinaliEllerHayirDiyor or Hennaed Hands Say No (to a constitutional change) trended for days. (Across swaths of Western and South Asia, henna is traditionally used as a feminine adornment and is especially important during marriage ceremonies when it signifies new beginnings.) In the Anatolian heartland, young soldiers going off to war also hennaed their palms in a display of warrior devotion. On International Womens Day, March 8, some of the womens rights advocates marching down Istanbuls iconic Istiklal Street flashed flag-hennaed palms. One of them told Al-Monitor, We will send henna powder to the leaders. They need it to remember the ordinary people will always find ways of peaceful resistance.

Resist she has, in a spectacular way. At a campaign rally in the northwestern Turkish town of Tekirdag, she blasted an AKP smear campaign labeling her a Gulenist. They should look to their right, they will see many Gulenist friends and relatives, she said. They should look to their left, they will also see many Gulenist friends and relatives. And then they should look in the mirror to see the real Gulenists. The crowd roared. Erdogans falling out with Gulen, his former Islamist ally who helped bring him to power, has seen an estimated 130,000 people suspended and sacked from public sector jobs, which are being filled by hastily hired, often unqualified candidates, many of them from other Islamist groups. The nationalists are concerned about the economic downturn, and Aksener has hammered home her message that the neo-sultan is fiddling in his Ottoman castle, picking fights with EU allies while the Turkish economy burns.

Her rejection of Erdogans power grab tapped into the deep disapproval among MHP supporters for a constitutional amendment. According to one Turkish pollster, only 35 percent of MHP voters cast a Yes ballot in Sundays poll. That razor-thin Yes win is not just the secular leftist and Kurdish rejection of the Turkish president; it also reflects the nationalists disenchantment with their own leaders and with Erdogan, despite his attempts to woo the nationalist base. In recent years, the MHP has seen its popularity drop in the polls, with the party losing 39 parliamentary seats (from 80) between the June and November 2015 elections.

Bahcelis cronies may still support their party chief. But the party rank and file would like to see a new, dynamic leader if only Erdogan, the consummate political player, would let that happen. But Erdogan will not, of course, not if he can help it, because the Iron Lady of Turkish politics is his biggest political rival on the horizon.

Despite the referendum loss, Aksener is well-placed to make inroads into Erdogans Islamist base. A pious Muslim who frequently mentions that she prays five times a day, she was interior minister in the coalition government led by Islamist granddaddy Necmettin Erbakan until the military dismissed her as a result of what is called the February 1997 postmodern coup. Her resistance to the military made her a national figure, earning her the respect of many pro-democracy Turks from different political backgrounds. The events of February 1997 are still alive in the Turkish collective memory, and Aksener is politician enough to grab every opportunity to remind audiences particularly Islamists who felt persecuted by the military in the 1990s of her pro-democracy creds.

She has also touted a softer version of Turkish nationalism than the old MHP boys, and that could lend her some tactical if not necessarily ideological appeal among Turkeys battered leftist-secularists desperate for any political figure who can defeat Erdogan. Since the April 16 referendum, the Ankara rumor mill has been on overdrive about the Turkish Iron Ladys plans to form a new political party. She is the ideal candidate to unite conservative voters, secular voters, and a large portion of the nationalist vote, notes Paris-based Turkish journalist Emre Demir. There are persistent rumors that she will create a new center-right party, which can bring together the old AKP figures that Erdogan has sidelined, a number of center-right figures, as well as nationalist figures ejected by Bahceli. If that happens, it could be the only party that can threaten Erdogans one-party rule.

Aksener herself says very little and just enough to keep the political suspense at boiler pitch. They all talk about Mr. Erdogan. What if I am the countrys next president? she famously asked a BBC reporter. Her supporters at rallies are known to chant Prime Minister Meral, a cry that must surely gall Erdogan ahead of the October 2019 general elections.

The interesting thing now is how Erdogan will respond to the threat posed by this political she-wolf who has refused to be co-opted or silenced. He could treat her like he did his erstwhile biggest rival, the charismatic Kurdish HDP leader Selahattin Demirtas: toss her in jail. But it wont be as easy to imprison a popular nationalist as it is to throw a Kurdish politician behind bars in Turkey. Her hardcore supporters can unleash rowdy havoc on the streets, and they are just the sort of shock troops Erdogan himself uses when he needs a thug act or two. And then, dont forget Erdogan is an Islamist. If he has to put a devout Turkish Muslim granny as opposed to a godless Kurdish woman behind bars, it wont sit well with his religious base. The sultan has swung many impossible political flips in the past, but this gladiator fight, whichever way it goes, will be a treat to witness.

Photo credit:ADEM ALTAN/AFP/Getty Images

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Can the 'She-Wolf' Who Rejected the Harem Take On Sultan Erdogan? - Foreign Policy (blog)

Giuliani’s Talk With Erdogan Adds Mystery to U.S. Sanctions Case … – Bloomberg

A wealthy Turkish-Iranian gold trader facing U.S. charges that he helped Iran evade U.S. sanctions for sponsoring terrorism has an unlikely ally: Rudy Giuliani.

Its a surprising role for Giuliani, who was dubbed "Americas Mayor" for his uncompromising response to the 2001 terrorist attacks as mayor of New York. An early supporter of President Donald Trump, Giuliani has helped him search for a legal way to ban Muslim immigrants and served as an informal adviser, tasked with building private sector partnerships on cyber-security.

Now, Giuliani has joined a star-studded roster of lawyers representing Reza Zarrab, who is accused of using his network of companies to launder hundreds of millions of dollars through the U.S. financial system to aid the mullahs in Tehran. In a court filing last week, Giuliani said hes met with senior officials in the U.S. and Turkey, including President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in an effort to broker a deal that might benefit Zarrab and bolster U.S. national-security interests.

