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British Prime Minister Boris Johnson signaled Monday that a plan to rip up parts of the post-Brexit trade deal he signed with the European Union could become law by the end of the year.

Lawmakers began debating legislation that rewrites trade rules for Northern Ireland on Monday, the first step on what could be a rocky journey through Parliament.

If approved by lawmakers, the legislation would remove checks on goods entering Northern Ireland from the rest of the U.K., thereby scrapping parts of a trade treaty that Johnson signed before Britain left the EU in 2020.

Johnson said he thought the plan could be approved fairly rapidly if Parliament cooperates. Asked if the measures could be in place this year, he said: Yes, I think we could do it very fast, Parliament willing.

The British government says the rules, known as the Northern Ireland Protocol, are burdening businesses and undermining peace in Northern Ireland. It argues the unilateral move is justified under international law because of the genuinely exceptional situation.

Johnsons opponents, however, say the move is illegal.

Many of us are extremely concerned that the bill brazenly breaks a solemn international treaty, it trashes our international reputation, it threatens a trade war at a time when our economy is flat and it puts us at odds with our most important ally, Conservative Andrew Mitchell said in Parliament Monday.

Foreign Secretary Liz Truss replied that the governments plans are the only solution to resolve trade problems in Northern Ireland because the EU has been unwilling to reopen negotiations.

The plans have caused concern among some of Johnsons fellow Conservatives, already worried about his judgment and popularity following a series of ethics scandals and two special election defeats.

But Johnson said Monday that questions about his leadership are no longer relevant.

We settled that a couple of weeks ago, he told reporters in Germany, referring to his survival in a no-confidence vote three weeks ago.

The EU has threatened to retaliate against the U.K. if it goes ahead with its plan to rewrite the rules of the post-Brexit deal, raising the specter of a trade war between the two major economic partners.

Irish Foreign Affairs Minister Simon Coveney said he was hugely disappointed that the U.K. government is still pursuing its unlawful approach to the Northern Ireland Protocol.

This is not the way to find sustainable solutions to the genuine concerns of people and business in Northern Ireland and only adds to uncertainty, he said.

The blocs ambassador to Britain, Joao Vale de Almeida, said Britains plan was illegal because it is a breach of international law, a breach of EU law, U.K. law and international law.

It is a treaty that we signed, ratified and even went through a general election in this country, he told Times Radio.

Northern Ireland is the only part of the U.K. that shares a border with an EU country, Ireland. When Britain left the European Union and its borderless free-trade zone, the two sides agreed to keep the Irish land border free of customs posts and other checks because an open border is a key pillar of the peace process that ended decades of violence in Northern Ireland.

Instead, to protect the EUs single market, there are checks on some goods, such as meat and eggs, entering Northern Ireland from the rest of the U.K.

Johnsons Conservative government claims overzealous EU implementation means the rules are not working as expected and are causing a political crisis in Northern Ireland.

You have got one tradition, one community, that feels that things really arent working in a way that they like or understand youve got unnecessary barriers to trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Johnson said.

All we are saying is you can get rid of those whilst not in any way endangering the EU single market, he said.

British unionists there say the checks are fraying the bonds between Northern Ireland and the rest of the U.K., seen by some unionists as a threat to their British identity. Northern Irelands main unionist party is blocking the formation of a new power-sharing government in Belfast, saying it wont take part until the Brexit trade rules are scrapped.

I want to see the reestablishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive, and the protocol is getting in the way of that, Lewis told Sky News. We have got to resolve that. Thats what this legislation will do.

Ultimately, we want to do this by agreement with the EU, he added. But to do that, they need to show some flexibility and actually come and negotiate in a flexible way.

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U.K. presses on with rewrite of Brexit rules while EU calls it illegal - Los Angeles Times

Sanofi - Aventis Groupe

Nexviadyme (avalglucosidase alfa) approved by European Commission as a potential new standard of care for the treatment of Pompe Disease

Approved for the treatment of the full spectrum of both late-onset Pompe disease and infantile-onset Pompe disease

First new treatment option approved for the Pompe community in Europe in more than 15 years

Paris, June 28, 2022 The European Commission has granted marketing authorization for Nexviadyme (avalglucosidase alfa), an enzyme replacement therapy (ERT) for the long-term treatment of both late-onset and infantile-onset Pompe disease, a rare, progressive and debilitating muscle disorder. Nexviadyme is the first and only newly approved medicine for Pompe disease in Europe since 2006, when the European Commission authorized the marketing of alglucosidase alfa, branded Myozyme.

