Archive for the ‘European Union’ Category

What Does Russia Want in Ukraine? The Tensions Explained – The New York Times

It feels like a scene from the Cold War.

An unpredictable Russian president amassing thousands of troops on the border of a neighboring country, Ukraine. The threat of invasion. A possible bloody conflagration between East and West.

But what may seem like a perilous episode from a bygone era is now front and center in global diplomacy as the United States jockeys to deter a Russian incursion into Ukraine.

The situation intensified over the weekend as it emerged that President Biden was considering deploying several thousand U.S. troops, as well as warships and aircraft, to NATO allies in the Baltics and Eastern Europe. The move appeared to signal a shift from the Biden administration which has taken pains to avoid provoking Russia.

But with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia ramping up his threats and talks between American and Russian officials failing to defuse the crisis, the administration appeared to be changing tack.

Russia has mobilized about 100,000 troops near its border with Ukraine. The United States has disclosed intelligence showing that Russia has a war plan envisioning an invasion force of 175,000 troops that Ukraines military, despite U.S.-provided equipment and training, would have little ability to stop.

Mr. Biden has said that an invasion would be the most consequential thing thats happened in the world in terms of war and peace since World War II. Current intelligence assessments described by White House officials conclude that Mr. Putin has not made a decision about whether to invade. And so far, none of the military options being considered include deploying additional American troops to Ukraine itself.

A potential military flare-up threatens to destabilize the already volatile post-Soviet region, buffeted by the popular revolt this month in Kazakhstan. It would also have serious consequences for the security structure that has governed Europe since the collapse of the Soviet Union three decades ago.

Russia has made a list of far-reaching demands, including that NATO pledge to halt further eastward expansion and agree not to admit Ukraine as a member. But the United States has called those positions unacceptable. Russian officials have repeatedly insisted that Moscow has no plans to invade Ukraine and that the massive troop buildup is just for exercises.

Essentially, Mr. Putin is seeking to redraw the post-Cold War boundaries of Europe, establishing a broad, Russian-dominated security zone and drawing Ukraine back into Moscows orbit by force, if necessary.

In the event of an invasion, the United States and its allies have threatened to impose a series of sanctions that would go far beyond those imposed in 2014, after the Russian annexation of Crimea. Mr. Putin has warned that imposing new sanctions could lead to a complete rupture in relations with Washington.

Tensions between Ukraine and Russia have been simmering since 2014. Thats when Ukraine ousted its pro-Russian president and the Russian military crossed into Ukrainian territory, annexing Crimea and fomenting a rebellion by separatists in eastern Ukraine. A tenuous cease-fire was reached in 2015, but peace has been elusive amid a grinding war that has killed more than 13,000 soldiers and civilians.

The Kremlins position toward its neighbor has been hardening, as Mr. Putin has grown more insistent that Ukraine is fundamentally a part of Russia, culturally and historically. Concerns were raised in late October, when Ukraine used an armed drone to attack a howitzer operated by Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. Russia called the strike a destabilizing act that violated the cease-fire agreement.

Now 69 years old and edging toward the twilight of his political career, Mr. Putin is determined to burnish his legacy and to correct what he has long viewed as a catastrophe of the 20th century: the disintegration of the former Soviet Union.

Asserting Moscows power over Ukraine, a country of 44 million people that was previously part of the Soviet bloc and shares a 1,200-mile border with Russia, is part of his aim of restoring what he views as Russias rightful place among the worlds great powers, along with the United States and China.

Mr. Putin has increasingly portrayed NATOs eastward expansion as an existential threat to his country, and insists that Moscows military buildup is a reaction to Ukraines intensifying ties with the alliance. He appears intent on winding back the clock 30 years, to just before the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The timing of Russias troop mobilization is perhaps no coincidence. Mr. Putin is seeking to energize nationalist support at home amid a raging pandemic and a stumbling economy. Last year, opposition groups held some of the largest anti-Putin protests in years.

But while some analysts have portrayed Mr. Putin as a wily chess player adroitly manipulating the West, his latest gambit could backfire. NATO could reinforce its military presence in member countries bordering Russia, like the Baltics. And an invasion would invite punishing sanctions that could diminish his support in a country weary of foreign adventures.

In Ukraine, meanwhile, Moscows aggressive posture has further inflamed nationalist passions, with citizen militias preparing for a drawn-out guerrilla campaign in the event of a Russian occupation. And if Mr. Putins aim is to reassert Russias sphere of influence, invading Ukraine would further destabilize the post-Soviet region, where Russian troops are helping restore order in Kazakhstan and Belarus is still smoldering after an uprising in 2020.

In early December, Mr. Biden made clear that his administration was not considering sending troops to Ukraine, since, among other reasons, Ukraine is not a member of the NATO alliance and does not come under its commitment to collective defense.

Instead, Mr. Biden has said that he would reinforce the American military presence in NATO countries that border Russia. And, referring to Mr. Putin, he has promised that there would be economic consequences like none hes ever seen.

The United States and NATO gave formal responses on Wednesday to Russias demands that NATO pull back forces from Eastern Europe and bar Ukraine from ever joining the alliance. While the United States has previously made clear that those demands are nonstarters, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken said the U.S. written response set out a diplomatic path for Russia out of the crisis and outlined measures to increase confidence regarding military exercises and maneuvers in Europe, as well as nuclear arms control in Europe.

Ominous warnings. Russia called the strike a destabilizing act that violated the cease-fire agreement, raising fears of a new intervention in Ukraine that could draw the United States and Europe into a new phase of the conflict.

The Kremlins position. President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, who has increasingly portrayed NATOs eastward expansion as an existential threat to his country, said that Moscows military buildupwas a response to Ukraines deepening partnership with the alliance.

The Biden administration has already made such proposals, so it is unclear whether the U.S. response will make a difference.

Mr. Biden is considering several options that would shift American military assets much closer to Mr. Putins doorstep. The options include sending 1,000 to 5,000 troops to Eastern European countries, with the potential to increase that number tenfold if the situation deteriorates.

Biden officials have also recently warned that the United States could throw its weight behind a Ukrainian insurgency should Mr. Putin invade Ukraine.

