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For Europe's rebel leader, when your enemies are ganging up it's time to make a powerful new friend.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently thumbed his nose at the European Union, which has criticized him for cronyism and undermining the rule of law in his country. But through an unlikely alliance with French President Emmanuel Macron, it might be Orban helping force the EU to change its ways.

When it comes to how to approach Vladimir Putin's Russia and Donald Trump's U.S., the common ground is growing. The relationship could prove pivotal in 2020 as Britain leaves the bloc and German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who has served as a bridge between east and west, takes more of a backseat.

Indeed, shifting alliances threaten to make a renewed effort to bring Orban to heel all but redundant. He faces potential expulsion from the European People's Party, the largest group in the European Parliament, after former European Council chief Donald Tusk took over its leadership and vowed to purge it of populists. The EPP may vote next month on whether to boot out Orban's Fidesz party but it may no longer mean a costly isolation.

"Orban and Macron come from very different places but both seek to disrupt the status quo," said Daniel Hegedus, a fellow at the German Marshall Fund in Berlin. "There's now talk of an Orban-Macron axis in Europe."

Orban, the anti-immigration proponent of "illiberal democracy," and Macron, who is bidding to become the continent's main power broker, are the standard-bearers for two very different visions for Europe.

Yet the camaraderie on display in October when Orban was received by an honor guard at the Elysee Palace in Paris was unmistakable. An hour was scheduled for the meeting and it ended up lasting more than two.

That was a sharp contrast to Macron's early days in office. During his presidential campaign in 2017, he called out populists like Orban for using the EU as a "supermarket," taking its funding but leaving democratic commitments on the shelf.

Macron also made a point of skipping Budapest on his first tour of eastern Europe and he replaced his ambassador to Hungary after the latter called Orban's policies a "model" for Europe. Orban, 56, dismissed Macron, 42, as the "new kid" on the bloc who didn't understand the region.

When Orban paid a visit to the Italian nationalist Matteo Salvini in August the following year, Macron said "if they want to see me as their main opponent, they're right." A few weeks later he called a European Parliament vote censuring Orban as a first step in the fight against "illiberals" in the region.

Last year, though, saw a convergence of interests as Macron sought to broaden his alliances across the continent.

In the European Parliament during the summer, they linked up in backroom deals in Brussels to retain the supremacy of national leaders to elect the head of the next EU executive, rejecting the EPP choice for president of the European Commission.

Orban's aides see common ground on some of the biggest issues facing Europe, including how to manage relations with Russia and the U.S. The Hungarian leader has long argued for a detente with Putin over the EU's objections.

For Macron, the new entente between the two men says something about his change in tactics in Europe. He's stopped with this "us against them" approach to confront what Merkel and Tusk have called the forces of darkness.

The French president is dispatching his foreign minister to several eastern European countries early this year. His calls to toughen environmental policies and to force countries within the border-free Schengen zone to take on more migrants or risk expulsion will likely face pushback from in the region.

"They may have different points of view in detail, but both feel that the EU needs to agree on a common approach on how we deal with China, Russia or the U.S.," Hungarian Justice Minister Judit Varga said in an interview with German newspaper Die Welt last month.

The two men have both shown they have a keen eye for political opportunity. Both have disrupted the status quo at home and want to wield more influence abroad.

When Orban first came to power in 1998, he was the young, fresh-faced leader who represented the new Europe that emerged after the end of the Cold War less than a decade earlier. When Macron formed a new party to snatch the French presidency, he won similar accolades as the man to help steer European politics away from the nationalism that threatened to undermine the EU.

The question is how another adept political operator fits into the equation. Tusk, the former Polish prime minister and European Council president, is marshaling the EPP to fight for the political center ground. He called on members in a fiery speech in Zagreb in November to disavow populism, which was widely interpreted as an ultimatum aimed at Orban.

Orban's Fidesz party was already suspended in March for its opposition to liberal democracy and courting of far-right leaders. Macron, whose En Marche also isn't a member of the EPP, criticized the group at the time for being too soft on Orban.

The EPP has asked a trio of "wise men" to assess Fidesz and the panel submitted its report to Tusk, Hungarian newspaper Nepszava reported on Friday. Orban has said he would quit the EPP before a formal ouster could take place.

"The issue of Orban and the EPP is nested inside a much bigger battle for power and influence in the EU," said Richard Youngs, a Madrid-based analyst at Carnegie Europe, "with Macron shaking things up."

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Orban and Macron: The frenemies who want to shake up Europe - Stars and Stripes

Save to read list Published by Aimee Knight, Editorial Assistant World Pipelines, Thursday, 09 January 2020 09:30

HoldTight Solutions, Inc. has announced the expansion of its global footprint with production beginning in Germany. This expansion results from an increased demand in the European Union market and the planned distributor partners for its flagship product, HoldTight 102. The company will leverage the geographic reach of the state-of-the art manufacturing and distribution plant to keep costs in line with their US pricing structure, increasing its global presence to ensure optimal product satisfaction while offering a source of supply closer to customer projects.

