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By: AP | Ankara | Updated: June 10, 2020 7:45:48 am The government is also relaxing restrictions that were in place on the movement of the senior citizens and minors, Erdogan said.(File)

Turkeys president on Tuesday revealed new plans to ease restrictions in place to curb the spread of the coronavirus, including the July 1 reopening of theaters, cinemas and other entertainment centers.

In a televised addressed following his first face-to-face meeting with Cabinet members _ after almost three months of teleconference meetings _ Recep Tayyip Erdogan also announced that marriage registration halls will reopen for large gatherings on June 15 while wedding party halls will resume operations on July 1.

The government is also relaxing restrictions that were in place on the movement of the senior citizens and minors, Erdogan said. People aged 65 and above will now be able to go out everyday between 10:00 a.m. and 8:00 p.m. _ instead of just once a week _ while minors will be allowed out anytime as long as they are accompanied by a parent.

Erdogans new measures come amid concerns of complacency within the population following last weeks loosening of restrictions, including the resumption of domestic flights and the opening of restaurants, cafes, gyms, parks, beaches and museums. Many people flocked to parks, seafronts and picnic locations without heeding social distancing or wearing masks.

Erdogan said, however, that he believes the large crowds are the exception and that the population is generally abiding by the rules.

Meanwhile, the health minister announced a slight day-to-day increase in the number of confirmed infections as well as in the number of COVID-19 patients in intensive care.

Fahrettin Koca reported 993 new confirmed cases on Tuesday, up from Mondays 914 cases. The number of people in intensive rose to 642 from Mondays 625, according to data he posted on Twitter. Turkey now has a total of 172,114 confirmed cases and 4,729 deaths.

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Turkey unveils new coronavirus restriction easing plans - The Indian Express

ADEN Turkeys growing presence in Yemen, especially in the restive southern region, is fuelling concern across the region over security in the Gulf of Aden and the Bab al-Mandeb.

These concerns are further heightened by reports indicating that Turkeys agenda in Yemen is being financed and supported by Qatar via some Yemeni political and tribal figures affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood. They are thought to be aiming to blackmail the Arab-led coalition by creating a Turkish threat in the country and forming a new coalition that includes both Qatar and Oman.

Turkey did so far tread carefully in Yemen, apparently waiting for a favourable moment to intervene and hoping for more support from the Yemeni government of Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi before moving in on the ground.

Cautious and virtually concealed, Turkish activity in Yemen is currently concentrated in three Yemeni coastal areas: Shabwa, Socotra, and Al-Mukha district in Taiz governorate, according to anonymous sources in the country.

In previous reports, The Arab Weekly shed light on the presence of Turkish intelligence elements in the Shabwa governorate under the cover of the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Organisation (IHH), which has been active in the province since it fell under the control of the Muslim Brotherhood in August.

The Muslim Brotherhoods growing influence into Shabwa coincided with increased hostility towards the Arab-led-coalition in Al Alam area in south-west Yemen, which has recently been the target of repeated mortar attacks. The attacks are thought to be aimed at cutting off food and medical supplies, eventually forcing coalition forces stationed there to leave.

Once Al Alam area is under control, the Muslim Brotherhood hopes to reach the strategic Port of Balhaf, gaining leverage over critical gas exports and much-needed access to the coast that overlooks the Arabian Sea, a key gateway for any potential Turkish intervention and the shipment of crucial supplies from Turkish military bases in nearby Somalia.

In addition to suspicious activity in Taiz and Shabwa, reports point to Turkish efforts in ramping up tensions with the help of Socotra Governor Ramzi Mahrous. Tensions reportedly escalated following Mahrouss return from a secret visit to Istanbul, during which he met Turkish and Qatari intelligence officers and Muslim Brotherhood leaders.

The developments mean that Turkey has assumed a greater political role in southern Yemen through the countrys local branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, which is helping Turkish charities gain influence.

The Islah (Reform) party is instrumental in giving Turkish institutions and the Turkish government, all masquerading as charity organisations, access to Yemeni cities, said Yemeni political analyst Mahmud al-Tahir.

Turkey has interests in abetting the Muslim Brotherhood and giving it more power on the Yemeni stage.