U.S. officials have hinted that Washington could be turning to its China playbook potentially instituting sanctions that could deprive Russians of their beloved next-generation phones, laptops and other gadgets, and the military from advanced equipment. There is also the option of cutting Russia off from the international banking system, though analysts have said that is unlikely.

An intensifying conflict in Ukraine would test the resolve of the Biden administration, which has been working to restore confidence in Americas global leadership following the recent messy withdrawal from Afghanistan and its retrenchment from foreign engagements under President Donald J. Trump.

How the United States handles Russia and Ukraine will affect its ongoing efforts at rebuilding frayed ties with NATO allies after the Trump presidency, during which Mr. Trump declared the alliance obsolete.

An escalating crisis in Ukraine also threatens to upend recent efforts by the United States and NATO to shift the alliances attention to the security challenge posed by China.

At stake for Europe is whether it can allow Mr. Putin to upend the security structure that has helped keep the peace on the continent since World War II. And with Europeans divided over how to respond to various forms of Russian aggression, the conflict has also laid bare the weakness of the European Union and its failure as a foreign policy force in international relations.

With the departure of Chancellor Angela Merkel, who grew up in the east, speaks fluent Russian, and had developed a good working relationship with Mr. Putin, Europe lost an invaluable interlocutor with Moscow.

Europe has important trade ties with Russia, and would stand to lose far more than the U.S. from sanctions imposed after a Russian invasion of Ukraine. It is also dependent on Russian gas supplies, a weakness that Mr. Putin has exploited in past disputes.

Steven Erlanger in Brussels contributed reporting.

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What Does Russia Want in Ukraine? The Tensions Explained - The New York Times

Maltese legislator elected European Parliament president …

Christian Democrat Roberta Metsola of Malta delivers a speech at the European Parliament, in Strasbourg, eastern France, Tuesday, Jan 18, 2022. Metsola was elected president of the European Union's parliament Tuesday, taking over for a 2 -year term following the death of Socialist David Sassoli last week.

Christian Democrat Roberta Metsola of Malta arrives to deliver a speech at the European Parliament, in Strasbourg, eastern France, Tuesday, Jan 18, 2022. Metsola was elected president of the European Union's parliament Tuesday, taking over for a 2 -year term following the death of Socialist David Sassoli last week.

Christian Democrat Roberta Metsola of Malta hugs Swedish Alice Khunke, at the European Parliament, in Strasbourg, eastern France, Tuesday, Jan 18, 2022. Metsola was elected president of the European Union's parliament Tuesday, taking over for a 2 -year term following the death of Socialist David Sassoli last week.

Christian Democrat Roberta Metsola of Malta delivers a speech at the European Parliament, in Strasbourg, eastern France, Tuesday, Jan 18, 2022. Metsola was elected president of the European Union's parliament Tuesday, taking over for a 2 -year term following the death of Socialist David Sassoli last week.

Christian Democrat Roberta Metsola of Malta delivers a speech at the European Parliament, in Strasbourg, eastern France, Tuesday, Jan 18, 2022. Metsola was elected president of the European Union's parliament Tuesday, taking over for a 2 -year term following the death of Socialist David Sassoli last week.

Christian Democrat Roberta Metsola of Malta acknowledges applause after being elected president European Union's parliament, in Strasbourg, eastern France, Tuesday, Jan 18, 2022. Metsola is only the third woman elected to the post. Her birthday was Tuesday, and at age 43, she is the European Parliament's youngest president.

Christian Democrat Roberta Metsola of Malta delivers a speech at the European Parliament, in Strasbourg, eastern France, Tuesday, Jan 18, 2022. Metsola was elected president of the European Union's parliament Tuesday, taking over for a 2 -year term following the death of Socialist David Sassoli last week.

By RAF CASERT - Associated Press

BRUSSELS (AP) Roberta Metsola, a Christian Democratic politician from Malta, was elected president of the European Unions parliament Tuesday, taking over for a 2-year term following the death of Socialist David Sassoli last week.

Metsola is only the third woman elected to the post. Her birthday was Tuesday, and at age 43, she is the European Parliament's youngest president.

Sassoli, 65, had been sick for several months, and before his death the Italian politician declined to seek another term.

Metsola was the candidate of the parliaments biggest group, and she received 458 of the 616 votes cast Tuesday. She had already been acting president since Sassolis Jan. 11 death.

She will lead an EU institution which has become more powerful over the years and been instrumental in charting the course of the 27-nation bloc on issues such as the digital economy, climate change and Brexit.

The European Parliament represents the EUs 450 million citizens and refers to itself as the heart of European democracy.

Known as a committed bridge-builder between parties, Metsola said she would stick to Sassoli's style of work.

David fought hard to bring people around the same table. It is that commitment to holding the constructive forces in Europe together that I will build on, she said.

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Maltese legislator elected European Parliament president ...

Political and Legal Values of the European Union and its …

Political and Legal Values of the European Union and its Member States: Does the Covid-19 Pandemic Have Transformative Potential? DOAJ

(Dec 2021)

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The article analyzes the transformative potential of the COVID-19 pandemic as regards to the value system of the European Union and its member states. The methodology of the research is informed by certain provisions of transformational theories, the approach of S. Walby conceiving the crisis as a state of disproportionality between cause and effect, and the idea of E. Shils about the dynamics of interaction of value and institutional systems. The value foundations of the EU as an integration project are considered. The article analyzes the regulatory potential of this supranational entity and the effectiveness of its values foundations the crisis COVID-19 pandemic. It discovers the values collisions at the level of the member states of the European Union and their changes during the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors conclude that the pandemic has become a serious test for the European Union and its members as polities built on the basis of common values which are considered as one of the indisputable advantages of this association. The cascade of crises caused by the COVID-19 pandemic questions the entrenchment of many of the fundamental values of the European Union and demonstrate that their rootedness is significantly overestimated. There is a significant disproportion of the response measures and the key values that underlie the Union. The COVID-19 pandemic impacts comprehensively the values of the European Union. The basic European economic model, based on the recognition of the market as the main regulator of public relations, has been criticized, but at the same time, additional opportunities have opened up for adjusting social policy. The status and place of human rights come again into discussion. The conducted research is important for the further development of practices for responding to crisis phenomena.

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Languages of the European Union – Wikipedia

Overview of the languages used by people within the member states of the European Union

The languages of the European Union are languages used by people within the member states of the European Union (EU).