Benedikt Schoser, MD.Senior Consultant and Professor, Friedrich-Baur-Institute, Department of Neurology, Ludwig-Maximilians-University MunichThe approval of Nexviadyme in Europe to treat Pompe disease is backed by a robust body of evidence showing clinically meaningful improvements that can impact quality of life. The totality and rigor of the data is particularly noteworthy given the complexities of research and development for such a rare and progressive condition. Nexviadymes demonstrated clinical benefit and molecular innovation bring a new treatment option to people living with Pompe disease who continue to face unmet needs.

Addressing an unmet need for people living with Pompe disease

Pompe disease can present as infantile-onset Pompe disease (IOPD), the most severe form of the disease with rapid onset in infancy, or late-onset Pompe disease (LOPD), which progressively damages muscles over time. If left untreated, IOPD can lead to heart failure and death within the first year of life, while people with LOPD may require mechanical ventilation to help with breathing or a wheelchair to assist with mobility as the disease progresses.

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Nexviadyme now approved in many countries around the world

Nexviadyme is approved in multiple markets around the world for the treatment of certain people living with Pompe disease, including the European Union, the United States, Japan, Canada, Switzerland, Australia, Brazil, Taiwan and the United Arab Emirates. Outside of Europe, the treatment is marketed under the brand name Nexviazyme. In the U.S. and Japan, the majority of the Myozyme (alglucosidase alfa)-treated population has started, or is in the process of starting, treatment with Nexviazyme (avalglucosidase alfa).

In November 2021, Sanofi announced that as part of the European Medicines Agencys (EMA) review of Nexviadyme, the Committee for Medicinal Products for Human Use (CHMP) issued an opinion that the therapy does not qualify as a New Active Substance (NAS). In April 2022, the Committee for Orphan Medicinal Product (COMP) also recommended Nexviadyme be removed from the Community Register of Orphan Medicinal Products (OMP).

Sanofi strongly disagrees with both opinions and believes these conclusions were the result of an erroneous and very narrow interpretation of the NAS and OMP principles that demonstrate molecular innovation and clinical benefit. Sanofi stands by the totality of data in support of Nexviadyme as a potential new standard of care and is concerned that such narrow interpretation will undermine rare disease incentive mechanisms in Europe. We believe withholding these distinct designations could negatively impact patient health in Europe by restricting access to innovative advancements in care.

Bill SiboldExecutive Vice President, Specialty Care, SanofiFor more than two decades, weve been working with the community and leveraging our scientific expertise to improve care for people living with Pompe disease. We strongly believe in the meaningful clinical benefits of this medicine as a new standard of care and will work hard to ensure the broadest possible access in Europe despite the European Commissions failure to recognize Nexviadymes NAS and OMP designations. We call on patient advocacy groups, policymakers, clinicians and patients to join us in our efforts to ensure innovative treatments are appropriately recognized and made available to patients in Europe and beyond.

Nexviadyme, a new ERT for late-onset Pompe disease and infantile-onset Pompe Disease

Positive outcomes in key disease burden measures

In a robust clinical development program, Nexviadyme demonstrated clinically meaningful differences in key areas of disease burden for people living with late-onset Pompe disease and infantile-onset Pompe disease.

Results from the COMET study comparing Nexviadyme to alglucosidase alfa in LOPD at 49 weeks included:

Patients treated with Nexviadyme showed a 2.9% improvement from baseline (SE=0.9) in forced vital capacity (FVC) percent-predicted, a key measure of respiratory function and the studys primary endpoint, which was 2.4% points greater as compared to the change with alglucosidase alfa. This difference exceeded the non-inferiority margin (p=0.0074; 95% CI, -0.13, 4.99). Statistical superiority was narrowly missed (p=0.06).

Patients treated with Nexviadyme walked 32.2 meters farther (SE=9.9) compared to baseline in the 6-minute walk test (6MWT), a key secondary endpoint, which was 30 meters farther (p=0.040; 95% CI, 1.33, 58.69) than the change with alglucosidase alfa. Formal statistical testing for all secondary endpoints was not conducted.