Were very excited to begin production in Germany, says Ken Rossy, Vice President of Sales and Marketing for HoldTight Solutions. This demonstrates our further commitment to our global distributors and a testament to the organic growth we have seen in our international business, more specifically the European Union, over the last 18 months.

The facility has already produced its first shipment and will be at full operational capacity by the end of November of this year. This plant will be set up to focus on fulfilling the increased demand for protective coatings and maintenance projects, especially within the marine and pipeline industries. It will potentially serve other markets in the area, including Asia Pacific.

This new location allows us to better align our services with our customers demands in a whole new landscape, says Rossy. This expansion also grants us the opportunity to add even more distributors to our growing list in key international regions. We are actively seeking distributors in the European Union area as we continue to grow.

Read the article online at: https://www.worldpipelines.com/business-news/09012020/holdtight-solutions-inc-announces-the-start-of-production-in-the-european-union/

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HoldTight Solutions, Inc. announces the start of production in the European Union - World Pipelines

No Chinese company is an independent company, Norbert Rttgen, a former government minister from Ms. Merkels party, said recently, adding that Huaweis involvement was an imminent question of national security.

Yet one German telecommunication company, Telefonica Deutschland, has announced that it intends to contract Huawei for its 5G development.

European Union rules make it difficult to target individual companies for political reasons. The bloc could impose stringent standards of conduct and openness for 5G contractors that could be used to restrict Huawei but, as yet, has simply let each member country to decide how to proceed.

Distrust toward the Trump administration is also a significant factor, as European policymakers worry that American sanctions on Huawei are simply a bargaining chip in the United States broader trade war with China and might be reversed.

There is a fear that if you take what potentially are quite expensive decisions with regards to 5G because the Americans have told you that they are a security problem, and then President Trump gets a trade deal with China and suddenly Huawei is all O.K. again, then youll feel like the earth has moved under your feet, said Ian Bond, director of foreign policy at the Center for European Reform, a policy group in London.

Years before the advent of 5G, Huawei was establishing a major presence in Europe, where it ranks third in mobile phone sales, behind Samsung and Apple. The company says it has 12,000 employees, and 23 research and development centers in Europe, a way of building favor and familiarity with policymakers.

And it has moved boldly to position itself in Brussels.

Huawei has spent more than $3 million this year on advertising and lobbying, according to its disclosures in the European Union lobbying registry. That is more than the combined spending of its European 5G competitors, Ericsson and Nokia, and far more than its American rival, Qualcomm.

Original post:
Blocked in U.S., Huawei Touts Shared Values to Compete in Europe - The New York Times

Polands Supreme Court warned this week the eastern European country could be forced to leave the ... [+] bloc if the proposals were voted through. Photo by Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Armed with European flags in hand, thousands of protesters have marched across Poland this week in opposition of a law that could allow the government the power to fire and control the judiciary if it disagrees with its court reforms.

On Friday, Polands parliament defied Brussels by voting in favor of the controversial bill even after European Commission Vice President Vera Jourova asked authorities to hold off the vote and consult with external legal experts beforehand.

Polands ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party has promised to continue reforming the countrys justice system since its re-election in Octoberbut its ideas for a judicial overhaul have caused it to clash repeatedly with Brussels.

And Polands Supreme Court warned this week the eastern European country could be forced to leave the bloc if the proposals were voted through.

Contradictions between Polish law and EU law will in all likelihood lead to an intervention by the EU institutions regarding an infringement of the EU treaties, and in the longer perspective (will lead to) the need to leave the European Union, Polands Supreme Court said in a statement on December 17.

Parliament slightly tweaked the proposals to remove a policy that would have required judges to give the names of social media accounts they use under a pseudonym.

But another controversial part of the bill was passed, which could see judges lose their jobs or face pay cuts if they question the competence of their peers appointed by a newly created court, whose impartiality has been called into question by the European Court of Justice.

The PiS, which has been in power since 2015, argues the changes are needed to tackle corruption and rid the judiciary of communist-era judges.

But the EU has continuously accused PiS of trying to politicize the judiciary. Last year, the EU forced Poland to abandon a law that lowered the retirement age for Supreme Court judges as it said it breached EU rules. And in 2017, Brussels trigged Article 7 against Polanda law that can suspend a members EU voting rightsdue to concerns about government influence on the judiciary.

Poland has become more of a distant EU member since it joined the bloc in 2004. It was the only country not to sign up to the European Commissions Green Deal and it is not a Eurozone member.

The EU has continuously accused PiS of trying to politicize the judiciary. (Photo by Beata ... [+] Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

"We [Poland] are leaving the EU step by step. It's not an exaggeration. This departs from all the norms on which the European Union is built," former EU Council president Donald Tusk, who is also a former Polish prime minister, told reporters this week.