The EU has 24 official languages, of which three (English, French and German) have the higher status of "procedural" languages[1] of the European Commission (whereas the European Parliament accepts all official languages as working languages).[2] One language (Irish) previously had the lower status of "treaty language" before being upgraded to an official and working language in 2007. However, a temporary derogation was enforced until January 1st 2022. The three procedural languages are those used in the day-to-day workings of the institutions of the EU. The designation of Irish as a "treaty language" meant that only the treaties of the European Union were translated into Irish, whereas Legal Acts of the European Union adopted under the treaties (like Directives and Regulations) did not have to be. Luxembourgish and Turkish (which have official status in Luxembourg and Cyprus, respectively) are the only two official languages of EU member states that are not official languages of the EU.

The EU asserts that it is in favour of linguistic diversity. This principle is enshrined in the EU Charter of fundamental rights (art. 22) and in the Treaty on European Union (art. 3(3) TEU).

In the European Union, language policy is the responsibility of member states, and EU does not have a common language policy; European Union institutions play a supporting role in this field, based on the principle of "subsidiarity"; they promote a European dimension in the member states' language policies. The EU encourages all its citizens to be multilingual; specifically, it encourages them to be able to speak two languages in addition to their native language.[3] Though the EU has very limited influence in this area, as the content of educational systems is the responsibility of individual member states, a number of EU funding programmes actively promote language learning and linguistic diversity.[4]

The most widely understood language in the EU is English, which is understood by 44% of all adults, while German is the most widely used mother tongue, spoken by 18%. All 24 official languages of the EU are accepted as working languages, but in practice only three English, French, and German are in wide general use, and of these, English[5][6][7][8] is the most commonly used. French is an official language in all three of the cities that are political centres of the Union: Brussels (Belgium), Strasbourg (France) and Luxembourg City (Luxembourg).

As of 1July2013[update], the official languages of the European Union, as stipulated in the latest amendment of Regulation No 1 determining the languages to be used by the European Economic Community of 1958, are:[9][10]

The number of member states exceeds the number of official languages, as several national languages are shared by two or more countries in the EU. Dutch, English, French, German, Greek, and Swedish are all official languages at the national level in multiple countries (see table above). In addition, Croatian, Czech, Danish, Hungarian, Italian, Slovak, and Slovene are official languages in multiple EU countries at the regional level.

Furthermore, not all national languages have been accorded the status of official EU languages. These include Luxembourgish, an official language of Luxembourg since 1984, and Turkish, an official language of Cyprus.

All languages of the EU are also working languages.[10] Documents which a member state or a person subject to the jurisdiction of a member state sends to institutions of the Community may be drafted in any one of the official languages selected by the sender. The reply is drafted in the same language. Regulations and other documents of general application are drafted in the twenty-four official languages. The Official Journal of the European Union is published in the twenty-four official languages.

Documents of major public importance or interest are produced in all official languages, but that accounts for a minority of the institutions work. Other documentse.g.,communications with the national authorities, decisions addressed to particular individuals or entities and correspondenceare translated only into the languages needed. For internal purposes the EU institutions are allowed by law to choose their own language arrangements. The European Commission, for example, conducts its internal business in three languages, English, French, and German (sometimes called "procedural languages"), and goes fully multilingual only for public information and communication purposes. The European Parliament, on the other hand, has members who need working documents in their own languages, so its document flow is fully multilingual from the outset.[14] Non-institutional EU bodies are not legally obliged to make language arrangement for all the 24 languages (Kik v. Office for Harmonization in the Internal Market, Case C-361/01, 2003 ECJ I-8283).

The translations are expensive.[15] According to the EU's English-language website,[16] the cost of maintaining the institutions policy of multilingualismi.e.,the cost of translation and interpretationwas 1,123 million in 2005, which is 1% of the annual general budget of the EU, or 2.28 per person per year. The EU Parliament has made clear that its member states have autonomy for language education, which by treaty the Union must respect.[17]

The vast majority of EU languages belong to the Indo-European family: the three dominant subfamilies are the Germanic, Romance, and Slavic. Germanic languages are spoken in central and northern Europe and include Danish, Dutch, English, German, and Swedish. Romance languages are spoken in western and southern European regions; they include French, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, and Spanish. The Slavic languages are to be found in central Europe and the Balkans in southern Europe. They include Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Polish, Slovak, and Slovene. The Baltic languages, Latvian and Lithuanian; the Celtic languages, including Irish; and Greek are also Indo-European.

Outside the Indo-European family, Estonian, Finnish, and Hungarian are Uralic languages while Maltese is the only Afroasiatic language with official status in the EU.

Most official EU languages are written in the Latin script. The two exceptions are Greek, which is written in the Greek script, and Bulgarian, which is written in Cyrillic script. With the accession of Bulgaria to the European Union on 1 January 2007, Cyrillic became the third official script of the European Union, following the Latin and Greek scripts.[18] The current design of euro banknotes has the word euro written in both the Latin and Greek () alphabets; the Cyrillic spelling (E) was added to the new Europa series of banknotes started in 2013 (see Linguistic issues concerning the euro).

Although Maltese is an official language, the Council set a transitional period of three years from 1 May 2004, during which the institutions were not obliged to draft all acts in Maltese.[19] It was agreed that the council could extend this transitional period by an additional year, but decided not to.[20] All new acts of the institutions were required to be adopted and published in Maltese from 30 April 2007.

When Ireland joined the EEC (now the EU) in 1973, Irish was accorded "Treaty Language" status. This meant that the founding EU Treaty was restated in Irish. Irish was also listed in that treaty and all subsequent EU treaties as one of the authentic languages of the treaties.[21] As a Treaty Language, Irish was an official procedural language of the European Court of Justice.[22] It was also possible to correspond in written Irish with the EU Institutions.