Founded in 1990, the Reform Party, the Muslim Brotherhoods local branch, has played an important role on the countrys political scene. The party has gained more power in recent years, filling a political vacuum left by the downfall of the Ali Abdullah Saleh regime in February 2012 and then by a coup staged by the Iran-backed Houthi militia against Hadi in March 2015.

The party is represented in the government of Prime Minister Maeen Abdulmalik Saeed, which is based in the south-eastern port city of Aden.

Brotherhood-affiliated officials and ministers have taken trips to Ankara to lobby officials with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogans Justice and Development Party (AKP) to be more active in Yemen, particularly by investing in the countrys transport sectors and ports. In mid-January, Turkeys deputy interior minister, Ismail Catakli, visited Aden and held talks with Saeed. He revealed that Erdogan had asked a team of aides to prepare a report about humanitarian needs in Yemen.

This came two months after former Yemeni Transport Minister Saleh al-Jabwani, a Reform Party affiliate, visited Turkey to discuss cooperation in managing Yemeni ports.

Turkeys efforts to increase their presence near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, through which Gulf oil is transported before reaching the Suez Canal, will threaten the security of Gulf Arab states.

Turkeys efforts to increase its presence near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait are part of a larger campaign to shore up influence in the southern entrance of the Red Sea.

With a military base in Djibouti and repeated efforts to gain a foothold in Somalia and the Sudanese Red Sea island of Suakin, Ankara is working hard to become a force in the Red Sea.

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Turkey sets sights on Yemen, raising regional security concerns | AW staff | AW - The Arab Weekly

For those too young to remember, Men Behaving Badly was a light-hearted 1990s British and American sitcom about silly blokes doing stupid things. Covid-19 has revived the storyline. But now its not so funny.

Around the world, authoritarian leaders are exploiting, exacerbating or grossly mishandling the response to the pandemic, placing selfish interest ahead of public good.

They are mostly male. Their behaviour is frequently appalling. Unlike harmless Gary and Tony, they are a modern incarnation of TS Eliots hollow men.

Sex is relevant, in that female leaders are generally thought to be behaving better. Germanys Angela Merkel, New Zealands Jacinda Ardern, and Taiwans Tsai Ing-wen are among competent and compassionate women singled out for praise.

Yet do the worst-performing leaders share dysfunctional characteristics beyond mere maleness? A war fixation is one. Poverty of imagination is another. They routinely trot out tired martial metaphors and cliches such as wartime president, blitz spirit, and fighting the invisible enemy.

Lack of empathy also seems to be a common denominator, even among self-styled man of the people populists. This may be a product of class, culture or elite upbringing.

A more decisive factor is a mans political orientation. Broadly speaking, illiberal leaders who run authoritarian regimes, refuse democratic and legal constraints, abuse civil and womens rights, reject media scrutiny, tolerate corruption, and believe that they, personally, know best are the worst-behaved, least effective pandemic performers.

Donald Trump ticks all the boxes. He is the Covid champ of chumps. His advice last week to inject disinfectant hit new heights of toxic idiocy, even for him. But there are plenty of challengers for the world title.

Take Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkeys strongman president. His initial response to a growing Covid-19 threat was to put the economy before lives. Erdogan is accused, like Trump, of politicising the crisis, for example by banning fundraising efforts by opposition-controlled city councils in Istanbul, Izmir, and Ankara. The impressive performance of Istanbuls mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu, a possible 2023 presidential rival, is said to worry him more than the disease.

Rushed curfews and protective measures have caused confusion and panic-buying. And Erdogan fumbled a chance to foster unity of purpose when an early release of prisoners excluded jailed political opponents, journalists and human rights activists.

The world expects better of Turkey. In the Philippines, the macho antics of Rodrigo Duterte, a president notorious for celebrating extrajudicial murder, are par for the course. Like right-wingers elsewhere, Duterte minimised the Covid-19 threat, then over-reacted.

A typically heavy-handed clampdown has followed belated lockdown measures. Duterte ordered the police and military to kill those who did not comply. Shoot them dead, he urged. Instead of causing trouble, Ill send you to the grave.