The new law will pose a major test for the new Commission president as PiS voted for Ursula von der Leyen and was key to swaying the narrow vote in her favor.

But a Polish exit from the bloc looks unlikely, according to analysts.

It would be the EUs exit from Poland, not the other way around, said Pawel Zerka, a policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations think tank.

Zerka believes despite the new law bringing inevitable tensions between the EU and Poland, a more likely outcome would be less EU funds being allocated to Poland and increasing frustration from Brussels.

He says while the reforms are very dangerous, they are mostly meant for internal politics.

Leader of Poland's ruling party Jaroslaw Kaczynski is facing a tight presidential election next year ... [+] (AP Photo)

The Senate will now vote on the new law for it to come into force. But PiS lost control of the upper house to the opposition in November.

And the election for the presidency next year is also looking close for PiS leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski.

In theory, even if the senate vetoes the judicial reforms, the president would have a final say.

But Zerka said the president could then vote against the reforms, saying he is an homme dtat" to boost his image.

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Could Poland Be Next To Exit The European Union Due To Judicial Overhauls? - Forbes

Now that we know that Boris Johnson will get Brexit done by the end of January 2020, what are the implications for English as an official language of the European Union and in the European parliament? Could it stop being used when Britain leaves?

In 2016 Danuta Hbner, an MEP and chair of the European parliaments constitutional affairs committee, was quoted as saying, If we dont have the UK, we dont have English. But is it as simple as that?

Until the 1990s, the dominant language of the EU was French. When the EU was the EC (European Community) and the official language policy was defined, Dutch, French, German and Italian were identified as the working languages. However, as more countries joined, many of which had English as a second or additional language, the number of English speakers grew until English became the majority common language.

Currently, the EU lists 24 official and working languages. The UK is the only member country that gives English as its official language. There are a few member countries that commonly use English but have nominated a different language as their EU official language. For instance, the Republic of Ireland gives Irish Gaelic as its official language, and Malta gives Maltese.

When Britain withdraws from the EU (and leaving aside possible negotiations with Scotland or other territories), in order to remove English as an official language, as clarified in a statement on behalf of the European commission in Ireland dated 27 June 2016, there would have to be a unanimous vote in the European parliament in favour of doing so. Speaking at the time of the referendum, in 2016, the German EU commissioner Gnther Oettinger explained, We have a series of member states that speak English, and English is the world language which we all accept. So, even if there was the will to do so, getting rid of English wouldnt be straightfoward.

Even if it did come to that, would it be a knock-down blow for the language? Historically, English has weathered a number of storms. When colonies of the British empire sought to gain their independence, it may have seemed logical for English the language of the oppressors to be rejected at the same time. The fact that this did not happen, and that English is used as an official first or second language in more than 70 countries worldwide, points in part to its developing socioeconomic and political status during the 20th century. The number of speakers for whom English is an unofficial second or foreign language is greater than all other English language speakers, and continues to grow. With the decline of the British empire came the rise of the United States, which has English as its official language. Prof Lynne Murphy from the University of Sussex believes the US saved the English language. From the perspective of its use as a global lingua franca, she has got a point.

In fact, in some postcolonial situations, English is regarded as a more or less neutral language. In India, for example, English was supposed to be phased out post-independence in 1947 in favour of Hindi. However, as not everyone in India speaks Hindi, and many do not want to for various cultural and political reasons, English continued to be used, and is now an official language of India. In Hong Kong, English is still an official language despite the return of the territory to the Peoples Republic of China in 1997. As Hong Kong is an international hub for trade and finance, this makes pragmatic sense, but there is also evidence that Hong Kong people feel that the English language is part of their identity something that makes Hong Kong distinctive from mainland China. Singapore has speakers of Malay, Chinese (various dialects) and Tamil, among others; in this context, English is a unifying language.

But these Englishes are not British English, or even American English. The Englishes spoken around the world have developed their own vocabulary and grammar; Euro-English is no exception. English simply does not belong to traditional native English speakers any more: it belongs to everyone who speaks it, and it will develop and change depending on the communicative needs of speech communities. Brits and Americans need to bear this in mind when using English in international settings, as they cannot assume they will be understood by every English speaker.

So, will English cease to be a language of the EU? Probably not in the short to medium term, either in conversations between EU member countries, MEPs, or in EU interaction with other countries around the world. One Swedish MEP even suggested that communications in the EU could be fairer in English, as it will be everyones second language.

In the long term, however, the continued dominance of English as a global language may depend on its political and socioeconomic fortunes. As it is so well-established and widespread, I believe it is likely to be used as a global lingua franca for some time. But situations and languages change. I think it was Andy Hamilton who pointed out that, once Latin was everyones second language, it was no longer anyones first.

Jane Setter is professor of phonetics at the University of Reading

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Will Brexit spell the end of English as an official EU language? - The Guardian