However, despite being the first official language of Ireland and having been accorded minority-language status in the Northern Ireland region of the United Kingdom, then an EU member state, Irish was not made an official working language of the EU until 1 January 2007. On that date an EU Council Regulation making Irish an official working language of the EU came into effect.[23] This followed a unanimous decision on 13 June 2005 by EU foreign ministers that Irish would be made the 21st official language of the EU.[24] However, a derogation previously stipulated that not all documents have to be translated into Irish as is the case with the other official languages.[25][26]

The regulation meant that legislation adopted by both the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers is translated into Irish, and interpretation from Irish was available at European Parliament plenary sessions and some Council meetings. The cost of translation, interpretation, publication, and legal services involved in making Irish an official EU language was estimated at just under 3.5 million a year.[27] On 3 December 2015, a new regulation passed by the council had set a definitive schedule on the gradual reduction of the derogation of the Irish language. This regulation outlined a schedule of gradual reduction spread across five years starting from 2016. The derogation was ultimately revoked on January 1st 2022, making Irish a fully recognised EU language for the first time in the state's history. [28]

Irish is the only official language of the EU that is not the most widely spoken language in any member state. According to the 2006 Irish census figures, there are 1.66million people in Ireland with some ability to speak Irish, out of a population of 4.6million, though only 538,500 use Irish on a daily basis (counting those who use it mainly in the education system) and just over 72,000 use Irish as a daily language outside the education system.[29]

Due to similarities between Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian, and Montenegrin, there were some unofficial proposals to accept only one hybrid language as an official EU language as opposed to four separate ones (as in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia) in order to reduce translation costs. In negotiations with Croatia, however, it was agreed that Croatian would become a separate official EU language.[30]

Some regional or minority languages spoken within the EU do not have official recognition at EU level.[31] Some of them may have some official status within the member state and count many more speakers than some of the lesser-used official languages. The official languages of EU are in bold.

In the list, language varieties classified as dialects of an official language by member countries are not included. However, many of these varieties may be viewed as separate languages: for instance, Scots (the Germanic language descended from Old English, not the Celtic language known as Scottish Gaelic) and several Romance languages spoken in Spain, Portugal, France and Italy, such as Aragonese, Asturian, Mirandese, Lombard, Ligurian, Piedmontese, Venetian, Corsican, Neapolitan and Sicilian.

The French constitution stipulates French as the sole language of France. Since the 2008 modifications, article 75-1 of the Constitution adds that "regional languages form part of the French heritage".[32]

Nevertheless, there exist a number of languages spoken by sizable minorities, such as Breton (a Celtic language), Basque, and several Romance languages such as Occitan, Catalan, Corsican and the various langues d'ol (other than French), as well as Germanic languages spoken in Alsace-Lorraine (Central Franconian, High Franconian, Luxembourgish, and Alemannic) and French Flanders (Dutch). Armenian speakers are found in the Paris area and the Rhone corridor linking Valence and Marseilles.

These languages enjoy no official status under the French state and regions are not permitted to bestow any such status themselves.[citation needed]

The official language of Greece is Greek, and recognized minority languages are Armenian, Ladino and Turkish. Nevertheless, there are several other languages in Greece, which lack any recognition. These are Albanian, Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian (these last two usually being collectively known as "Vlach"), Romani and the Slavic varieties spoken in the country. Greece has been described as the only European Union member state that sticks to a "linguistic assimilationist ideology".[33]

Italy's official language is Italian, although twelve additional languages (namely Albanian, Catalan, German, Greek, Slovene, Croatian, French, Franco-Provenal, Friulian, Ladin, Occitan and Sardinian) have been recognized as minority languages by the 1999 national Framework Law on the Country's historical linguistic minorities,[34] in accordance with the Article 6 of the Italian Constitution.[35] However, many other languages other than Italian and the above-mentioned twelve are spoken across the country,[36] most of them being either Gallo-Italic or Italo-Dalmatian.

The Spanish governments have sought to give some official status in the EU for the languages of the autonomous communities of Spain, Catalan/Valencian, Galician and Basque. The 667th Council Meeting of the Council of the European Union in Luxembourg on 13 June 2005, decided to authorise limited use at EU level of languages recognised by member states other than the official working languages. The Council granted recognition to "languages other than the languages referred to in Council Regulation No 1/1958 whose status is recognised by the Constitution of a Member State on all or part of its territory or the use of which as a national language is authorised by law." The official use of such languages will be authorised on the basis of an administrative arrangement concluded between the council and the requesting member state.[37]

Although Basque, Catalan/Valencian and Galician are not nationwide official languages in Spain, as co-official languages in the respective regions pursuant to Spanish constitution, among other documents they are eligible to benefit from official use in EU institutions under the terms of 13 June 2005 resolution of the Council of the European Union. The Spanish government has assented to the provisions in respect of these languages.

The status of Catalan, spoken by over 9 million EU citizens (just over 1.8% of the total), has been the subject of particular debate. On 11 December 1990, the use of Catalan was the subject of a European Parliament Resolution (resolution A3-169/90 on languages in the [European] Community and the situation of Catalan).[38]

On 16 November 2005, the President Peter Straub of the Committee of the Regions signed an agreement with the Spanish Ambassador to the EU, Carlos Bastarreche[es], approving the use of Spanish regional languages in an EU institution for the first time in a meeting on that day, with interpretation provided by European Commission interpreters.[39][40][41]

On 3 July 2006, the European Parliament's Bureau approved a proposal by the Spanish State to allow citizens to address the European Parliament in Basque, Catalan/Valencian and Galician, two months after its initial rejection.[42][43]

On 30 November 2006, the European Ombudsman, Nikiforos Diamandouros, and the Spanish ambassador in the EU, Carlos Bastarreche, signed an agreement in Brussels to allow Spanish citizens to address complaints to the European Ombudsman in Basque, Catalan/Valencian and Galician, all three co-official languages in Spain.[44] According to the agreement, a translation body, which will be set up and financed by the Spanish government, will be responsible for translating complaints submitted in these languages. In turn, it will translate the Ombudsman's decisions from Spanish into the language of the complainant. Until such a body is established the agreement will not become effective; so far the body has not been created nor there is any budget allocated to this end. This leaves Catalan speakers without access to EU institutions in their mother tongue.