Dutertes assumption of emergency powers mirrors power-grabs in other countries with weak systems of democratic accountability. Hungarys rightwing populist leader, Viktor Orbn, says his new power to rule indefinitely by decree can be revoked any time. Opponents fear a tame parliament may never do so.

Some of the worlds most authoritarian leaders have reacted with a morbid mix of crass irresponsibility and calculation. Jair Bolsonaro, Brazils president, appears to hope, Trump-like, that he can turn the poors hostility to job-destroying lockdowns to political advantage.

Bolsonaro has compared the coronavirus to a mild flu, incited his supporters to oppose lockdown measures adopted by local governments, [and] promoted unproven drugs on social media as miracle cures, wrote Eduardo Mello, a Sao Paulo professor. If Brazils economy implodes, Bolsonaro, weirdly, could be the gainer unless he is impeached first.

Chinas leader, Xi Jinping, is also using the pandemic for political ends, as evidenced by the opportunistic arrest last week of 15 veteran Hong Kong pro-democracy figures. Virus-related security and economic fears are being exploited to justify an ever tighter crackdown after last years failure to halt anti-Beijing protests.

But the hard men are not having it all their own way. Xis carefully nurtured reputation for quasi-celestial infallibility has taken a knock in the wake of the Wuhan disaster. The shine is also coming off Indias Hindu nationalist prime minister, Narendra Modi.

Modi seemed to carry all before him last year, especially following the Kashmir crackdown. A brutal anti-Muslim pogrom in Delhi barely dented his domestic standing. But self-inflicted economic and social damage arising from clumsy, chaotic anti-virus measures are painting a less flattering portrait of incompetence and irrelevance.

Likewise the credibility of Vladimir Putin, the Russian president who specialises in exporting lethal germs, is in question after a slow start to the fightback.

Shielding himself from harm, he-man Putin looks on impotently as Russias coronavirus caseload spirals upwards and the global oil price, key source of Kremlin cash, goes the other way.

In contrast, the pandemic has saved Israels prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, from deserved oblivion. After a third, inconclusive election, and with a corruption trial looming, Netanyahu looked dead and buried. His resurrection is largely due to unscrupulous use of the virus threat as a national rallying cause.

Faced by all this bad behaviour, despair is an option. As Eliot wrote in The Hollow Men, This is the way the world ends/ Not with a bang but with a whimper. And yet, perhaps not.

Progressives can take comfort from the way autocrats and rightwing populists have mostly flunked the Covid-19 challenge. Maybe people around the world, shocked by all the high-handed bungling, will begin to resist and reverse the recent trend towards authoritarianism.

It would be reassuring to think so. On the whole, democracies have behaved better during the crisis. But the UK and US responses have been dismal. Maybe thats because, in both cases, a certain kind of shallow, arrogant man is in charge.

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From Trump to Erdoan, men who behave badly make the worst leaders in a pandemic - The Guardian

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan may resort to holding early elections in a few months, according to political circles in the country in wake of the opposition gaining strength and his poor handling of the coronavirus outbreak.

Opinion polls have indicated a decline in his popularity, while both opposition parties established by former premier Ahmet Davutoglu and former deputy premier Ali Babacan is increasing.

After leaving the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), Davutoglu and Babacan formed their Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Future Party, respectively.

Deputy Head of the Future Party Selcuk Ozdag said Erdogan will push media loyal to him to create a perception that Turkey needs to hold early elections if the coronavirus outbreak recedes worldwide in June or July.

In statements Sunday, Ozdag said Erdogan and his party are aiming to hold elections in November later this year or May 2021.

He cited Erdogans dip in popularity and disappointment among the AKP members over the governments weak performance in handling the coronavirus crisis, which has exacerbated unemployment and inflation and increased poverty.

In contrast to previous polls, voters now have an alternative to the AKP, with Davutoglu and Babacans opposition parties.

Pro-Erdogan media predicted that they will receive less than 10 percent of the vote, but Ozdag stressed that they can actually obtain a majority.

Erdogans hopes for winning another presidential election have been dashed and even if it forms an alliance with the Nationalist Movement, the AKP will not have a majority in parliament, he added.

Erdogan must now start to think about how he will be held accountable for his actions by the next parliament, Ozdag said.

