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The United Nations General Assembly, which meets every September, offers authoritarian heads of state their favorite platform for trolling the world. For this year's 75th annual session, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan repeated his trademark mockery of multilateralism by lecturing members that "the world is bigger than five," his euphemism for reshuffling the UN Security Council to get Turkey a permanent seat. Erdogan's calls to reform the United Nations might have found a sympathetic audience had it not come from a strongman who institutionalized one-man rule at home by destroying democratic governance and the rule of law during his nearly 18 years in office.

Between his annual pitches to redesign the United Nations to his own advantage, Erdogan found time to hurl anti-Semitic remarks. This year, he referred to Israel as "the dirty hand that reaches the privacy of Jerusalem," prompting a walkout from Israeli envoy Gilad Erdan, who accused the Turkish president of continuing "to spout anti-Semitic and false statements against Israel." Last year, Erdogan compared developments in Gaza to the Holocaust, eliciting a similar response from Israeli foreign minister Israel Katz via Twitter: "There is no other way to interpret Erdogan's crude and vile wordsit is antisemitism, clear cut."

Rather than represent a genuine desire to fix the United Nations, where authoritarian regimes have secured clout over the last decade to shield themselves from international scrutiny, Erdogan offers a classic example of a strongman bent on exploiting intergovernmental organizations.

The Turkish president's disregard for UN conventions, resolutions and sanctions is well documented. For example, a 376-page report the UN Panel of Experts on Libya issued in December 2019 found that Turkey, among others, violated a 2011 embargo by delivering arms and fighters to the war-torn North African country. The panel stated that the transfers to Libya were "repeated and sometimes blatant, with scant regard paid to compliance with the sanctions measures."

Erdogan's record is even more disconcerting in northern Syria. In a report the UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria released on September 15, the panel accused Turkey's jihadist proxies of committing war crimes, including hostage-taking, cruel treatment, torture, rape and pillaging. The panel also accused Ankara's proxies of violating international humanitarian law by looting and destroying cultural property. Such violations, the report stated, "may entail criminal responsibility for [Turkish] commanders who knew or should have known about the crimes, or failed to take all necessary and reasonable measures to prevent or repress their commission."

Erdogan's Syria policies prompted criticism from another UN agencythe United Nations Children's Fundin March, after Turkey-backed armed groups interrupted the flow of water from the Alouk water station to regions of northeast Syria, where close to 500,000 reside, including tens of thousands of internally displaced persons sheltered at camps. The agency warned that the "interruption of water supply during the current efforts to curb the spread of the Coronavirus disease puts children and families at unacceptable risk."

The latest UN agency to clash with Erdogan was the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, which expressed its deep regrets for the Turkish president's conversion of Istanbul's sixth-century Byzantine church, Hagia Sophia, into a mosque. The conversion breached Ankara's legal commitments in accordance with the monument's status as a museum on the World Heritage List.

The Turkish president's abuse of the United Nations also extends to the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). In June 2016, 230 NGOs from around the world penned an open letter to ECOSOC criticizing the politicization of the United Nations' Committee on NGOs. Over the years, Turkey has received criticism for playing a large role in that politicization by using procedural tactics to block the granting of consultative status to NGOs, or withdraw that status from NGOs as a form of reprisal.

Both the United States and the European Union have expressed concern over the number of deferred applicants and called for an end to arbitrary questioning of NGOs at the committee. In February 2018, Geneva-based human rights watchdog UN Watch condemned the election of Turkey as the vice chair of the committee that accredits and oversees the work of human rights groups at the world body.

Erdogan's lofty general assembly speech and calls for reform and multilateral cooperation will not find a sympathetic audience beyond fellow authoritarians who share an interest in making a mockery of international norms. The Turkish president's key motivation for "fixing" the United Nations is to open it and other intergovernmental organizations to further abuse. Erdogan and others hope to bully their neighbors and trample upon vulnerable individuals and communities around the world without international scrutiny. It is imperative for democratic nations to join forces for genuine reform at international institutions, to deny impunity to autocrats and prevent them from adding insult to injury from their podiums.

Aykan Erdemir (@aykan_erdemir) is the senior director of the Turkey Program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and a former member of the Turkish parliament. Philip Kowalski (@philip_kowalski) is a research associate at the Turkey Program of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

The views expressed in this article are the writers' own.

See the article here:
The United Nations: Erdogan's Favorite Platform for Trolling the World | Opinion - Newsweek

Not satisfied with his efforts to extend Turkeys influence into the Aegean Sea and the eastern Mediterranean, which has proved harder than similar efforts on land in Libya and Syria, President Erdogan has backed President Ilham Aliyevs efforts in Azerbaijans decades long simmering conflict with Armenia.