Galician in particular, not being itself a European Parliament official language, can be used and is in fact used by some European Parliament constituents as a spoken dialect of Portuguese due to its similarity with this language.[45]

Luxembourgish (Luxembourg) and Turkish (Cyprus) are the only two national languages that are not official languages of the EU. Neither Luxembourg nor Cyprus have yet used the provision of 13 June 2005 resolution to benefit from use in official EU institutions. On 26 February 2016 it was made public that Cyprus has asked to make Turkish an official EU language, in a gesture that could help reunification and improve EUTurkey relations.[46] Already in 2004, it was planned that Turkish would become an official language if Cyprus reunited.[47]

In September 2010, Luxembourg's foreign minister Jean Asselborn declined a request of the Alternative Democratic Reform Party (ADR) to make Luxembourgish an official language of the European Union citing financial reasons and also that German and French being already official languages would be sufficient for the needs of Luxembourg.[48]

The Romani people, numbering over two million in the EU,[49] speak the Romani language (actually numerous different languages), which is not official in any EU member state or polity, except for being an official minority language of Sweden and Finland. Moreover, Romani mass media and educational institution presences are near-negligible.

Though not an official language of the European Union, Russian is spoken in all member states that were part of the Soviet Union (and before that the Russian Empire). Russian is the native language of about 1.6 million Baltic Russians residing in Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania, as well as a sizeable community of about 3.5 million in Germany and as a major immigrant language elsewhere in the EU, e.g. in and around Paris. Russian is also understood by a majority of ethnic Latvians, Estonians, and Lithuanians born before c. 1980, since, as official language of the Soviet Union, it was a compulsory school subject in those countries during the Soviet era. To a lesser extent, this legacy also holds true among the older generation in parts of the EU that were formerly part of the Eastern bloc, such as the GDR.

In March 2010 fact-sheets in Russian produced by the EU executive's offices in Latvia were withdrawn, provoking criticism from Plaid Cymru MEP and European Free Alliance group President Jill Evans who called European Commission to continue to provide information in non-official EU languages and commented that "it's disappointing to hear that the EU is bowing to pressure to exclude Russian speakers in the Baltic in this way".[50]

In Finland, the Sami languages Northern Sami (ca. 2,000 speakers), Skolt Sami (400) and Inari Sami (300) have limited local recognition in certain municipalities of Finnish Lapland. Furthermore, legislation specifically concerning the Sami must be translated to these languages. Bilingualism with Finnish is universal, though.

Three different Sami languages are spoken in Sweden, but "Sami language" (undifferentiated) is recognised as an official minority language in Sweden, and is co-official with Swedish in four municipalities in Norrbotten County (Swedish Lapland). Most of Sami speakers speak Northern Sami (5,0006,000 speakers), although there are ca. 1,0002,000 Lule Sami speakers and 600 Southern Sami speakers.

For millennia, Latin served as a lingua franca for administrative, scholarly, religious, political, and other purposes in parts of the present-day European Union. After Athens and other Greek city-states of the 6th to 4th centuries BC, the first documented political entity historically verifiable in Europe was the Roman Republic, traditionally founded in 509 BC, the successor-state to the Etruscan city-state confederacies.[51]Latin as a lingua franca of Europe was rivalled only by Greek. It is serving as honourable and ceremonial language in some of the oldest European universities in the 21st century, and has operated as the official language of the Roman Catholic Church until today. Latin, along with Greek, was at the core of education in Europe from the schools of rhetoric of the Roman Republic in all of its provinces and territories, through the medieval trivium and quadrivium, through the humanists and the Renaissance, all the way to Newton's Principia Mathematica Philosophiae Naturalis (just to name one example of thousands of scientific works written in this language), to the public schools of all European countries, where Latin (along with Greek) was at the core of their curricula. Latin served as the undisputed European lingua franca until the 19th century, when the cultures of vernacular languages and the "national languages" started to gain ground and claim status. Today, several institutions of the European Union use Latin in their logos and domain names instead of listing their names in all the official languages. For example, the European Court of Justice has its website at "curia.europa.eu".[52] The Court of Auditors uses Curia Rationum in its logo. The Council of the European Union has its website at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ and its logo showing Consilium. The European Union itself has a Latin motto: "In varietate concordia". Under the European Company Regulation, companies can be incorporated as Societas Europaea (Latin for "European Company", often shortened to "SE" after the company's own proper name). Latin is one of the languages of IATE (the inter-institutional terminology database of the European Union).

A wide variety of languages from other parts of the world are spoken by immigrant communities in EU countries. Turkish (which is also an official language of the EU member Cyprus) is spoken as a first language by an estimated 1% of the population in Belgium and the western part of Germany, and by 1% in the Netherlands. Other widely used migrant languages include Berber languages which are spoken by about 1% of the population of both the Netherlands and Belgium and by many Berber migrants in France, Spain, Italy and Germany. Arabic is spoken in many EU countries mainly in its Maghrebi and Levantine varieties. Maghrebi Arabic is spoken by migrants in France, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, Belgium and Germany. Levantine Arabic is spoken by migrants in Germany, France, Sweden, Denmark, Austria and Greece. Languages from former Yugoslavia (Serbian, Bosnian, Macedonian, Albanian, etc.) are spoken in many parts of the EU by migrants and refugees who have left the region as a result of the Yugoslav wars and unrest there.

There are large Chinese communities in France, Spain, Italy, and other countries. Some countries have Chinatowns. Old and recent Chinese migrants speak a number of Chinese varieties, in particular Cantonese and other southern Chinese varieties. However, Mandarin is becoming increasingly more prevalent due to the opening[clarification needed] of the People's Republic of China.

There are many Russian-speaking immigrants in Germany[53] and France.[citation needed]

Many immigrant communities in the EU have been in place for several generations now, and their members are bilingual, at ease both in the local language and in that of their community.[54]

A wide variety of sign languages are used in the EU, with around 500,000 people using a sign language as their first language.[55] None of these languages are recognised as an official language of an EU member state, with the exception of Ireland passing the Irish Sign Language Act 2017 that granted it official status alongside Irish and English, and only two states (Finland and Portugal) refer to sign languages in their constitution.[56]

Several NGOs exist which support signers, such as the European Union of the Deaf and the European Sign Language Centre. The European Commission has also supported some initiatives to produce digital technologies that can better support signers, such as Dicta-Sign and SignSpeak.[55]

The sign languages in use in the EU are more difficult to classify into language families than the spoken languages, because of language contact and creolization. Important families include the British, French, and German sign language families.

