Archive for the ‘European Union’ Category

Building health equity in Europe: call for research papers on health inequalities – EPHA – European Public Health Alliance

Disparities in access to essential rights and services such as health are rarely quantified. Existing national data is very limited, outdated or not disaggregated by ethnicity, social and legal status, which makes it difficult to analyse the extent of health inequalities between vulnerable groups, such as ethnic minorities, including Roma, people with disabilities, LGBTQI+, migrants and refugees, homeless persons, and the general population. Measuring such gaps is, therefore, essential to build knowledge about their impact, especially in the wake of COVID-19 and national responses to the pandemic; to develop appropriate policy responses; better identify the communities health needs; and implement targeted measures proportionate to the challenges that each community/vulnerable group experiences.Focusing on European and national public policies such as European Pillar of Social Rights and its action plan; the European Semester; national recovery and resilience plans; European Child Guarantee and national action plans; European anti-Racism Action Plan; European and national health programmes, EPHA is calling on researchers and policy analysts to submit a research proposal to help build knowledge about how the health of disadvantaged groups is affected by inequalities in employment, housing, education, healthcare, environment and climate.

EPHA will collect your case studies and bring them to the attention of the European Union, national governments and other health policymakers to mobilise policy and decision makers as well as European and national civil society actors to take action to build health equity in Europe.

Read this article:
Building health equity in Europe: call for research papers on health inequalities - EPHA - European Public Health Alliance

List of Countries in the European Union

The European Union (EU) is a group of 27 nations in Europe, formed in the aftermath of World War II. The first batch of countries joined in 1957, including Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg, and The Netherlands. In 1973, Denmark, Ireland, and the United Kingdom joined. Greece joined in 1981, followed by Spain and Portugal in 1986 and Austria, Finland and Sweden in 1995. In 2004, nine countries were added, two more in 2007, and finally Croatia in 2013 to bring the total to 28. On June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom voted to leave the EU.

Nineteen of the EU countries are also part of the Eurozone, a union of countries that have adopted the Euro as their official currency.

The Schengen Area includes 22 of the 27 EU countries and entitles citizens of participating nations to travel freely between them. It also includes a few non-EU nations: Iceland, Norway, Switzerland, and Liechtenstein. The area operates as a single nation with a uniform visa policy for purposes of international travel.

See the original post:
List of Countries in the European Union

The European Union Should Be Able to Kick Out Hungary – Bloomberg

Tempers were flaring at a recent summit of the European Union when Mark Rutte, prime minister of the Netherlands, looked straight at Viktor Orban, his Hungarian counterpart, and saidwhat everybody was thinking: If you dont share our values, you should take Hungary out of the EU.

Ruttes unsubtle nudge to make a member state exit the club was also a reminder about one of the EUs biggest design flaws. It has no mechanism to expel countries. This raises the question: When exactly should a bloc, club or organization be able to throw members out?

In the Hungarian case, Orbans latest affront was a law that curbs sex education in a way that crudely stigmatizes homosexuality, in effect equating it with pedophilia. But Orban has been scorning the EUs values for years. With many small cuts, hes whittled away at the rule of law, minority rights and press and academic freedoms.

More from

Another member state, Poland, is almost as bad as Hungary in disdaining everything from gay rights to judicial independence. With their illiberal cynicism, these two governments threaten to hollow out the EUs identity as a club of democratic, tolerant and open societies.

And yet the tools available to discipline errant members are weak. The main one is a process stipulated in Article 7 of the EUs treaties, which Brussels has initiated against both Poland and Hungary. It allows the bloc to strip a country of its voting rights if all the other states identify a serious and persistent breach to EUvalues. That unanimity requirement, however, means that Hungary and Poland can have each others back and neednt worry.

Another mechanism to tie funding to observance of the rule of law was added last year, but it is vague, messy and slow. The reality is that the EU, which subjects countries to onerous standards while theyre applying for membership, can do almost nothing to sanction them once theyre in, and certainly cant kick anybody out.

A similar dilemma often keeps the brass at NATO awake. In the alliances early years, the U.S. and other allies feared that some members, such as Italy, might become communist and serve asTrojan horses for the Soviets. More recently, the bogey has been Turkey, which has scorned democratic norms, menaced allies such as Greece and even bought an air-defense system from Russia that could enable that adversary to sabotage NATO equipment. But NATO also cant kick members out.

In this sense, the EU and NATO differ from most other types of association in this world. The United Nations, for example, is also a club of nation states but does have a way of expelling members. So does the Council of Europe, a human-rights organization with 47 member states, including all 27 EU countries.

The ability to expel is also the default in organizations whose members are individuals. The Catholic church can and does excommunicate people for apostasy or other alleged sins. The U.S. Congress, like most parliaments, can kick out members (and has done so 20 times), as can political parties, country clubs, schools and most other institutions.