Results from the Mini-COMET study evaluating Nexviadyme in IOPD patients showed improvement or stabilization at six months in efficacy outcomes, the trials secondary objective, of gross motor function measure (GMFM-88), quick motor function test (QMFT), pediatric evaluation of disability index (Pompe-PEDI), left ventricular mass z-score (LVMZ), and eyelid position measurements in patients previously declining or insufficiently controlled with alglucosidase alfa.

A pooled safety analysis from four clinical studies found serious adverse reactions reported in patients treated with Nexviadyme included chills (1.4%), headache, dyspnoea, respiratory distress, nausea, skin discoloration, chest discomfort, pyrexia, blood pressure increased, body temperature increased, heart rate increased, and oxygen saturation decreased (0.7% each). Additionally, hypersensitivity reactions (43.5%), anaphylaxis (1.4%) and infusion-associated reactions (26.1%) were reported. The most frequently reported adverse drug reactions (ADRs) (>5%) were pruritus (9.4%), rash (8%), headache (7.2%), urticaria (6.5%), fatigue (6.5%), nausea (5.8%), and chills (5.1%).

Mechanism of action designed for increased uptake

People living with Pompe disease have low levels of the enzyme acid alpha-glucosidase (GAA), which results in build-up of glycogen, leading to irreversible damage to skeletal and cardiac muscles. Nexviadyme is specifically designed to target the mannose-6-phosphate (M6P) receptor, the key pathway for cellular uptake of ERT and transport to the lysosome, and has an average 15-fold higher level of M6P moieties as compared to alglucosidase alfa. Nexviadyme aims to help improve uptake and enhance glycogen clearance in target tissues as compared to alglucosidase alfa, which was used as the comparator arm in the pivotal Phase 3 COMET study.

About SanofiWe are an innovative global healthcare company, driven by one purpose: we chase the miracles of science to improve peoples lives. Our team, across some 100 countries, is dedicated to transforming the practice of medicine by working to turn the impossible into the possible. We provide potentially life-changing treatment options and life-saving vaccine protection to millions of people globally, while putting sustainability and social responsibility at the center of our ambitions.

Sanofi is listed on EURONEXT: SAN and NASDAQ: SNY

Media RelationsSandrine Guendoul | + 33 6 25 09 14 25 | sandrine.guendoul@sanofi.comSally Bain|+ 1 617 834 6026 |sally.bain@sanofi.comKate Conway|+ 1508364 4931 |kate.conway@sanofi.com

Investor RelationsEva Schaefer-Jansen | + 33 7 86 80 56 39 | eva.schaefer-jansen@sanofi.comArnaud Delpine | + 33 06 73 69 36 93 | arnaud.delepine@sanofi.comCorentine Driancourt | + 33 06 40 56 92 | corentine.driancourt@sanofi.comFelix Lauscher | + 1 908 612 7239 | felix.lauscher@sanofi.comPriya Nanduri |+1 617 764 6418 | priya.nanduri@sanofi.comNathalie Pham | + 33 07 85 93 30 17 | nathalie.pham@sanofi.com

Sanofi Forward-Looking StatementsThis press release contains forward-looking statements as defined in the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, as amended. Forward-looking statements are statements that are not historical facts. These statements include projections and estimates regarding the marketing and other potential of the product, or regarding potential future revenues from the product. Forward-looking statements are generally identified by the words expects, anticipates, believes, intends, estimates, plans and similar expressions. Although Sanofis management believes that the expectations reflected in such forward-looking statements are reasonable, investors are cautioned that forward-looking information and statements are subject to various risks and uncertainties, many of which are difficult to predict and generally beyond the control of Sanofi, that could cause actual results and developments to differ materially from those expressed in, or implied or projected by, the forward-looking information and statements. These risks and uncertainties include among other things, unexpected regulatory actions or delays, or government regulation generally, that could affect the availability or commercial potential of the product, the fact that product may not be commercially successful, the uncertainties inherent in research and development, including future clinical data and analysis of existing clinical data relating to the product, including post marketing, unexpected safety, quality or manufacturing issues, competition in general, risks associated with intellectual property and any related future litigation and the ultimate outcome of such litigation, and volatile economic and market conditions, and the impact that COVID-19 will have on us, our customers, suppliers, vendors, and other business partners, and the financial condition of any one of them, as well as on our employees and on the global economy as a whole. Any material effect of COVID-19 on any of the foregoing could also adversely impact us. This situation is changing rapidly and additional impacts may arise of which we are not currently aware and may exacerbate other previously identified risks. The risks and uncertainties also include the uncertainties discussed or identified in the public filings with the SEC and the AMF made by Sanofi, including those listed under Risk Factors and Cautionary Statement Regarding Forward-Looking Statements in Sanofis annual report on Form 20-F for the year ended December 31, 2021. Other than as required by applicable law, Sanofi does not undertake any obligation to update or revise any forward-looking information or statements.