Vietnamese is one of the 14 recognized minority languages in the Czech Republic.[57]

Esperanto is a constructed language that is part of the educational system in several member states. In Hungary it is officially recognised by the Ministry of Education as a foreign language;[58] and examinations in Esperanto may be used to meet the requirements of knowledge of foreign languages needed to complete university or high school. Every year, since 2001, between 1000 and 3000 people have passed examinations in Esperanto, making up for a sum of more than 35,000 up to 2016; it is recognised by the Hungarian state.[59] The Hungarian census 2001 found 4575 Esperanto speakers in Hungary (4407 of them learned the language, for 168 of them it is a family or native language); In 2011 it found 8397 Esperanto speakers.[60] 30 years ago, in 1990 there were only 2083 Esperanto speakers in Hungary following the census.[61]

Esperanto is not mentioned by the EU Commission as an EU language; the Commission mentions only official, indigenous regional and minority languages as well as languages of immigrants.[62] Following estimates there are approximately 100,000 Europeans sometimes using Esperanto (and several millions having learned Esperanto); the language has several thousand native speakers, some of them of the second or third generation.[63]

The European party Europe Democracy Esperanto seeks to establish the planned language as an official second language in the EU in order to make international communication more efficient and fair in economical and philosophical terms. They are based on the conclusions of the Grin Report,[64] which concluded that it would hypothetically allow savings to the EU of 25 billion a year (54 for every citizen) and have other benefits. However, the EU Parliament has stated clearly that language education is the responsibility of member states.[17]

The European Esperanto Union also promotes Esperanto as the international auxiliary language of Europe.[65]

The five most spoken languages in the EU are English (44%), German (36%), French (29%), Italian (18%) and Spanish (17%). At 20% of the total number of speakers, German is the most widely spoken native language, followed by Italian (15%), French (14%) and Spanish (9%). The knowledge of foreign languages varies considerably in the specific countries, as the table below shows. The most spoken second or foreign languages in the EU are English, French, German, Spanish, and Russian. In the table, boxes coloured light blue mean that the language is an official language of the country, while the main language spoken in the country is coloured dark blue.

1 This does not refer to the total population of the countries.2 40% of those who speak French are native speakers, for a total of 85%.3 Includes about 30% native speakers4 Includes more than 30% native speakers

56% of citizens in the EU member states are able to hold a conversation in one language apart from their native language. This is nine points higher than reported in 2001 among the 15 member states at the time.[70] 28% of the respondents state that they speak two foreign languages well enough to have a conversation. Almost half of the respondents44%do not know any other language than their native language. Approximately 1 in 5 Europeans can be described as an active language learner (i.e., someone who has recently improved his/her language skills or intends to do so over the following 12 months).

English remains by far the most widely spoken foreign language throughout Europe. 95% of students in the EU study English at secondary level[71] and 38% of EU citizens state that they have sufficient skills in English to have a conversation (excluding citizens of Ireland, an English-speaking country). 28% of Europeans indicate that they know either French (14%) or German (14%), along with their native language. French is most commonly studied and used in southern Europe, especially in Mediterranean countries, in Germany, Portugal, Romania, and Ireland. German, on the other hand, is commonly studied and used in the Benelux countries, in Scandinavia, and in the newer EU member states. Spanish is most commonly studied in France, Italy, Luxembourg, and Portugal. In 19 out of 29 countries polled, English is the most widely known language apart from the native language, this being particularly the case in Sweden (89%), Malta (88%); the Netherlands (87%); and Denmark (86%). 77% of EU citizens believe that children should learn English. English was considered the number one language to learn in all countries where the research was conducted except for Ireland and Luxembourg. English, either as a native language or as a second/foreign language, is spoken by 44% of EU citizens, followed by German with 36% and French with 29%.

With the enlargement of the European Union, the balance between French and German is slowly changing. More citizens in the new member states speak German (23% compared with 12% in the EU15) while fewer speak French or Spanish (3% and 1% respectively compared with 16% and 7% among the EU15 group). A notable exception is Romania, where 24% of the population speaks French as a foreign language compared to 6% who speak German as a foreign language. At the same time, the balance is being changed in the opposite direction by growth of the French-speaking population and decrease of the German-speaking population.[citation needed]

Language skills are unevenly distributed both over the geographical area of Europe and over sociodemographic groups. Reasonably good language competences are perceived in relatively small member states with several state languages, lesser used native languages or "language exchange" with neighbouring countries. This is the case in Luxembourg, where 92% speak at least two languages. Those who live in southern European countries or countries where one of the major European languages is a state language have a lower likelihood of speaking multiple foreign languages. Only 5% of Turks, 13% of Irish, 16% of Italians, 17% of Spaniards and 18% of Britons speak at least two languages apart from their native language.

While documents for and communication with citizens are in every official EU language as a right, day-to-day work in the European Commission is based around its three working languages: English, French, and German.[72] Of these, English and French are used the most often. The use of English vs. French depends a lot on the unit or directorate. Only a few of the Commissioners use a language other than English or French as their working language. German is rarely used as a true working language in the commission, and German media have called the dominance of English and French a discrimination against German (which is the most spoken mother tongue of the EU) and a violation of the regulations pertaining to the EU's working languages.[73] The German Bundestag has repeatedly called for German to receive an equal position in the EU Commission alongside English and French.[74] The language situation also disappoints many in France,[75] and Kristalina Georgieva, who is from Bulgaria, gained a round of applause when she told Parliament she would learn French while in the commission.[76]

The German language is, however, on the rise within both the EU-27, as in the higher echelons.[77]

The European Parliament translates its proceedings into all official languages so that fellow MEPs can understand them better than if they had the delayed translation. Committee meetings also often default to the language most understood by those attending instead of listening to the translation.

The working language of the Court of Justice of the European Union is French. The judges deliberate in French, pleadings and written legal submissions are translated into French, and the judgment is drafted in French.[78] The Advocates-General, by contrast, may work and draft their opinions in any official language, as they do not take part in any deliberations. These opinions are then translated into French for the benefit of the judges and their deliberations.[79]

The working language of the European Central Bank is English.