Given Armenias dearth of Western political supporters, and its peripheral status within the Wests religio-cultural community, Erdogan only has to face down Russian interests to extend Turkeys influence into the Caucasus.

Media reports allege that as Turkey did in Libya, it has moved allied irregular fighters from northern Syria to Azerbaijan. It has sold arms to Azerbaijan, reaping profits for the Turkish defense industry. In parallel, it has been fomenting the notion of pan-Turkism, calling for Azeris to recognize and embrace their natural affinity with Turks, a call aided by the closeness of the two languages, both now written in Latin script.

Now with the outbreak of hostilities, Erdoan has expressed full support for the Azerbaijani position, eschewing the role of mediator or honest broker between the warring parties. While the United States calls for the Minsk group to mediate, China offers its good offices, Russia calls for calm and an end to fighting, and Iran offers to broker talks, Turkey stands out as having placed itself fully on the side of one party to the conflict. Erdoan has no interest in a resolution of the conflict that does not enhance his prestige in Azerbaijan and political influence in the Caucasus region.

And he may get his wish. China is too far away to play much of a role, and it has few diplomats trained to be honest brokers instead of discerning and advocating forcefully for Chinas interest. Iran, with a population that is one-quarter ethnic Azeris and relatively few ethnic Armenians, would likely be seen as tilting towards Baku over Yerevan. The Minsk group would need substantial political capital invested by the U.S. to be effective as a mediator, and with the U.S. election in full-swing, there is little expectation the White House will back the Minsk group, or intervene itself, to bring a halt to the fighting. And while the UN will pass resolutions calling for cease fires, action to stop the fighting is unlikely.

Which leaves Russia on the side of Armenia, and Turkey on the side of Azerbaijan. It is unlikely the two greater powers will allow their clients to go so far as to pull their big brothers into the conflict, but the risk is there.

The greater danger is that, Aliyev, backed by Erdoan, wrapping his actions in calls for justice, will not seek a compromise and extend the fighting over time and terrain.Unlike specific identified territorial or other material goals, throwing the mantel of justice on war efforts leaves little room for horse-trading and compromise to settle a dispute in which each party gets less than what they desire, yet accepts that because they know the other party got the same. To satisfy the demands of justice or honor or similar concepts increases the likelihood that the conflict will only be resolved at great cost, for how can one relent when injustice is still occurring? And since each side will insist its cause is just, where is the room for sensible, realistic compromise?

President Erdoan likely views a protracted conflict as contrary to his interests. A short demonstration of support for Aliyevand Azerbaijan via the provision of arms, air support, military intelligence, and the transportation of irregular fighters (but not regular Turkish soldiers) will serve to cement his image as the defender of all Turkic peoples against the anti-Turkish Westerners. Linked to this will be the subtle message, and not so subtle suggestions from his acolytes, that Erdoan defends the Muslim Azeris against the Christian Armenians, a Sultan wielding the sword to defend the faithful.

Hell have to be careful. Putin may not so willingly cooperate with Turkey over the division of influence in Russias near abroad as it has done in Syria and to a lesser degree in Libya.

In the U.S. Congress, Erdoans full-throated support for Azerbaijan will not go down well with many members, particularly those with strong ties to the well-organized and well-to-do Armenian-American communities. Erdoans standing with the Democrat-dominated U.S. House of Representatives could not get much lower, so the voices of the Armenian-American lobby will find receptive ears.

Likewise with the White House, which has shown increasing impatience, or at least a less supportive attitude, towards Erdoan. Yet, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is not likely to push the U.S. forward as a mediator between the two Caucasus rivals, instead advocating a greater role for the Minsk group, in part to buy time until after the Nov. 3 election.

In sum, President Erdoan is likely to realize his goal of increasing his and Turkeys prestige among the Azeris and most other Turkic peoples of the region, as well as further convincing himself that he is the pre-eminent protector and defender of Turkic/Muslim peoples wherever they live. Like imperial leaders of all times, his reliance on client states and subordinate allies is no surprise and spares him the risk of losing votes if Turkish soldiers were to be killed fighting for others and not the motherland. His actions regarding Nagorno-Karabakh are another step in the process of undoing Ataturks secular and Western orientation of Turkey.

