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New Delhi, February 19

The European Union on Friday said it had taken note of recent steps such as district council elections and the resumption of 4G Internet services in Jammu and Kashmir, and was looking forward to a number of other important steps, including the early organisation of the Legislative Assembly polls.

The comments by a spokesperson of the EU came a day after a group of 24 diplomats from the 27-member bloc returned from a two-day visit to Jammu and Kashmir.

The visit presented the opportunity to see the situation on the ground and interact with local interlocutors as part of the EU's outreach to all stakeholders, the official said, adding the EU look forward to continuing its dialogue with India on it.

"We have taken note of recent steps such as the election of district development councils and the resumption of 4G internet services. The right to freedom of expression online and offline is a key value for all democracies," the spokesperson added.

"We look forward to a number of other important steps to be taken in the political and economic sphere, including the early organisation of the Legislative Assembly elections," the spokesperson said.

The statement was released by the EU mission in Delhi in response to queries about the visit of EU envoys to the Union Territory of J&K.

The EU spokesperson also said the EU ambassador to India and several envoys of EU member states, among other countries, participated in the visit to J&K Kashmir on February 17-18 on invitation of the Ministry for External Affairs (MEA), and the programme included meetings with civil and military authorities, some newly elected political representatives, and selected representatives of civil society.

MEA spokesperson Anurag Srivastava on Thursday said the visit by 24 foreign envoys to J&K was aimed at enabling them to witness the Union Territory's march on the path of inclusive development and the dynamism in the grass roots democratic institutions following the successful conduct of the recent local elections. PTI

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Looking forward to early organisation of Assembly polls in J&K: European Union - The Tribune

After the end of the Cold War, the world grew accustomed to the notion of a single global economy, one in which political barriers were a secondary concern or applicable only to those countries adopting a deliberate policy of isolation.

Such one-world globalism was not a novel consideration. A similar idealism was a feature towards the end of World War II at the Yalta Conference, the establishment of the United Nations, and even the Bretton Woods Conference that persisted until early 1947. As historian Benn Steil has written, events came to a head that year. Leaders in the United States (US) concluded that the post-War European recovery could no longer rely on the free flow of commerce with a Soviet sphere of influence. The result was the division of the European and world economy, and the creation of the Marshall Plan, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and the European Coal and Steel Community.

Europe is once again the primary testing ground for the future cohesion of the international economy. The European Union (EU) remains one of the worlds three largest concentrations of economic activity, along with the US and China. Decisions taken by the EU and Germany in particular will have major ripple effects on much of the rest of the world.

The persistent assumption among elites in both North America and Europe was that, despite its many differences, the North Atlantic economy would remain something of a cohesive whole. It reflected shared values and history and was characterised by dense networks of exchange and institutions. Recent attempts at advancing European strategic autonomy, led by French President Emmanuel Macron, might rankle with Americans, much as Gaullism and Ostpolitik once did. But concerns in Washington are growing that transatlantic divides on global economic issues go beyond a quest for autonomy.

Such concerns were apparently realised after the finalisation, in principle, of a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) between EU and China in December. The CAIs supporters argue that the agreement had long been under negotiation; that it did not mark a capitulation on such matters as foreign direct investment screening, export controls, or disinformation; and that it ensures better market access, a level-playing field, and sustainability objectives in China.

But the voices of criticism within Europe particularly among the strategic community have been overwhelming. The criticism has less to do with the economic implications there are devils in the details and Chinas commitments are questionable. But the agreement was nonetheless an unambiguous political victory for Beijing, which may explain why Xi Jinping himself reportedly intervened to ensure a favourable outcome. At the same time, the brunt of criticism has been directed less at Brussels and more at Berlin, which is accused of having pushed through the deal for the narrow benefit of German manufacturing and telecommunications corporations.

Less than two weeks before CAI was agreed upon, US national security adviser-designate Jake Sullivan rather unusually took to Twitter to voice concern and suggest a delay before concluding the deal. The Biden-Harris administration would welcome early consultations with our European partners on our common concerns about Chinas economic practices, he wrote. While European leaders had previously indicated that their troubles with the US were a consequence of former President Donald Trumps contemptuous attitude, the failure to work with a new US administration despite such public entreaties suggests deeper discontent.

There are some important countervailing trends to suggest that Europes present rift with Washington is not irreparable and that its relationship with Beijing is not without its own challenges. The first is an unanticipated consequence of Brexit. The Biden administrations frustration with Brussels has resulted in unexpected cooperation with the Boris Johnson government in London, which has independently reached its own conclusions about Beijing. The second is an impending leadership transition in Berlin, given the outsized role that Germany played in CAI. Third, Chinese efforts in Europe have also struggled. The recent 17+1 summit a format once perceived as undermining European cohesion saw some participating countries downgrading their involvement. Other matters, such as the detention of two Canadians by China and developments in Hong Kong and Xinjiang have contributed to unified positions staked by European governments with their American counterparts.