The European Union's legal powers on legislative acts and other initiatives on language policy are based on the provisions of the Treaties of the European Union. In the EU, language policy is the responsibility of member states, and the European Union does not have a common "language policy". Based on the principle of subsidiarity, European Union institutions play a supporting role in this field, promoting cooperation between the member states and promoting the European dimension in the member states' language policies, particularly through the teaching and dissemination of the languages of the member states (Article 149.2).[80][81] The rules governing the languages of the institutions of the Community shall, without prejudice to the provisions contained in the Statute of the Court of Justice, be determined by the council, acting unanimously (Article 290). All languages, in which[word missing?] was originally drawn up or was translated due to enlargement, are legally equally authentic. Every citizen of the Union may write to any of the EU institutions or bodies in one of these languages and receive an answer in the same language (Article 314).

In the Charter of Fundamental Rights, legally binding since its inclusion in the Lisbon Treaty, the EU declares that it respects linguistic diversity (Article 22) and prohibits discrimination on grounds of language (Article 21). Respect for linguistic diversity is a fundamental value of the European Union, in the same way as respect for the person, openness towards other cultures, and tolerance and acceptance of other people.

Beginning with the Lingua programme[fr] in 1990, the European Union invests more than 30 million a year (out of a 120 billion EU budget) promoting language learning through the Socrates and Leonardo da Vinci programmes in bursaries to enable language teachers to be trained abroad, placing foreign language assistants in schools, funding class exchanges to motivate pupils to learn languages, creating new language courses on CDs and the Internet, and projects that raise awareness of the benefits of language learning.

Through strategic studies, the Commission promotes debate, innovation, and the exchange of good practice. In addition, the mainstream actions of Community programmes which encourage mobility and transnational partnerships motivate participants to learn languages.

Youth exchanges, town twinning projects, and the European Voluntary Service also promote multilingualism. Since 1997, the Culture 2000 programme has financed the translation of around 2,000 literary works from and into European languages.

The new programmes proposed for implementation for the financial perspective 20072013 (Culture 2007, Youth in Action, and Lifelong Learning) will continue and develop this kind of support.

The EU used to provide the main financial support to the European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages until 2010, a non-governmental organisation which represents the interests of the over 40 million citizens who belong to a regional and minority language community, and for the Mercator networks of universities active in research on lesser-used languages in Europe. Following a request from the European Parliament, the commission in 2004 launched a feasibility study on the possible creation of a new EU agency, the "European Agency for Language Learning and Linguistic Diversity." The study concludes that there are unmet needs in this field, and proposes two options: creating an agency or setting up a European network of "Language Diversity Centres." The Commission believes that a network would be the most appropriate next step and, where possible, should build on existing structures; it will examine the possibility of financing it on a multi-annual basis through the proposed Lifelong Learning programme. Another interesting step would be to translate important public websites, such as the one of the European Central Bank, or Frontex web site also, in at least one other language than English or French.

Although not an EU treaty, most EU member states have ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages.[82]

To encourage language learning, the EU supported the Council of Europe initiatives for European Year of Languages 2001 and the annual celebration of European Day of Languages on 26 September.

To encourage the member states to cooperate and to disseminate best practice the Commission issued a Communication on 24 July 2003, on Promoting Language Learning and Linguistic Diversity: an Action Plan 20042006 and a Communication on 22 November 2005, on A New Framework Strategy for Multilingualism.

From 22 November 2004, the European Commissioner for Education and Culture portfolio included an explicit reference to languages and became European Commissioner for Education, Training, Culture and Multilingualism with Jn Fige at the post. From 2007 until 2010, the European Commission had a special portfolio on languages, European Commissioner for Multilingualism. The post was held by Leonard Orban. Since 2010, the portfolio was merged with education and culture, again.

EU devotes a specialised subsite of its "Europa" portal to languages, the EUROPA Languages portal.

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On Ukraine and Russia, Biden Flusters European Allies by Stating the Obvious – The New York Times

BERLIN President Biden on Thursday strengthened his warning to Russia about a potential attack on Ukraine, saying that any movement of Russian units across the Ukrainian border would be taken as an invasion, a day after the president triggered alarm in European capitals with his suggestion of divisions among allies.

Mr. Biden, speaking to reporters at the White House after hours of efforts by his administration to walk back his comments in a news conference Wednesday, insisted that he had been absolutely clear with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia that a new incursion in Ukraine would be met by a severe and coordinated economic response.

Mr. Biden retraced his rhetorical steps as Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met with U.S. allies in Germany ahead of a critical Friday sit-down in Geneva with Foreign Minister Sergey V. Lavrov of Russia, after several rounds of inconclusive discussions over the huge buildup of Russian troops along Ukraines eastern border.

In his news conference on Wednesday, Mr. Biden said that a minor incursion by Russia into Ukraine could mean we end up having a fight with European allies about the appropriate response.

Although European diplomats said Mr. Biden had been merely stating the obvious, his earlier admission that to what extent were going to be able to get total unity among NATO allies would depend on the precise nature of Mr. Putins actions unsettled European capitals, including Kyiv.

It has also raised concerns that public signs of division between the United States and Europe a goal in itself of Mr. Putin, analysts say could embolden the Russian leader to mount a limited but still highly damaging attack on Ukraine.

In public, top European and NATO officials were quick to play down questions of division.

Speaking on CNN, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg rejected the idea that Mr. Biden had given Mr. Putin a green light to invade Ukraine with less than his full assembled force.

Not at all, because the United States has been very clear over a long period of time, Mr. Stoltenberg said. Appearing alongside Mr. Blinken in Berlin, Germanys foreign minister, Annalena Baerbock, said that Europe had an unequivocal unanimous commitment to punishing Russian aggression against Ukraine.

But the European view has always been divided about what to do and in what circumstances to do it. As one senior European official said, the punishment must fit the crime. He noted that even after Russia had annexed Crimea, it took nearly a year for the European Union to respond with serious sanctions against Moscow.

In the current Ukraine crisis, the leaders of Germanys new governing coalition have stopped short of a commitment to halt the $11 billion Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline, a joint Russian-German project that U.S. officials fear will enrich Mr. Putin and give him further leverage over European energy supplies.

And on Wednesday, President Emmanuel Macron of France surprised and irritated many European Union colleagues with an address to the E.U. Parliament in Strasbourg in which he called on Europeans to come up with their own proposal on European security. We must build it between Europeans, then share it with our allies within the framework of NATO, he said. And then propose it for negotiation to Russia.