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Turkeys Erdogan May Resort to Early Elections to Fend off Opposition - Asharq Al-awsat English

Abdullah Bozkurt

The government of President Recep Tayyip Erdoan used unsubstantiated allegations made by a jailed felon who was convicted in two separate cases of child rape and sexual molestation including one that involved his daughter in order to lend fuel to false claims against its major critic, the Glen movement, in Turkey.

According to a cache of secret documents obtained by Nordic Monitor, the government used a statement made from jail by 49-year-old Davut afak, who was convicted of the sexual molestation of minors, in order to help build criminal investigations into a number of people including prosecutors, judges and others.

From his prison cell, afak leveled a number of accusations against prosecutors, judges and private citizens who were alleged to have been associated with the Glen movement. Without presenting any supporting evidence, he claimed all the charges that led to his convictions including statements from his victims were part of a plot orchestrated by people linked to the movement.

Although letters afakhad previously written were deemed unsubstantiated and dismissed by authorities years ago, a new letter sent in March 2017 to the nebolu Public Prosecutors Office in the Black Sea region was treated as if it were evidence. It led to a series of investigations into people named in the letter even though afakwas known to be a habitual liar, as his record showed. The paper trail indicates that the authorities treated complaints selectively depending on the person named in them, with peopleseen as supporters of Erdoan facing no scrutiny.

Graphic account of the sexual molestation of a minor by Davut afak detailed in judicial council ruling:

On the other hand, the letter with the false allegations was entered as evidence in criminal investigations being pursued against people who were seen as associated with the Glen movement, an outspoken dissident group that is critical of the Erdogan government on a range of issues from pervasive corruption to Turkeys arming and funding of radical jihadist groups. The movements leader, Fethullah Glen, who has been residing in the US since 1999, has been viciously targeted by the Erdoan government in an unprecedented defamation campaign, slapped with dozens of false criminal cases and demonized for standing up against the Erdoan governments political Islamist ideology.

According to the secret documents, afak, after sending the letter, was taken from his cell to the communications room in mraniye Prison to give a formal statement via teleconference to Turkish prosecutor Mustafa zey on March 27, 2017. He rehashed the accusations, throwing out many names and claiming that he was framed by the judges and prosecutors who investigated and tried his rape cases. Eager to shore up the ongoing cases against Glen and his followers, the prosecutor took the complaint seriously until it fell apart on the lack of any evidence to support the far-fetched claims of a repeat sexual offender being framed.

Secret police and prosecutors documents that treated the false allegations of a rapist as if they were real evidence:Davut_Safak3

According to court papers, afak was accused in 1999 of raping and sexually molesting two girls in a public school in the village of Isrganlk, located some 20 kilometers from the town of Bozkurt in Kastamonu province. He was a teacher with the authority of a principal in a small school in the village. When the incident was publicized, it created outrage in the community, and the locals were up in arms. The Ministry of Education had to send investigators from Ankara to launch an administrative probe, while Turkish prosecutor Erhan nsal in the town of Bozkurt summoned afakto give a statement. He was later referred to the court by the prosecutor, who demanded his arrest at the arraignment. The judge ruled to put him in jail pending trial.

His victims, two girls named E.C. and P. ., testified against him, detailing how he molested them. Our teacher locked us up in the principals office under the pretext of studying, stripped off our clothes and penetrated with his penis from the back and the front, the victims said in their statements and testified to that effect during the trial heard by a court in Inebolu under case file No. 2000/41. The families of the children also testified against him. In the end, afak was convicted and sent to prison on February 13, 2001. He requested a new trial, but Judge Metin zelik rejected his appeal in case No. 2014/23, stating that no new evidence had emerged that warranted a new trial.

The court papers also show that afak was involved in another case of sexual molestation, this time involving his own daughter, S.., and was tried at the Istanbul 6th High Criminal Court as part case file No. 2009/355.

Following afaks allegations that he was framed and that the victims were prepped by Glenists, prosecutor zey again took the statements of the victims, years after they were traumatized. In the summary of proceedings filed on June 9, 2017 zey stated that victim E.C., now an adult, repeated the same accusations, stood by the statement she gave two decades ago and denied the allegation that she was led by others to level sexual molestation charges. The prosecutor also added that he obtained statements from others named by afak as his witnesses to collaborate his account, but that all the witnesses said they had no solid information or observations to corroborate afaks allegations. The requests to obtain the testimony of other victims and witnesses in the sexual molestation cases were referred to prosecutors in the provinces in which they were living.