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Press Release: Nexviadyme (avalglucosidase alfa) approved by European Commission as a potential new standard of care for the treatment of Pompe...

EMA has recommended granting a conditional marketing authorisation in the European Union (EU) for Roctavian (valoctocogene roxaparvovec) for the treatment of severe haemophiliaA in adults who do not have factorVIII inhibitors (auto-antibodies produced by the immune system which make factor VIII medicines less effective) and no antibodies to adeno-associated virus serotype 5 (AAV5).

Patients with haemophiliaA cannot produce factorVIII (an essential protein required for blood to clot and stop bleeding); they are more prone to bleeding and have prolonged bleeding, e.g. after injury or surgery. Haemophilia A is a rare debilitating disease affecting approximately 0.7 in 10,000 people in the EU. It is life long and may be life threatening when bleeding occurs in the brain, the spinal cord or the gut.

Medicines currently authorised for treating haemophilia A mostly contain factor VIII, to replace the missing protein. Available treatments require one or more injections per week or per month and are lifelong. Therefore, there is an unmet medical need for new therapeutic approaches that might free patients from frequent injections.

Roctavian is the first gene therapy to treat haemophilia A. The active substance in Roctavian, valoctocogene roxaparvovec, is based on a virus (adeno-associated virus or AAV) which has been modified to not cause disease in humans. The virus contains the gene for factor VIII; once given to a patient as a one-off infusion, it is expected to carry the factor-VIII gene into the liver cells, enabling them to produce the missing factor VIII. This helps the blood to clot more easily and prevents bleeding or reduces bleeding episodes. It is yet unknown how long the treatment effect from this single infusion will last in an individual patient. A sustained positive treatment effect of up to two years following a single infusion has been reported in approximately one hundred patients in the main study and up to five years in a few patients in a supportive trial conducted by the applicant. Longer-term follow-up tests may be required to verify a continued safe and effective response to the medicine.

EMAs recommendation is based on the results ofa Phase 3 single-arm (main study), non-randomised study in 134 male patients with haemophilia A without a history of factor VIII inhibitor and without detectable pre-existing antibodies to AAV5. Two years after the administration, efficacy data showed that the therapy significantly increased factor VIII activity levels in the majority of patients. Bleeding rates were reduced by 85% and most patients (128) no longer needed factor VIII replacement therapy.

Hepatotoxicity (liver damage), a common side effect due to immune reaction induced by these AAV-based gene therapies and characterised so far by an increase in the levels of a liver enzyme called alanine aminotransferase (ALT), has been reported with Roctavian. The condition can be treated successfully with corticosteroids. Other common side effects include headache, joint pain and nausea.

Patients treated with Roctavian will be monitored for 15 years, to ensure the long-term efficacy and safety of this gene therapy.

Roctavian was supported through EMA's PRIority MEdicines (PRIME) scheme, which provides early and enhanced scientific and regulatory support to medicines that have a particular potential to address patients' unmet medical needs.

In its overall assessment of the available data, the Committee for Advanced Therapies (CAT), EMA's expert committee for cell- and gene-based medicines, found that the benefits of Roctavian outweighed the possible risks in patients with haemophilia A.

The CHMP, EMAs human medicines committee, agreed with the CATs assessment and positive opinion, and recommended approval of this medicine.

The opinion adopted by theCHMPis an intermediary step on Roctavians path to patient access. The opinion will now be sent to the European Commission for the adoption of a decision on an EU-widemarketing authorisation. Once amarketing authorisationhas been granted, decisions about price and reimbursement will take place at the level of each Member State, taking into account the potential role or use of this medicine in the context of the national health system of that country.

