Archive for the ‘First Amendment’ Category

Answer Man: In mask mandate, what’s the meaning of ‘First Amendment rights?’ – Citizen Times

Video: Buncombe County school board meeting sees anti-mask protesters

Buncombe County resident Stephanie Parsons protests during a meeting with the Buncombe County Board of Education on Thursday, August 5, 2021.

Maya Carter, Asheville Citizen Times

Todays batch of burning questions, my smart-aleck answers and the real deal:

Question:In Buncombe County's recent mask mandate order and the city's, too it gives an exemption for First Amendment rights. What does that mean? It seems kind of nebulous...

My answer: Who doesn't like a nice splash of nebulousness in their mask mandate? I just wish they would've added some language along the lines of, "The mandate also does not apply to those wishing to remain in touch with their inner child, hoping not to inhibit the free flow of chi or just wanting to ride free and not be hassled by the man."

Real answer: The county and city recently did pass mask mandates for public places. The city order essentially mirrored the county's, which did offer mask exemptions for several activities. It reads:

Worship, religious, and spiritual gatherings, funeral ceremonies, wedding ceremonies, and other activities constituting the exercise of First Amendment rights are exempt from all the requirements of this order.

More: Protesters object to Buncombe County Schools' mask mandate, attempt to 'overthrow' board

This being the land of the free, I can see where some folks, whether they're customers, employees, or just folks trying to ditch the mask because it "inhibits their free speech," may try to take advantage here. The mandate is meant to be pretty narrow, though.

"This language is straight out of language used in the Governor's Executive Orders," Buncombe County spokeswoman Lillian Govus said via email. "The language in the Executive Orders speaks primarily to mass gatherings, and specifically exempts fundamental First Amendment rights. The U.S. District Court essentially held that the state cannot restrict religious gatherings of 10 or more people."

More: Asheville City Schools clarifies COVID-19 protocols ahead of first day of school

The county's new order "simply requires face covering in public spaces and does not prohibit or define gatherings," Govus said. It implements public health officials' recommendation to require people to wear face coverings indoors in public in communities with substantial or high transmission.

Buncombe County, like many other counties nationwide, has seen COVID-19 cases surge in recent weeks as the delta variant spreads.Health officials told county leaders last week the rate of COVID-19 infections have increased six-fold, or 500% in a month's time.

In mid-July, the county was seeing 34 cases per 100,000. Last week the number had skyrocketed to 261 per 100,000, a rise attributed tothe coronavirus' highly contagious delta variant, which some data showcauses more severe illness than earlier strains.

TheCDC also strongly encourages social distancing again.

"When preparing the order, we felt it was important to clearly indicate that there is no intention to abridge the First Amendment rights of persons by implementing this new local order requiring face coverings in public spaces," Govus said.

By way of review, here's what the First Amendment says: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances."

For Asheville, City AttorneyBrad Branham responded, first noting the city wanted to maintain consistency with the county by mirroring the county directives. The First Amendment exception "is intended to be very limited in nature," Branham said.

The city believes strongly in the need for the most recent mask mandate, but while also safeguarding the constitutional rights of our residents and visitors," Branham said via email. "We do not consider the mere act of mandatorily wearing a mask to infringe upon a persons freedom of speech.Therefore, this exception would be limited to circumstances in which a person was prevented from fully exercising their free speech rights because of the mask.

I can imagine anti-maskers trying to fall back on all sorts of "free speech" arguments to shed their masks, but Branham said the exemptionis meant to be very narrow in scope.

"We can envision very few, if any, circumstances in which this would arise, but wanted to ensure that recognition of personal freedoms be included in the document," Branham said. "To reiterate, this language should absolutely not be read to mean that disagreement with the mask mandate gives someone the right to refuse to wear a mask under the guise of the First Amendment.

Judging by the lack of masks I saw at the Arden Walmart Saturday evening, I'd say folks are doing just fine in finding plenty of ways around the mask mandate. I suspect most folks would just claim a "medical exemption," if asked.