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Is Erdoan extending his influence into the Caucasus? - Ahval

Almost a month ago, when news first broke of an imminent deal between the UAE and Israel, it took no time at all for Turkeys president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to lash out at the Emirates: "I have given the necessary instructions to my foreign minister. We may either suspend diplomatic ties or recall our ambassador, because we stand with the Palestinian people. We have not let Palestine be defeated, neither will welet it be defeated."

This seems like quite a harsh statement coming from the president of a country that has full diplomatic and economic ties with Israel. Nevertheless, as expected, nothing much came of his words, and Turkey has still taken no action against the UAE. Just weeks later, when Israel and Bahrain announced a deal between the two countries, Turkey downgraded the rhetoric, leaving its foreign ministry to simply issue a curt official condemnation.

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To understand the degree to which Turkeys condemnation has been contained and formalized, note the contrast between Erdogans words in regard to the UAEs deal with Israel, a veritable call to (diplomatic) arms: "The move against Palestine is not a step that can be stomached," with what Turkeys Foreign Ministry noted on the Bahrain deal: a description of what Ankara sees as the new reality. The deal would further encourage Israel to continue illegitimate practices toward Palestine and its efforts to make the occupation of Palestinian lands permanent.

Turkeys position is an open irony, of course: clearly Turkeys ties with Israel have not stopped Israel from its "illegitimate practices towards Palestine," and if anything, it was actually the UAE, and not Turkey, that stopped Israel from annexing parts of the West Bank.

Even if the talk about Palestinians is at the core of Turkeys protests, the real problem Turkey has with the normalization of ties between Israel and the UAE is that it reflects Turkeys failure to actually matter.

Certainly, the turn toward the Gulf states is just another proof that Israel has long relegated Turkey to the sidelines. What Jerusalem didnt get from its relations with Turkey, it just might be able to get from ties with the UAE: a relationship based on mutual interests that will benefit both countries.

Israeli-Turkish relations over the last two decades has had its bad days, and its OK days, but they have really not seen many good days. Nevertheless, despite the yearly public spats between Erdogan, calling Israel out on human rights violations against Palestinians, and Netanyahu, calling out Erdogan on Turkeys treatment of Kurds, the two countries bilateral trade kept humming along, even growing.

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In Turkeys aggressive attempt to make Istanbul the worlds largest international hub, Turkish Airlines has also continued to fly to Israel through thick and thin, second only to El Al in the number of passengers carried on the route to and from Tel Aviv. Even during the COVID-19 crisis, Turkish was one of the first companies to resume flights to Israel, even as El Al remained grounded, despite reports earlier in the summer that El Al would start bi-weekly cargo flights to Turkey.

However, even if Turkey and Israel have seen mutual monetary benefits from trade and aviation, Israel knows that beyond this level of ties, the return is not worth the investment, certainly not with an Erdogan-led government.

Israels turn toward the Arab world and eastern Mediterranean countries as key partners in economic development is further proof that Turkey has missed the chance for a deal with the small country with one of the largest GDPs in the region.

And compounding the alienation is the fact that Turkey today looks a lot less appealing to Israel: a country struck with severe economic difficulties and continuous strife both domestically and internationally does not make it the most enticing candidate for greater intimacy.

Turkey now must be missing the period following the 2016 reconciliation talks with Israel when many believed there was a strong chance for Turkey to become Israels partner in transporting Israeli natural gas resources to Europe.

Had Turkey pursued a policy of investing in the building of strong regional ties, rather than attempting to attract the loyalty of Arab Islamists, it could have avoided its current energy-strapped status, while Egypt, Israel, the Palestinians, Cyprus and Greece (and perhaps even Lebanon) unite to find a path to a better future for their energy needs.

Perhaps the greatest illusion is that Turkey is in some way actually making things better for the Palestinians.

One cannot disregard the importance of how Ankara keeps the Palestinians on the international agenda, especially when the Palestinian leadership is itself divided, as are Arab states.

But it is Turkeys nearly sole Arab ally, Qatar (and UAE adversary) that transfers cash to Gaza to keep ordinary Palestinians above water. In fact, just this year alone Israeli military officials and the Mossad head have visited the Gulf state twice to secure these payments. This is substantial proof to argue that times indeed have changed: Israeli national security officials are guests of the country that positions itself as the most pro-Palestinian of them all.

It is Qatar that is serving as a trusted intermediary between Israel and the Palestinians, and not Turkey, which historically certainly could have played that role. Even the Palestinians, justifiably outraged by the new UAE and Bahrain deals, know that Turkey cannot replace Arab states both in terms of aid and support, regardless of what their relations with Israel might be.