Notes:

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First gene therapy to treat severe haemophilia A | European Medicines Agency - European Medicines Agency |

BRUSSELS (AP) The European Union agreed Thursday to put Ukraine on a path toward EU membership, acting with uncharacteristic speed and unity to pull the embattled country further away from Russias influence and bind it more closely to the West.

Meeting at a summit in Brussels, leaders of the EUs 27 nations mustered the required unanimous approval to grant Ukraine candidate status. That sets in motion a process that could take years or even decades.

The EU also granted candidate status to the tiny country of Moldova, another former Soviet state that borders Ukraine.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen pronounced it a good day for Europe.

WATCH: What European Union membership would mean for war-torn Ukraine

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy tweeted his gratitude and declared: Ukraines future is within the EU.

Ukraine applied for membership less than a week after Moscow invaded on Feb. 24. Thursdays decision was unusually rapid for the EU. But the war and Ukraines request for fast-track consideration lent urgency to its cause.

To gain EU membership, countries must meet a detailed host of economic and political conditions, including a commitment to the rule of law and other democratic principles. Ukraine, among other things, will also have to curb entrenched government corruption and adopt other reforms.

The European Parliament endorsed Ukraines bid hours before the summit started, passing a resolution that called on EU governments to move without delay and live up to their historical responsibility.

It will strengthen Ukraine, it will strengthen Europe. It is a decision for freedom and democracy and puts us on the right side of history, European Parliament President Roberta Metsola said ahead of the final announcement.

The EUs nations have been united in backing Ukraine in its fight against Russias invasion with money and weapons, adopting unprecedented economic sanctions against the Kremlin.

EU candidate status doesnt give an automatic right to join the bloc and doesnt provide any immediate security guarantees.

Once a country gains membership, however, it is covered under an EU treaty clause that says if a member falls victim to armed aggression, the other EU countries are obligated to assist it by all the means in their power.

The main benefits of EU membership, though, are economic, since it gives access to a market of 450 million consumers with free movement of labor, goods, services and capital.

Ukraine has long aspired to join NATO, too, but the military alliance is not about to offer an invitation, in part because of governmental corruption, shortcomings in the countrys defense establishment, and its contested borders.

READ MORE: German Chancellor Scholz says G-7 will support Ukraine for as long as necessary

Before the war, Russian President Vladimir Putin demanded that Ukraine never be allowed to join NATO, which he has condemned for its eastward spread toward Russias flank. But earlier this month, he did not seem bothered by Ukraines determination to get closer to the EU, saying it is not a military pact and thus we have no objections.

The membership process can be long and tortuous.

Turkey, for example, applied for membership in 1987, received candidate status in 1999, and had to wait until 2005 to start talks for actual entry. Only one of more than 30 negotiating chapters has been completed in the years since, and the whole process is at a standstill as a result of various disputes between the EU and Turkey.

Similarly, several Balkan countries have been seeking without success for many years to join the EU.

European officials have said that Ukraine has already adopted about 70% of the EU rules and standards, but they also have pointed to corruption and the need for deep political and economic reforms in the country.

Considerable efforts will be needed, especially in the fight against corruption and the establishment of an effective rule of law, Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo said. But I am convinced that it is precisely the (postwar) reconstruction of Ukraine that will provide opportunities to take important steps forward.

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European Union puts Ukraine on a path toward EU membership - PBS NewsHour

Russias invasion of Ukraine has driven a wedge between the European Union and China, and for the first time in the history of their relationship, Brussels is ready to go on the offensive.

The worlds second and third-largest economies have been at loggerheads since March 2021, when the European Parliament halted ratification of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment over human rights concerns. But since Russian forces entered Ukraine on Feb. 24, relations have cratered, and there seems to be little prospect of any reconciliation.

Brussels is irate at Beijings refusal to condemn Russian aggression in Ukraine. In the early days of the war, EU officials hoped that China would try to broker a peace deal, but a frosty virtual summit between EU leaders and Chinese President Xi Jinping on April 1 dashed these expectations. More importantly though, the war in Ukraine has forced Europe to start thinking geopolitically for the first time since 1991. EU countries growth expectations for 2022 have been slashed amid spiking energy prices. The EUs long-standing assumption that economics can be a substitute for actual foreign policy in dealing with authoritarian states now looks like a bad bet.