French officials said Thursday that Mr. Macron was not seeking to undermine NATOs unity. But the net effect of the words by Mr. Biden and Mr. Macron accentuated the frictions within the Western alliance, analysts said, a potential advantage for Russia.

Bidens comments coinciding with Macrons speech looks uncoordinated, and given all the effort U.S. officials have spent traveling around Europe to keep people solid, it seems odd and didnt need saying, said Robin Niblett, director of Chatham House, a London-based research organization. Musings about gradations of response opened up the can to put question marks back into the allied part of the debate.

Mr. Biden was asked on Wednesday whether the United States and its European allies could agree on what sanctions to impose on Russia should it further assault Ukraine, where it has supported a separatist war for nearly seven years.

Europeans and NATO are united with the United States in opposing any further Russian incursion into Ukraine, in pledging support of varying kinds for Ukraine, and in promising massive costs to Russia. But neither the United States nor Europe have detailed the exact steps they intend to take.

American and European officials have said that it was vital not to give Mr. Putin ammunition by public discussion of red lines. But Mr. Bidens comments hinted at disagreements happening behind the scenes.

Its very important that we keep everyone in NATO on the same page, Mr. Biden responded. Thats what Im spending a lot of time doing. There are differences. There are differences in NATO as to what countries are willing to do, depending on what happened, the degree to which theyre able to go.

Ukrainian officials, among others, expressed dismay after Mr. Bidens comments on Wednesday. We want to remind the great powers that there are no minor incursions, the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, wrote on Twitter on Thursday.

During a Thursday stop in Berlin, en route to a Friday meeting in Geneva with Russias foreign minister, Mr. Blinken added his voice to the cleanup effort.

Mr. Blinken said that if any Russian military forces move across the Ukrainian border in an act of aggression, the United States and its allies would deliver a swift, severe and united response.

Mr. Blinkens words closely echoed a Thursday statement from the White House press secretary seeking to clarify Mr. Bidens remarks. But he acknowledged the complexity of a situation in which Russia might assault Ukraine unconventionally, saying that the United States and its allies are looking at every possible scenario under which Russia could attack or destabilize Ukraine, to ensure that we effectively define our coordinated response.

Conceding different authorities in our different countries that could shape what nations take what steps against Russia, he insisted that all of our countries have been clear about the massive consequences that Russia would face for renewed aggression.

On that front, the Biden administration announced on Thursday that it would impose sanctions on four people it accuses of engaging in influence activities on behalf of Russia to destabilize Ukraine in advance of a potential invasion.

Ominous warnings. Russia called the strike a destabilizing act that violated the cease-fire agreement, raising fears of a new intervention in Ukraine that could draw the United States and Europe into a new phase of the conflict.

The Kremlins position. President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, who has increasingly portrayed NATOs eastward expansion as an existential threat to his country, said that Moscows military buildupwas a response to Ukraines deepening partnership with the alliance.

While in Berlin, Mr. Blinken conducted a flurry of diplomacy on the eve of his high-stakes meeting with his Russian counterpart, Mr. Lavrov, which could help determine whether a diplomatic solution to the crisis induced by Mr. Putins army can be achieved. Mr. Blinken met with Germanys foreign minister and its new chancellor, Olaf Scholz, and with diplomats from Germany, France and Britain who gathered under the moniker of the Transatlantic Quad.

He later delivered a speech at the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences outlining the stakes of the Western showdown with Moscow over Ukraine, arguing that it is a crisis with global consequences for the international system of established borders and state sovereignty.

Perhaps no place in the world experienced the divisions of the Cold War more than this city, Mr. Blinken said. It seems at times that President Putin wants to return to that era.

But it was clear that Mr. Bidens news conference had ruffled the alliance.

Ulrich Speck of the German Marshall Fund in Berlin said that Mr. Biden was using the kind of language allies speak to one another. But thats not the way you talk to the Russians, because when you talk to the press you talk to the Russians, he said. If the point is to reinforce allied unity, this was an unforced error.

The European Union considers that its main strength is in economic sanctions, and those are an active subject of intense and secret discussions, senior European officials say. Tough sanctions will come if Russia does not respond to diplomacy, but inevitably they will be calibrated to what Russia actually does.

In its new action on Thursday, the Biden administration said that it would impose sanctions on four people. Two of them, Taras Kozak and Oleh Voloshyn, Ukrainian parliamentarians, have used their influence to undermine Ukraines leadership in coordination of Russias security agency, the Biden administration said. The others, Volodymyr Oliynyk and Vladimir Sivkovich, are former Ukrainian officials who worked with Russian intelligence agents to to build support for Ukraine to cede Crimea to Russia.

It has been broadly agreed within the alliance that the costs of a new Russian incursion would be punishing and severe, but some countries are more wary than others, and all know that such measures will hurt the European economy far more than the American one. That is especially true given high energy prices and that Europe still gets 40 percent of its natural gas and 25 percent of its oil from Russia.

.

Mr. Blinkens visit to Germany also came amid reports that the U.S. had authorized the Baltic nations of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia to transfer American arms to Ukraine, including anti-armor missiles and other U.S.-made weapons. A Congressional aide confirmed the reports, and a State Department spokesman did not deny them.

French officials emphasized on Thursday that Mr. Macron had said that Europeans should talk among themselves, then talk to NATO before talking to Russia. They argued that he was only trying to further his campaign for Europe to develop strategic autonomy.

After Mr. Macrons speech, Europes top foreign policy official, Josep Borrell Fontelles, spoke to both Mr. Blinken and Mr. Stoltenberg and agreed on what he called the need for a strong, clear and united trans-Atlantic front.. The European Union has agreed to further strengthen coordination with the United States and with NATO, Mr. Borrell said, and he invited Mr. Blinken to attend a meeting of E.U. foreign ministers on Monday to discuss the Ukraine crisis.

Mr. Stoltenberg then said in a separate statement that the call was a strong signal of unity, repeating Mr. Blinkens plea on Wednesday to avoid divisions between and within our countries.

Michael Crowley reported from Berlin, and Steven Erlanger from Brussels. Alan Rappeport contributed reporting from Washington.

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On Ukraine and Russia, Biden Flusters European Allies by Stating the Obvious - The New York Times