Secret summary of proceedings drafted by Turkish prosecutor zey, who found no corroborating evidence to support afaks allegations:

zey sent the case file with his findings to the Kastamonu Chief Public Prosecutors Office, which has jurisdiction in such matters. On December 7, 2017 prosecutor Uur zcan in the Kastamonu office decided to drop the investigation based on the preliminary investigation and decided to not launch a public case.

Prosecutor zeys letter to the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutors Office, sending the case file there for further investigation into the people named by afak.

Secret document that shows Kastamonu prosecutor Uur zcan decided to drop the investigation into allegations that were raised in the false complaint:

afak was not satisfied. He went ahead and challenged the prosecutors decision to drop the probe in Kastamonu by filing a motion with a judge in a penal court in the province on January 10, 2018. However, Judge Emel Afan nal ruled on January 16 that afaks motion was without merit, rejected the challenge and sided with prosecutor zeys ruling.

Secret document that shows Judge Emel Afan nal rejected afaks motion to challenge the prosecutors decision to not prosecute:

At the same, however, prosecutor zcan sent afaks false complaint as evidence that would be included in unrelated and separate cases pursued against people who were affiliated with the Glen movement. He asked the Ankara Police Departments counterterrorism unit to take the information and also asked the police to forward afaks complaint to the offices of other prosecutors in various provinces where people named in the complaint resided.

In a secret memo the Directorate for General Security (Emniyet) in Ankara distributed the letter to police departments in 21 provinces, asking them to investigate the people named in afaks letter. A copy was forwarded to the intelligence and organized crime units. The police departments acted on the letter and used it as evidence to pursue movement members.

The Directorate for General Securitys secret memo ordering 21 provinces toinvestigatepeople named in afaks letter:

For example, the Antalya Police Department investigated two people named in afaks letter who were resident in the province and sent their file to the prosecutors office on May 4, 2018. Based on the police report, prosecutor Ahmet Grbz launched a criminal investigation into these people the next day.

The selective approach of using false testimony as evidence in some cases and not in others was also employed by the Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) with respect to judges and prosecutors who were accused by afak. In the Code on Criminal Procedure, the investigation of judges and prosecutors can only be done by the HSK.

On December 11, 2019 the First Chamber of the HSK ruled to recommend the rejection of the complaint filed against then-Inebolu High Court judges Murat Kzlyar, Turul Hanerkran, Mehmet Serta Kesler and Metin zelik and prosecutors Ertan nsal, Ali elik and zkan Gltekin. The HSK members concluded that no evidence was presented to support afaks allegations against the judges and prosecutors and noted that members of the judiciary in the province had complied with the law in prosecuting and trying the case of the child molester and found no evidence of abuse of power.

The HSK ruling that rejected allegations raised by Davut afak:

Yet, with respect to some of the judges and prosecutors who were profiled as not supportive of the Erdoan government and as such dismissed and/or jailed a year before afak brought his complaint, the HSK members said they were already being punished in terrorism cases. Judge Kzlyar, who was the investigating judge at the Supreme Court of Appeals, Judge Hanerkran, who was assigned to a court in Gaziantep, and Judge zelik, who was overseeing a court in Istanbul, were all dismissed without any effective administrative or judicial probe.

Likewise, Ordu prosecutor Gltekin was also purged along with more than 4,000 judges and prosecutors in 2016. It turned out the independent judges and prosecutors were already flagged in 2014 when they ran against a government-backed list for a seat on the HSK. zelik was imprisoned in 2015 when he ruled against the government in a criminal case, and the others were dismissed and/or jailed in 2016 after a failed coup on July 15, 2016.

afaks petition filed from prison named 15 people, including judges, prosecutors, a governor and attorneys as interfering in his criminal case:

In the early years of his prosecution, afak had tried to enlist the help of the Glen movement to secure his release from prison according to his own account. He had worked in schools run by the group for several years before leaving the movement and starting to work for the government. But nobody in the Glen group responded positively to his overtures and stayed away from him. Then he started filing false complaints against prosecutor nsal, who indicted him, and prosecutor Cengiz zlk, who was responsible for the prison where he was incarcerated, claiming that they were all Glenists. He was slapped with another indictment for leveling false complaints without any evidence, convicted on charges of defaming public officials and sentenced to six months in prison.