But honestly, I don't think stores, restaurants, bars or other establishments really want to fight the mask fight anymore. I'm still wearing a mask indoors, because it's the right thing to do to beat down the delta variant, but I'm probably in the minority these days.

It's a sad statement about society, folks. For nearly all of us, wearing a mask is a minor inconvenience.

Please, just do it.

This is the opinion of John Boyle. To submit a question, contact him at 232-5847 or jboyle@citizen-times.com

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Answer Man: In mask mandate, what's the meaning of 'First Amendment rights?' - Citizen Times

Billboard taxes, the mailbox rule and expungement jurisdiction – SCOTUSblog

Petitions of the week ByAndrew Hamm on Aug 27, 2021 at 9:12 pm

This week we highlight cert petitions that ask the Supreme Court to consider, among other things, how the First Amendment constrains taxes on billboard owners, whether the mailbox rule applies to prisoners represented by counsel, and the scope of district courts jurisdiction over expungement motions.

In November, the court will hear argument in City of Austin v. Reagan National Advertising of Texas, a First Amendment challenge to an Austin regulation that bars some digitized billboards but allows others depending on the billboards location. A new petition asks the court to take up another challenge to a city policy that involves differential treatment of signs.

The city of Baltimore taxes the owners of displays that advertise services that occur in a different location, meaning many billboards but not other types of signs. One of the countrys largest billboard-advertising companies challenged the tax under the First Amendment. Applying a relaxed standard, Marylands highest court upheld the tax as rationally related to the citys legitimate interest in raising public revenue. In its petition, the billboard owner, one of four such companies in Baltimore, argues that a heightened standard should apply. The company also argues that Baltimores distinction between on-premises signs and off-premises signs is even more problematic than the one presented in Austin. The case is Clear Channel Outdoor, LLC v. Raymond.

Under the mailbox rule, a prisoners filing is timely if mailed by the due date, even if it arrives late to the court. In Cretacci v. Call, Blake Cretacci argues that a circuit split has arisen as to whether the rule applies to prisoners represented by counsel. Cretacci, a pre-trial detainee, submitted to the inmate mail system a civil complaint before the statutory deadline on his claims, but the pleading arrived at the district court too late. Although a lawyer had helped Cretacci to prepare the complaint, Cretacci had filed pro se (representing himself) because the lawyer was not a member of the relevant bar. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit denied Cretacci the benefit of the mailbox rule on the ground that he was sufficiently represented by counsel. Cretacci asks the justices to review and reverse this holding.

Valueland Auto Sales, Inc. v. United States concerns the scope of jurisdiction in federal criminal cases. In 2013, the federal government indicted Ron Benit and Valueland Auto Sales on charges that they structured cash deposits at banks to avoid filing required reports, and it seized over $70,000 of their funds. The government later dismissed all charges and returned all the funds. Benit and Valueland then moved to expunge the records of their indictment. However, the district court determined that it did not have any jurisdiction over the expungement motions because the charges had been dropped, a ruling that the 6th Circuit affirmed. Arguing that a circuit split exists over this issue that is important and recurring, Benit and Valueland ask the Supreme Court to reverse the 6th Circuits decision.

These and otherpetitions of the weekare below:

Mohamud v. Weyker21-187Issue: Whether a constitutional remedy is available against federal officers for individual instances of law enforcement overreach in violation of the Fourth Amendment.

Valueland Auto Sales, Inc. v. United States21-211Issue: Whether, when the district court dismisses all criminal charges against a defendant, that court has jurisdiction over a motion to expunge the records relating to those charges, as held by the U.S Courts of Appeals for the 2nd, 10th and D.C. Circuits, or whether the district court lacks jurisdiction over such motions, as held by the U.S. Courts of Appeals for the 1st, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th and 11th Circuits.

Clear Channel Outdoor, LLC v. Raymond21-219Issue: Whether a tax singling out off-premises billboards is subject to heightened scrutiny under the First Amendment.

