Stephen Gottlieb: Stiffing The Subpoenas And The Charges – WAMC
The White House orders members of the govenment not to testify and refuses to produce documents requested by House committees. It stonewalls subpoenas or turns to the courts, which could delay proceedings well past the 2020 elections. Is the possibility of impeachment stymied?
Some of us can remember when Republicans commonly charged people with being Fifth Amendment Communists. The obvious point was that their reason for invoking the Fifth Amendment was to hide their connection to the Communists. Otherwise, why not answer?
Actually, even for innocent people it was often safest not to answer because investigators often drew outrageous inferences. The U.S. Supreme Court, for example, lambasted one agency for assuming that a person who wore overalls was a Communist.
But sometimes were entitled to answers. In lawsuits, federal courts can order disclosure unless its unfair or improper.[1] They must consider the parties relative access to relevant information.[2] But if people refuse to answer once orders are issued, courts can direct[] that the matters embraced in the order or other designated facts be taken as established for purposes of the action, as the prevailing party claims.[3] Similarly, when Trumps people refuse to testify, Congress could take facts as established for purposes of impeachment.
The harm under investigation here is considerable and effective remedies for disclosure are appropriate. The seriousness of the issues makes refusal to testify egregious and justifies effective remedies for failure to testify or turn over documents. The Presidents dealings with Russia and Ukraine were extremely dangerous to the extent that they reveal that American foreign policy is up for sale. If Mr. Trump is or suspects hes president because of what Russia did for him, or that he might remain president because of what Russia or Ukraine might do for him, there is at least the temptation to distort American foreign policy to get their help, weakening America and making us more vulnerable to our enemies. Thats a big constitutional no-no, embodied in all the language of the impeachment and emoluments clauses.[4]
His defenders insist that there is no evidence of an explicit quid pro quo. Thats not a satisfactory defense. People in high places are rarely stupid enough to make exchanges explicit I will do this if you will do that. Seeking favors is an impeachable high crime because they create temptations and because the participants often understand and expect there will be a quid pro quo, though Trumps judicial appointees may not get the point.[5] For the same reason, the emoluments clause says zero about quid pro quos just taking a benefit from a foreign power violates that clause. It prohibits accept[ing] any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or Foreign State. The crime under the emoluments clause is merely to accept the benefit.[6]
My high school sent me to a citywide competition about the meaning of brotherhood. One of the judges was the great news anchor, Walter Cronkite. One was the famous Manhattan District Attorney, Frank S. Hogan. And the third was the Manhattan Borough President, Hulan Jack. Shortly thereafter, Hogan convicted Jack for accepting a gift. Jack did some things I admired, but Jack accepted the gift knowing the donor wanted to do business with the City. Statutes prohibit accepting such gifts, whether or not theres an explicit deal because the temptations are obvious. Its well understood that illicit business is done with a wink and a nod. Take this is enough where other arrangements are pending.
In this case, Trump has admitted asking for a favor that he had no right to accept, a favor barred by more than one clause in the Constitution. The fact that he didnt get what he asked for is irrelevant. His behavior was as corrupt as it was for the Manhattan Borough President. Thats enough. And the consequences of Mr. Trumps behavior are much more serious.
[1] F.R.C.P. 26(c)(1).
[2] F.R.C.P. 26(b)(1).
[3] F.R.C.P. 37(B)(2)(A).
[4] See also Impeachment for Corruption, my commentary for April 10, 2018, and Is America For Sale? my commentary for June 20, 2017.
[5] McDonnell v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 2355 (2016) (although governor accepted loans and gifts, introducing donor to officials did not violate honest services law); McCutcheon v. FEC, 572 U.S. 185 (2014) (aggregate statutory limit on political donations did little to prevent quid pro quos); Skilling v. United States, 561 U.S. 358 (2010) (honest services doctrine limited to bribery or kickbacks, not including scheme to deceive).
[6] Art. I, 9, 8.
Steve Gottliebs latest book is Unfit for Democracy: The Roberts Court and The Breakdown of American Politics. He is the Jay and Ruth Caplan Distinguished Professor Emeritus at Albany Law School, served on the New York Civil Liberties Union board, on the New York Advisory Committee to the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, and as a US Peace Corps Volunteer in Iran.
The views expressed by commentators are solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views of this station or its management.
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Stephen Gottlieb: Stiffing The Subpoenas And The Charges - WAMC