So, sure, attending meetings in Ankara with Erdogan and receiving passports from Turkey might top the agenda of the Hamas leadership, but it will be the Egyptians negotiating the deal between Israel and the Hamas when violence breaks out. So much for Erdogans grandiose visions of being recognized as the first among less-than-equals in the leadership of the Muslim world.

Turkeys investment in the quest to be considered the regions pre-eminent presence has won insufficient returns. These days, its safe to say that both domestically and regionally, Erdogans governments prioritization of ideology over pragmatism has led the country into a series of economic and political crises.

In order to sustain this ideological bubble, every small achievement is inflated as a victory, the governments mistakes and shortcomings are glossed over by an obedient press, and critical voices calling foul are shouted down by an army of trolls.

>>Erdogan's Megalomaniac Movie Exposes His Weaknesses>>In Turkey, Twitter Is the Enemy of the People

What perhaps is most ironic about Ankara preaching to the UAE is that Turkey itself established the model for a majority Muslim country to have relations with Israel, while remaining a staunch defender of Palestinian rights. Turkey achieved this this position not in spite of its relations with Israel, but because of its relations with Israel.

Turkey relies on relations with Israel to spread its soft-power influence in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Unlike like the Arab states that promoted and enforced a complete boycott of Israel, it is Erdogan who has consistently encouraged his citizens to visit Jerusalem and the Al-Aqsa mosque. How can Turkey now criticize those Emiratis who also long to visit the Muslim holy site?

While relations are still fresh between the UAE and Israel, it seems they have the potential to give Israel much more than Turkey ever could. The success of these two economic powerhouses certainly open the door to enhanced trade, research, a market for academics and professionals and tourism.

It is not hard to imagine the day that Turkish Airlines competitors in Dubai, Emirates Airlines, and Abu Dhabi, Etihad Airlines, will also serve as Israelis first choice to fly to Asia and parts of Africa.

While the local Palestinian leadership opposes a deal that rewards Israel with normalization while leaving the occupation intact, it is the highly skilled Israeli Arab population that could find future opportunities in international companies in Dubai and Abu Dhabi.

Its impossible to predict how Israel-UAE relations will develop, and whether it will manage the grassroots "warm peace" that has eluded Israels relations with its other peace partners, Jordan and Egypt. Abu Dhabis exuberant demonstrations of its new love for Israel hides uncertain domestic support for normalization with the Jewish state, and long-held pro-Palestinian sentiments in the Gulf more broadly.

But the signs are that both the UAE and Israel are looking for a long-term transformation of the region. For now, a picture emerges whereDubai and Abu Dhabi seem more than happy to add Israelis to the mix of tens of thousands of Palestinians, Lebanese, Turkish, European and American professionals who power their economy and thatthe UAE has calculated its future plans with a Jewish state not as a necessary evil but as an economic necessity.

For Israel, Turkeys protest is now not much more than background noise. For Jerusalem, its enough to keep relations with Turkey on the back burner, safe in the knowledge that Turkeys need for Israel will act as a brake on Ankara launching anything other than verbal attacks.

Israel does not need Turkey to remind it of the Palestinians. When Israelis wake up from their Gulf states dream, theyll find their new-found invincibility has a design flaw. The Palestinians are still there. Real peace does not end with them, but should have started with them.

Louis Fishman is an associate professor at Brooklyn College who divides his time between Turkey, the U.S. and Israel,and writes about Turkish and Israeli-Palestinian affairs. Twitter:@Istanbultelaviv

Continued here:
How Erdogan's Turkey has failed the Palestinians - Haaretz.com

A day after Pakistans foreign minister brought up Kashmir during a speech at the United Nations 75th anniversary commemoration event, the issue was raised again - this time by Turkish president Recep Erdogan during his general debate remarks.

The Kashmir conflict, which is also key to the stability and peace of South Asia, is still a burning issue. Steps taken following the abolition of the special status of Jammu-Kashmir further complicated the problem, Mr. Erdogan said via a recorded video message. India had abrogated Article 370 (special status for the former state of Jammu and Kashmir) and reorganized the former state into the Union Territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.

In August this year India had called unwarranted similar remarks made by a Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesperson. In February Mr. Erdogan, on an offical visit to Pakistan, told its parliament that the Kashmir issue was as close to the Pakistanis as it was to the Turkish people.

We are in favour of solving this issue through dialogue, within the framework of the United Nations resolutions and especially in line with the expectations of the people of Kashmir, Mr. Erdogan said on Tuesday.

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Resolve Kashmir issue in line with U.N. Resolutions: Erdogan to U.N. - The Hindu

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