This implicit prerogative to expel members is philosophically baked into the liberal tradition as a natural extension of the right of the people peaceably to assemble. In ancient Athens, the worlds first experiment in democracy, citizens regularly gathered to write the names of individuals on shards of pottery called ostraka. Anybody who received enough votes was ostracized in the original sense that is, exiled.

As usual in life, however, it gets complicated. Everybody can agree that, for example, a Jewish organization should be able to throw out a member who shows up with a swastika and shouts Heil Hitler. But what about an organization that trains young leaders and wants to keep out women? Or a labor union that wants to terminate members for their political activities? Or the Boy Scouts if they want to expel a member just because hes gay?

The latter three were actual cases before U.S. courts that illustrate the philosophical and ethical conflicts involved. In the first, judges ruled that the organization cannot exclude women; in the second, that the labor union cannot kick out members; but in the third, that the Boy Scouts thanks to the First Amendment did have the right to expel a member for being gay.

Im not about to re-litigate these cases. Im simply acknowledging that freedom cuts both ways. Sometimes it requires protecting groups from individuals. Most of the time, though, it means protecting individuals from groups, and from being arbitrarily and unfairly excluded. That even applies to countries.

The power to expel is therefore nothing to trifle with. It should be used only in extreme circumstances and with an overwhelming consensus among members that its necessary. Even then, expulsion should always be reversible, so that the member in question has the chance and the incentive to make amends.

The EU needs to get this balance right. This means tweaking its treaties to make sure that expulsion is rare but possible. While that effort gets underway, Orban will have plenty of time to ponder how much further up his populist tree he wants to climb. And Hungarians who still have votes, after all can decide if theyd rather swap out leaders and stay in a club they like.

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

To contact the author of this story:Andreas Kluth at akluth1@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story:Howard Chua-Eoan at hchuaeoan@bloomberg.net

Before it's here, it's on the Bloomberg Terminal.

Read this article:
The European Union Should Be Able to Kick Out Hungary - Bloomberg

Pan-European politics: The EU ‘needs a new story’ to help solve its problems – Euronews

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.

As a child, I was a fan of the books of Jan Terlouw.

I dreamt about the hero, Stach, who slew a dragon and escaped by jumping from the tallest church tower into a pile of pillows created by the cooperating townsfolk.

Today, I dream of a different kind of cooperation: EU-topia. A federal Europe where everyone has equal opportunities to realise their unique potential. Where we pursue the highest standards of human, social, environmental, and technological development together. A Europe that protects democracy and the rule of law.

Only Europeans that work together can overcome the challenges of the 21st century. That cooperation, however, is not yet possible because our European society is paralysed by the stranglehold of national politics.

The various measures that followed the COVID-19 crisis are exemplary of the Pavlovian reaction of nation-states in times of crisis: everyone for themselves. Instead of coordinating the response to a threat that by definition does not know borders, borders were closed unilaterally, export bans on medical goods were established, and European citizens had to deal with absurd variations in public health measures.

Although Europe has learned a lot in terms of fighting the pandemic in the last year, and there were some great examples of solidarity, later on, it reveals a pattern that was overly dominant in recent decades. When faced with complex challenges, nation-states think first and foremost of themselves.

Such was the case in the refugee crisis. Instead of replacing the existing inadequate European asylum policy with a system that would distribute the pressure among Member States, a number of EU countries closed their borders.

While some took responsibility, others refused out of xenophobia or a fear of losing votes. National politics dominates the solutions - or non-solutions - of international problems.

Jan Terlouw, who as well as writing children's adventure books is a former Dutch minister of economic affairs, put the problem aptly: "I hope (...) that these times will make us realise that we have to look more internationally. The problems are becoming more global, while politics does not go along with that at all".

Across Europe, history is taught in schools from a national perspective. Such a perspective focuses on 'our heroic nations past and forges an "us" versus "them" thinking that is incomplete and short-sighted. It does not teach that the nation-state is a relatively new construct, spurred on by the nationalism of the 19th and early 20th century.

It is assumed that the nation-state has gradually learned from its history and has decided in all its wisdom to slowly but surely cede more sovereignty to the European Union. A misconception has therefore crept into the collective memory: The European Union exists by the grace of the nation-states.

But recent European history reveals a different story. After the catastrophe of the Second World War, European leaders realised that they had to work towards a transnational Europe, not only to secure peace within Europe but also for geopolitical reasons. The fall of the Iron Curtain brought independence for eastern European states eager to shelter under the umbrella of the EU.

Across the continent European integration served to protect the nation-states, and it did so very effectively.

By allowing for local differences, shaping common bonds through cooperation and common arenas for political debates, the EU and its predecessors achieved a prolonged phase of peace and prosperity. So it is actually the other way round: the nation-state exists by the grace of the European Union.