After he was released pending trial at the end of 2003, afakwrote another letter, this time to the State Security Court (Devlet Gvenlik Mahkemeleri, or DGM), claiming that he knew the killers of Necip Hablemitolu, an academic who was murdered on December 18, 2002 in front of his home. The perpetrators were never found. The DGM asked the local prosecutor to take afaks statement, but he refused to give one as long as he was in jail. He promised he would talk after his release but refused to give a statement for a second time after he was let go pending trial on rape and molestation charges. When his conviction was upheld, he was sent back to prison to serve out his sentence.

Years later, in a 2017 statement afakclaimed that Glenists were behind the murder and said he overheard such talk by chance from people whom he claimed were close to the movement. Again, no evidence was presented to support his allegations, which seemed to have been designed to attract the interest of the government media. In fact, several media outlets jumped on the bandwagon, covering his allegations but excluding his sexual rape convictions. For example, the Sabah daily, owned by the family of President Erdoan, claimed on March 2, 2018, that Glen gave the order to kill Hablemitolu and cited afaks letter as evidence, but the story deliberately omitted why afak was jailed in the first place. Undermining their credibility, Erdoan-controlled media outlets also ignored the fact that afaks allegations were refuted by both the prosecutors office and the HSK.

Hablemitolus murder was believed to have been the work of what Turks call the deep state, a clandestine group within the states military and security institutions that engages in illegal activities with impunity including extrajudicial killings. One of the suspects was far-right militant brahim ifti, who was described as the mastermind behind the academics assassination. ifti was killed in October 2006 when a hand grenade was thrown at a cafe belonging to him in the Alsancak district of zmir. The hand grenade that killed ifti had a serial number matching four others found in an mraniye shanty house a year later when investigators were looking into gang activities in the military, police and other branches of government. All the grenades came from the same military stockpile.

ifti, a prominent figure in the far-rightNationalist Movement Party (MHP), even ran for party leadership in 1997 but was not elected. The current chairman, Devlet Baheli, won the election. ifti was also implicated in the 1978 assassination of Ankara Public Prosecutor Doan z, who was investigating suspicious activities of groups secreted within the military. He had found out that the Counter-Guerrilla organization was affiliated with the General Staffs department of war, which was later renamed the Tactical Mobilization Group.

The prosecutor was planning to file a case against the officials of the General Staffs department of war. However, two months after he presented the report to then-Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, he was assassinated when he was about to get into his car in front of his house, on March 24, 1978. The description of the gunman matched that of ifti, whose gun was later found to have been involved in another murder.

ifti confessed to having killed z and gave up his accomplices. A murder case was filed on December 26, 1978, and ifti stood trial, with the prosecutor demanding the death penalty. The case was referred to an Ankara military court after the September 12, 1980 coup dtat. The court sentenced him to death because he confessed to having committed the murder. The higher court overturned the ruling, and then the court insisted on the initial ruling. However, the Military Supreme Court of Appeals overturned each of the rulings. The Ankara court said in its final verdict that although it established that ifti had deliberately killed z, the court had to abide by the ruling of the Military Supreme Court of Appeals and ruled for his acquittal.

It later emerged that iftis lawyer, Can zbay, also the lawyer for Mehmet Ali Aca, who shot and injured Pope John Paul II in 1981, wrote a letter to then-Prime Minister Blent Ulusu and demanded iftis acquittal.

Today, based on a sexual predators disproven allegations, the Erdoan government is trying to pin Hablemitolus murder on the Glen movement in order to deflect attention from the masterminds who continue to operate with impunity. Erdoan and his allies, the MHP and the neo-nationalist Motherland (Vatan) Party, have managed to secure the release of gang leaders like Alaaddin akc, who was also used by the deep state to commit dozens of murders on behalf of the state.

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Erdoan gov't used allegations of jailed child molester to level false charges against critics - Nordic Research and Monitoring Network