Amid these turbulent undercurrents, the European private sector recognises the dilemma it now faces. The ability to integrate supply chains, innovation streams, data, critical components, and finance with both the US and China appears increasingly untenable. This will, over time, prove costly, hampering efficiency, knowledge, and economies of scale. The dilemma is not unique.

In both the US and India, the political consensus has shifted gradually away from economic over-dependence on China. In Indias case, it has resulted in specific outcomes a drop in Chinese imports, greater investment scrutiny, and restrictions on digital apps and public procurement.

The evolution from a one-world economy to a two-world system with its many redundancies will, unlike the post-World War II era, be long-drawn-out and costly. The differences between States, even close allies, are real but not necessarily insurmountable. Instead, greater engagement between national security communities and the private sector may be the need of the hour.

Dhruva Jaishankar is executive director, ORF America

The views expressed are personal

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EUs China dilemma is a sign of things to come - Hindustan Times

India recently invited an international group of 24 envoys to Jammu and Kashmir as part of efforts to showcase "normalcy" a year after the region was stripped of its special semiautonomous status.

Armed guards and officials from the Foreign Ministry accompanied diplomats from Europe,Africa, and Central and South Asian nationsthis week on a tour of Srinagar, Kashmir's largest city.

The envoys were then escorted to the western town of Magam, where they met several officials, including recently elected local body representatives.

"A curated tour of foreign dignitaries to showcase normalcy in the valley to the outside world is misleading," Mirwaiz Umar Farooq,a Kashmir separatist leader, told media.

Pramit Pal Chaudhuri, head of strategic affairs at theAnanta Aspen Center think tank, said India simply "wants to show the envoys the progress made in the region."

"It is now up to the envoys to independently assess the situation," he told DW.

Muslim-majorityKashmirhas been divided between India and Pakistan since they became independent countries in 1947. Both countries claim the region in its entirety. Insurgents in Kashmir have been fighting Indian rule since 1989. Some estimates suggest more than 70,000 peoplehave been killed in the armed conflict.

Prior to the 2019 amendment, Indian-controlledKashmirenjoyed semiautonomous status that gave locals special rights in land ownership and employment.

In August 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government enforced a harsh lockdown in the region, imposing monthlong restrictions on movement and suspending internet and telephone services. Additional troops were deployed, and all major Kashmiri politicians were placed under house arrest. Thousands of civil society members and activists were detained.

Though internet services have been restored, outside access to the region remains limited. Foreign journalists are not allowed in except ones approved by the government with a guided visit.

Reports of torture, disappearances and human rights violationsin Kashmir have raised concerns across the European Union.

In the months that ensued after the territory was stripped of its status in 2019, the bloc urged India and Pakistan to resolve the conflict through dialogue and come to a peaceful bilateral resolution.

The European Union emphasized a solution that respects the interests of the Kashmiri population on both sides of the India-Pakistan border, also called the Line of Control.

Analyst Chaudhuri said that, though the European Union has shown solidarity with Kashmiris regarding human rights, it regards India-administered Kashmir as "India's sovereign matter" and has failed to make the armed conflict a priority in recent years.

The European Union's statement atthe UN Human Rights Council in September 2019 did not mention Kashmir on its list of pressing human rights situations.

Mahum Shabir, a legal researcher on Kashmir at City University New York, believes that the recent Kashmir visit by some EU diplomats won't make a big difference.

"There is little that would signal an actual policy shift," she told DW, adding that the EU has a "legal obligation" to slap sanctions on India.

Shabir also criticized the EU for failing to address "the larger question of the military occupation of Kashmir and the aftermath of the abrogation of the region'sspecial status" in its 2019 parliamentary debates.

"Kashmir is inaccurately and exclusively viewed from a so-called national security lens This perspective will not help advance the security situation in the Indian subcontinent," Shabir said, adding that EU-India relations seem to have remained "unaffected" despite the ongoing conflict in Kashmir.

Following a visit to India in November 2019, German Chancellor Angela Merkel told journalists that the situation in Kashmir was "not good and not sustainable." She, however, focused on matters concerning bilateral cooperation in her official statements.

In late October 2019, members of the the European Parliament from largely far-right parties visitedIndian-administered Kashmir. Among them were two MEPs from the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party and six members from Marine Le Pen's National Rally in France.