Russias invasion of Ukraine has driven a wedge between the European Union and China, and for the first time in the history of their relationship, Brussels is ready to go on the offensive.

The worlds second and third-largest economies have been at loggerheads since March 2021, when the European Parliament halted ratification of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment over human rights concerns. But since Russian forces entered Ukraine on Feb. 24, relations have cratered, and there seems to be little prospect of any reconciliation.

Brussels is irate at Beijings refusal to condemn Russian aggression in Ukraine. In the early days of the war, EU officials hoped that China would try to broker a peace deal, but a frosty virtual summit between EU leaders and Chinese President Xi Jinping on April 1 dashed these expectations. More importantly though, the war in Ukraine has forced Europe to start thinking geopolitically for the first time since 1991. EU countries growth expectations for 2022 have been slashed amid spiking energy prices. The EUs long-standing assumption that economics can be a substitute for actual foreign policy in dealing with authoritarian states now looks like a bad bet.

In the past few weeks, the European Commission has introduced an ambitious suite of policies to distance itself economically from China. Some predate the war: The proposed anti-coercion mechanism that would enable Brussels to impose trade retaliation measures on imports from countries that apply economic coercion to EU member states was put forward by the European Commission in December 2021. It clearly targets Beijing, which in 2021 put Lithuania under a de facto trade embargo after Vilnius allowed Taiwan to open a representative office in the country. But most of the European Commissions new, China-oriented policy initiatives were minted after Feb. 24.

In May, at the EU-Japan summit, Brussels and Tokyo pledged to deepen our exchanges on China, notably with regard to security dynamics. That same month, Brussels announced that it would conduct an upgraded trade dialogue with Taiwan in June, one ostensibly aimed at deepening EU-Taiwan cooperation in semiconductor manufacturing. In reality, it was a signal that the EU is willing to reopen discussions on boosting links with Taiwan irrespective of Chinas reaction: This proposal was previously floated in late 2021 but scrapped for fear of backlash from Beijing.

More initiatives are in the pipeline, not explicitly directed against China but offering tools for a drawn-out fight. EU institutions are negotiating a new mechanism that will allow the bloc to assess trading partners industrial subsidies and apply compensatory tariffs. Brussels could certainly use this against China, which has heavily subsidized many of its export-oriented domestic industries. This year, the European Commission will table another trade mechanism to prevent imports made using forced labor from entering the bloc. This, too, could create an open-ended instrument for trade regulators to dial up protectionist pressure on Beijing.

To become law, the European Commissions proposals need member states signoff. Before the war, this was the key sticking point. No longer. Central and Eastern Europe have turned particularly hawkish. Russias aggression has reminded them how much they depend on the U.S. security umbrella. Taiwan has stepped up its economic engagement with the region. And those Eastern European leaders with close ties to Beijing are increasingly isolated. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban can still hold Brussels hostage over foreign-policy votes, where EU rules require unanimity, but not these other initiatives, which require only a qualified majority

Western EU member states with decadeslong economic links to China are prevaricating, but the consensus there is shifting too. Germanys implicit policy toward authoritarian states, known as Wandel durch Handel or change through trade, lost all legitimacy on Feb. 24. During a recent tour in Asiawhich did not include ChinaGerman Chancellor Olaf Scholz called for reducing German dependency on individual countries, a barb aimed at Beijing. Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi has invoked golden power rules to block Chinese corporate acquisitions. With 3 percent of Italian exports and nearly 8 percent of German exports bound for China every year, Rome and Berlin are not seeking full economic decoupling but will certainly be less hostile to the European Commissions initiatives on China than in the past.

European politics is diverse and complicated, with many veto points. This makes it hard for the blocs foreign-policy stance to change quickly. Brusselss initiatives to reduce the blocs economic and political exposure to China have more traction in some EU member states than in others, and business groups will keep working behind the scenes to prevent decoupling. Yet the trend lines are clearand probably irreversible. Before Ukraine, Brussels-Beijing relations were already cooling. The year 2022 will be remembered as the year the frost settled in.

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Ukraine Has Soured the European Union on China - Foreign Policy