Angela Merkel said when discussing the Franco-German proposal for a 500 billion EU recovery fund that the nation-state alone has no future, but, as shown repeatedly in recent years, there is no longer a shared idea about where Europe should go. European integration has stalled and the European Union is limping along.

Competences are divided and shared between the EU and nation-states in a way that utterly paralyses the European project. There is a European currency union, but no fiscal union and no European competence to levy taxes, leading to the accumulation of fiscal imbalances and inequality across member states.

There is freedom of services, but no equal social policy. There is freedom of movement, but your rights to vote do not move along with you across borders. There is a transnational European Parliament, but its parties are national.

The inconsequential nature of the EU makes Brussels an easy scapegoat and leads to irritation and misunderstanding. To move forward, however, Europe does not only need to be consequential in terms of fiscal integration and social policy, the EU needs a new story - a story of a pan-European democracy.

A pan-European democracy cannot exist without pan-European parties. The current set-up of the European Parliament is just as logical as a national democracy that only has local parties.

This is where Volt, a pan-European political party with members in every EU member state, comes in. Volt presented itself as a European party in the last European elections. Under the same name and with the same electoral programme, Volt participated in elections in eight EU countries.

Volt's ambition is to participate in local, regional and national elections in Europe. We already have local representatives in Germany, Italy and Bulgaria, members of the national parliament in the Netherlands, and one seat in the European Parliament. Volt wants to go beyond the "us and them" mentality and the limited national perspective, to put the collective European well-being first.

The lack of a European perspective in the national debate often causes people to blindly follow their government's position within Europe. How often do Dutch people hear that, in the eyes of Italians, they are stealing their tax money?

How often do Italians hear that their budget deficit could be largely reduced by addressing their black-market economy? How often do Austrians hear that their country is amongst the biggest net beneficiaries of the single market?

Every time, the answer is: almost never. Yet todays challenges have a European dimension that needs to be acknowledged in national discourse. The times where a Dutch Prime Minister says Italy is "geographically unlucky" to have to deal with the influx of refugees must come to an end.

De facto, Italy and the Netherlands along with all the other Member States of the EU share the responsibility of dealing with the challenges of the 21st century. That is why a European perspective in national debates is important.

When asked whether we are capable of change, Jan Terlouw, referring back to the comment that politics must become more global, replied:

"As a politician, I say that it remains to be seen whether politics will have the courage to seize the opportunity."

The greatest changes take place in the context of crises. The world is getting smaller, the problems are cross-border and the solutions must be sought together, in Europe and beyond.

National politics is a dead end. We need more European parties. Therefore, my appeal to the reader is to join or start a pan-European party, or encourage your political party to truly merge with like minded parties in other countries.

A political European space needs a variety of European parties representing all visions and ideas for a common European democracy that are present in our societies, let it be socioliberal, conservative, more leftist, or ecologist visions.

Only then can we free ourselves from the stranglehold of national politics. Only then can we say goodbye to the flaws in the current EU that gives ammunition to the - sometimes very justified - criticism of Eurosceptics. Only then, we can find in true democratic competition the right solutions for the challenges on our continent.

I am sure there are countless obstacles. A thousand reasons not to do it, but things always seem impossible until they're done.

Do you, like Stach on the edge of the tallest church tower, have the courage to take the plunge?

Read more here:
Pan-European politics: The EU 'needs a new story' to help solve its problems - Euronews

Rescue boat with hundreds of migrants on board asks EU to find it a port – Reuters

ROME, July 6 (Reuters) - A charity group asked the European Union on Tuesday to find a port where it can dock to disembark hundreds of migrants it has rescued in the central Mediterranean over recent days.

Some 572 people, including 183 minors, are currently onboard the Ocean Viking vessel, the SOS Mediterranee organisation said after it picked them up in six operations in Maltese and Libyan search and rescue areas.

The group said maritime authorities had not helped in the operations and urged the European Union to intervene.

Migrants rest aboard the Ocean Viking after being rescued during a search and rescue (SAR) operation in the Mediterranean Sea, July 5, 2021. Picture taken July 5, 2021. Flavio Gasperini/SOS Mediterranee/Handout via REUTERS ATTENTION EDITORS - THIS IMAGE HAS BEEN SUPPLIED BY A THIRD PARTY. NO RESALES. NO ARCHIVES. MANDATORY CREDIT

Read More

"We are calling upon the EU to at least coordinate the disembarkation of the 572 survivors currently aboard our ship," it said in a statement.

The statement did not give details of where the vessel was, but the marinetraffic.com website gave its position as between Malta and Sicily.

Migrant boat departures from north Africa towards Europe have picked up in 2021 after a decline in the previous few years.

Scores of migrants have died in recent days following shipwrecks as they tried to cross the Mediterranean to reach Italy, one of the main routes into Europe. read more

Reporting by Angelo Amante, Editing by Gavin Jones and Alison Williams

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

More here:
Rescue boat with hundreds of migrants on board asks EU to find it a port - Reuters