The delegates, known for their anti-Muslim rhetoric, triggered outrage from opposition parties and civil society groups throughout India.

Chaudhuri thinks the move was a "public relationsstunt" by the Indiangovernment.

"It was completely unnecessary. This need for recognition showed insecurity. Modi's government needs to restart the democratic process in Kashmir so that there is no need for a PR stunt like that," he said.

In 1947, British India was divided into two countries - India and Pakistan. Pakistan's founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah and his All-India Muslim League party had first demanded autonomy for Muslim-majority areas in the undivided India, and only later a separate country for Muslims. Jinnah believed that Hindus and Muslims could not continue to live together, as they were distinctly different "nations."

The partition of British India was extremely violent. Following the birth of India and Pakistan, violent communal riots began in many western areas, mostly in Punjab. Historians say that more than a million people died in clashes, and millions more migrated from Indian territory to Pakistan and from the Pakistani side to India.

India and Pakistan clashed over Kashmir soon after their independence. The Muslim-majority Kashmir region was ruled by a Hindu leader, but Jinnah wanted it to be part of Pakistani territory. Indian and Pakistani troops fought in Kashmir in 1948, with India taking control of most part of the valley, while Pakistan occupied a smaller area. India and Pakistan continue to clash over Kashmir.

Liberal historians say that Jinnah and Mahatma Gandhi wanted cordial ties between newly independent states. Jinnah, for instance, believed that ties between India and Pakistan should be similar to those between the US and Canada. But after his death in 1948, his successors followed a collision course with New Delhi.

Indian and Pakistani governments present very different accounts of the partition. While India emphasizes the Indian National Congress' freedom movement against British rulers - with Gandhi as its main architect - Pakistani textbooks focus on a "struggle" against both British and Hindu "oppression." State propaganda in both countries paints each other as an "enemy" that cannot be trusted.

Diplomatic ties between India and Pakistan have remained acrimonious for the past seven decades. The issue of Islamist terrorism has marred relations in the last few years, with New Delhi accusing Islamabad of backing Islamist jihadists to wage a war in India-administered Kashmir. India also blames Pakistan-based groups for launching terror attacks on Indian soil. Islamabad denies these claims.

Many young people in both India and Pakistan are urging their governments to improve bilateral ties. Islamabad-based documentary filmmaker Wajahat Malik believes the best way for India and Pakistan to develop a closer relationship is through more interaction between their peoples. "Trade and tourism are the way forward for us. When people come together, the states will follow suit," Malik told DW.

Author: Shamil Shams

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What is the EU's stand on the Kashmir conflict? - DW (English)

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Wine sellers struggling to survive the pandemic are now also getting slammed by Uncle Sams fight with the European Union over aircraft subsidies.

Mom-and-pop wine importers are facing hundreds of thousands of dollars in added expenses this year due to ever-increasingUS tariffs slapped on winesimported from Europe. Its forcing these businesses to cut pay and staff and raise prices on customers.

This is going to put some people out of business for sure, said David Bowler, owner of Bowler Wine of Manhattan, an importer and distributor. Its like getting kicked when youre already down.WINE SALES EXPLODE DURING CORONAVIRUS QUARANTINESThe family-owned company was forced to pay $28,000 in tariffs earlier this month, or $16,000 more than it would have paid had two shipments from Europe arrived when they were supposed to on Jan. 11.

The slight delay of the 1,987 cases containing 23,844 bottles from mostly France to New York City were immediately subject to tariffs that became effective on Jan. 12 despite the fact that the wines were ordered and shipped before the tariffs were put in place.

Wine sellers struggling to survive the pandemic are now also getting slammed by Uncle Sams fight with the European Union over aircraft subsidies. (iStock) (iStock)

Overnight a $12,000 bill turned into $28,000, Bowler lamented.

The money grab kicked off in October 2019, when the Office of the US Trade Representative slapped a 25 percent tax on certain wines imported from France, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom. The tariffs covered wines with less than 14 percent alcohol, including many Ross, Sancerres and Rieslings.

Things got worse on Dec. 30 when the USTR extended the tariffs to cover wines containing more than 14 percent alcohol delivering a crushing blow to the industry.

US importers, who had never paid anything more than pennies on the bottle in import duties are now forking out 25 percent taxes on some of the wines they import from the UK, Spain and on all of the wines they import from Germany and France, which is arguably the most important wine exporter in the world.

Premium cognacs that cost $38 or more per liter were also added to the latest round of costly import taxes.

AMERICAN AIRLINES LAUNCHES WINE DELIVERY SERVICE

Bowlers company, which employs 37 people including his wife and two sons, took a 10 percent hit in revenues in 2020 only the second decline in its 17 years in business, he said.