At a hearing Monday, U.S. District Judge Richard Berman asked lawyers for updated information about what their firms have been doing on behalf of the Turkish government in the U.S.

Michael Lockard, a government prosecutor, stressed the gravity of the charges, saying Giuliani and Mukasey had soft-pedaled the seriousness of the case in court filings. Lockard said the evidence would show Zarrab personally offered his services to circumvent sanctions to Irans then-president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and paid tens of millions of dollars to high-level banking officials to help carry out the scheme.

"What is charged in this case is a serious national-security offense," Lockard said.

Zarrabs unorthodox defense strategy is drawing scrutiny and comparisons to other cases, where the U.S. took a hard line on companies accused of violating sanctions or moving Irans money. David Kelley, a former U.S. attorney in Manhattan, said prosecutors cherish their independence, removed from politics and foreign-policy considerations, and blanch at any suggestion that a criminal case might be compromised.

"Theyre looking to resolve a criminal case through political means," he said of Giuliani and another Zarrab lawyer, former U.S. Attorney General Michael Mukasey. Their actionsrun the risk of politicizing the Justice Department, and every time that happens in one form or another, there are serious consequences and fallout from it, added Kelley, whos not involved in the case.

Click here for more on the Zarrab case

Preet Bharara, the U.S. attorney in Manhattan until he was fired last month, appeared to be voicing the same worry in a tweet last week: "One just hopes that the rule of law, and its independent enforcement, still matters in the United States and at the Department of Justice." Prosecutors on the case have also demanded to know what Giuliani is up to.

The case has roiled diplomatic relations with Turkey, where Erdogan assailed Bharara for bringing the charges against Zarrab, his close associate. Once a staunch U.S. ally, Turkey has drifted away from the West as Erdogan has grown more autocratic and friendly toward Russian President Vladimir Putin. Trump was one of the few world leaders to congratulate Erdogan on his recent win of a referendum giving sweeping powers to the president.

In their court filing, Giuliani andMukasey said senior officials in the U.S. and Turkey remain receptive to a deal that could promote the security of the U.S. They said the willingness of the U.S. to negotiate is not surprising because the alleged scheme involved consumer goods, not nuclear technology or other contraband, and that they had briefed both Attorney General Jeff Sessions and Bharara in general terms before their trip to Turkey in February.

It remains to be seen whether the Justice Department will agree to a deal for Zarrab, whos being held in a Manhattan lockup. Erdogans talks with Vice President Joe Biden in September failed to win the traders freedom. Richard Holwell, a former federal judge in New York, said its not unusual for lawyers for influential defendants to seek a political resolution to a case, but its rare for such maneuvering to succeed because the Justice Department resists the politicization of law enforcement.

"There are sometimes lawyers in the courtroom talking to the judge and prosecutors, and then there is a separate line of communication at the diplomatic level," said Holwell. "The idea that Messrs. Giuliani and Mukasey would pay a visit to Erdogan doesnt surprise me. The only thing that surprises me is whether Zarrab is that valuable a piece in the game that Erdogan would be interested in communicating with those in the U.S."

Yet the lawyers politicking has clearly raised concerns for Judge Berman.

In a sense, the judges raising this conflict-of-interest question is a back door way into getting more information from Zarrabs team, said Peter Henning, a law professor at Wayne State University in Detroit. "The judge is flying blind on whats going on here.

Emanuele Ottolenghi of the Foundation forDefense of Democracies,a Washington-based think tank that has advised lawmakers writing Iran sanctions legislation, said its understandable why the Turkish government would press for a deal.

"The Zarrab case is going to be a treasure trove for people who study sanctionsevasion," said Ottolenghi. "We will learn a lot about Zarrab, but also weregoing to learn about how complicit Turkey was as a whole in allowing Iran toevade sanctions. The potential embarrassment and fallout in this case is so vastthat it is hard to put a tag on it."

Zarrab, who denies wrongdoing, is accused of using his multibillion-dollar network of companies in Turkey and the United Arab Emirates to induce U.S. banks to launder money through transactions that violated international sanctions against Iran. He was arrested in Miami after arriving in the U.S. for a family trip.

Prosecutors also say Zarrab played an active role helping to finance an Iranian airline, Mahan Air. The airline is a material supporter of the Iranian National Guards Quds Force, a sponsor of terrorism, the U.S. says. Treasury officials said Mahan Air has covertly flown personnel on planes without including them on passenger manifests, including in and out of Syria and Iraq, and ferried weapons for Quds and Hezbollah.

Starting in 2015, prosecutors say Zarrab began processing transactions on behalf of a Dubai-based company called Ascot General Trading that served as a front for Mahan to avoid blockades in the financial system. Over the next month, prosecutors say he handled millions of dollars in transactions for the company, some of which passed through New York banks.

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In a related case, prosecutors last month charged Mehmet Hakan Atilla, a senior manager at Turkiye Halk Bankasi AS, a large state-owned bank, with conspiring with Zarrab. Prosecutors cited recorded conversations between Atilla and Zarrab in 2013 which suggested that the two were intentionally trying to disguise transactions involving a Dubai company in such a way that Western banks would approve funding. Atilla denies wrongdoing.

The case may have grown out of similar prosecution in Turkey in 2013 that connected Zarrabs transactions with Iran to payments to senior government officials in Ankara. In 2014, Erdogan dismissed investigators involved in the case, and charges against Zarrab and members of Erdogans government were eventually dismissed.

The case is U.S. v. Reza Zarrab, 15-cr-867, U.S. District Court, Southern District of New York (Manhattan).

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Giuliani's Talk With Erdogan Adds Mystery to U.S. Sanctions Case ... - Bloomberg