Bowler already cut his and his wifes salaries by 20 percent and senior executives pay by 10 percent. The sales reps, whose commissions plummeted last year due to restaurant closures, were paid 90 percent of their 2019 income with the help of a Payroll Protection Program loan, Bowler said.

We were expecting to be up by five percent last year before the tariffs, he said.

Manhattan-based Vintus Wines, a family-owned importer and distributor to restaurants and wine stores, is facing an eye-popping $540,000 tax bill for orders scheduled to arrive in just the first two months of the year.

And thats on top of the extra $1.8 million in tariffs Vintus paid over the past 14 months during the first round of taxes, President Alexander Michas told The Post.

Its so frustrating, Michas said. We feel like we have no control over our business.

The tariffs are meant to pressure the EU over its subsidies to Airbus, which competes with US-based Boeing and which is politically backed by France, Germany, Spain and the UK.

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But American wine importers say they are the ones being punished instead.

We werent the point of the argument, Michas said. Weve just been dragged along and everyone feels sorry for us.

To afford the extra cash outlay, Vintus has eliminated its marketing expenses, and it will not fill three new positions it had hoped to add to the family-owned business early this year.

They are kicking US businesses in the gut in the middle of a pandemic, added Ben Aneff, president of the US Wine Trade Alliance.

Aneff, who is appealing to the Biden administration to lower the tariffs, says Bordeaux labels, which generally have a higher alcohol content, are going to be hit particularly hard.

The honeymoon is over for Bordeaux, sad Aneff, adding that Bordeaux from Frances Right Bank region and wines from its Rhone Valley will now see a spike in prices.

Its not just Bordeaux. A Karine Lauverjat Sancerre that sells for about $22 at retail will soon go up to about $28, according to Bowler, which might dissuade some consumers from purchasing it. Still, demand for less expensive wines from other parts of the world or even for American wines has not increased, say importers.

If someone wants a Sancerre, thats what they want, Bowler said. Wine is not one of these things that people are willing to compromise on. This is especially true for restaurants, which like to hold a robust selection of French wines, Michas said. They need to have products that consumers know and trust, he added.

Consumers who pay on average $15 for a bottle are paying closer to $20 now or a $15 glass of Sancerre at a restaurant is likely $17 now, Michas said.

Among the wines Vintas is receiving this month and next are those from E. Guigal of the Rhone Valley, which range in price from less than $20 a bottle to hundreds of dollars.

A 2018 vintage of Chateau Troplong Mondot of the Right Bank, which sells for about $110 a bottle, will soon cost about $140 as they reach retailers, Daniel Posner owner of Grapes The Wine Co. in White Plains, NY, told The Post.

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Even though 50 percent of his sales are French wines, Posner is holding back on bringing in some of these tariffed wines.

Posner scaled back on the number of Sancerre labels he carries from 10 to four and on everyday wines from the Cotes du Rhone region that might have cost $12, but now $15 due to the tariff.

One of his wealthy customers recently asked for a case of 2018 Chateau Lafite Rothschild, which typically goes for about $1,000 a bottle, but now itll cost $1,250 a bottle, Posner said.

I dont want my customers to pay $3,000 in tariffs, so I asked him to wait at least until the fall, when the tariff will be re-evaluated, Posner said, referring to the cost of the tariffs on a case of 12 bottles.

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US fight with European Union having unexpected affect on mom-and-pop liquor stores - Fox Business

Greece is in favor of maintaining communication and dialogue channels between the European Union and Russia, said the representative of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alexandros Papaioannou.

First of all, I would like to emphasise that we are talking about relations between the European Union and Russia and not about bilateral relations between Greece and Russia. This is different, said Papaioannou.

His response was to a question about the position of Greece regarding sanctions against the Nord Stream 2 pipeline that will deliver Russian gas to Germany via the Baltic Sea and whether Athens is expected to support these sanctions.

Greece believes that the European Union must maintain open channels of communication and dialogue with Russia because we have many common problems. Therefore, there must always be an open channel, he stressed.

According to him, it is not yet known whether the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline will be discussed.

I do not know at this time whether such a discussion will take place, said a spokesperson for the Greek Foreign Ministry.

There will be a wide-ranging discussion on EU-Russia relations, and in this context we are among the countries that emphasize that we must maintain the channels of communication and dialogue, they added.

READ MORE: Dendias to Lavrov: Russias role in the Greek Revolution was important.

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Greece Wants The European Union And Russia To Have Open Channels Of Communication: Foreign Ministry - Greek - GreekCityTimes.com