Cretacci v. Call21-221Issue: Whether a prisoner who submits a filing through the prison mail system loses the benefit of the mailbox rule if he has counsel.

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Billboard taxes, the mailbox rule and expungement jurisdiction - SCOTUSblog

Cuyahoga County Probation Officer Hits Union with Federal Lawsuit for Years of Unconstitutional Dues Seizures – National Right to Work Foundation

Union officials took full union dues from nonmember officer without consent, then ignored requests to return illegally-seized money

Cleveland, OH (August 25, 2021) Cuyahoga County probation officer Kimberlee Warren is suing the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) union in her workplace, charging union officials with breaching her First Amendment right as a public employee to refuse to support union activities. She is receiving free legal representation from National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation staff attorneys, in partnership with attorneys with the Ohio-based Buckeye Institute.

Foundation staff attorneys contend that FOP union officials ignored her constitutional rights recognized in the landmark 2018 Janus v. AFSCME U.S. Supreme Court decision, which was argued and won by Right to Work Foundation staff attorneys.

In Janus, the Justices declared it a First Amendment violation to force any public sector employee to pay union dues or fees as a condition of keeping his or her job. The Court also ruled that public employers and unions cannot take union dues or fees from a public sector employee unless they obtain that employees affirmative consent.

The federal lawsuit says that Warren was not a member of the FOP union before the Janus decision in June 2018, but FOP union bosses collected union dues from her wages without her consent. According to the complaint, this continued until around December 2020, when Warren notified union officials that they were violating her First Amendment rights by taking the money and demanded that the union stop the coerced deductions and return all money that they had taken from her paycheck since the Janus decision.

When the deductions ended, FOP chiefs refused to give back the money that they had already seized from Warren in violation of her First Amendment rights. They claimed the deductions had appeared on her check stub and thus any responsibility to cease the deductions fell on her even though to her knowledge they had never obtained permission to opt her into membership or to take cash from her paycheck in the first place.

According to the lawsuit, Warren also asked FOP bosses to provide any dues deduction authorization document she might have signed. FOP officials rebuffed this request as well.

The High Court ruled in Janus that, because all activities public sector unions undertake involve lobbying the government and thus are political speech, forcing a public employee to pay any union dues or fees as a condition of keeping his or her job is forced political speech the First Amendment forbids.

Union bosses were permitted by state law before the Janus ruling to seize from nonmember workers paychecks only the part of dues they claimed went toward representational activities. FOP union officials took this amount from Warren prior to Janus. However, they furtively designated her as a member following the decision, and began taking full dues, deducting even more money from her wages than they did before Janus despite the complete lack of any consent.

Warren is now suing the FOP union in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Ohio. Her lawsuit seeks the return of all dues that FOP union officials garnished from her paycheck since the Janus decision was handed down. It also seeks punitive damages because FOP showed reckless, callous indifference toward her First Amendment rights by snubbing her refund requests.

Warrens lawsuit comes as other Foundation-backed lawsuits for employees defending their First Amendment Janus rights seek writs of certiorari from the Supreme Court. This includes cases brought for Chicago and New Jersey public educators which challenge window periods that severely limit when they and their fellow educators can exercise their First Amendment right to stop union dues deductions, sometimes to periods as short as ten days per year. In a California federal court, Foundation staff attorneys are also aiding a University of California Irvine lab assistant in fighting an anti-Janus state law that gives union bosses full control over whether employers can stop sending an employees money to the union after that employee exercises his or her Janus rights.

All over the country, union officials are stopping at nothing to ensure they can continue ignoring workers First Amendment Janus rights and continue siphoning money from the paychecks of dissenting employees, commented National Right to Work Foundation President Mark Mix. After Janus was handed down, FOP union officials in Warrens workplace could have come to her to attempt to get her to support the union voluntarily, but tellingly instead they began surreptitiously siphoning full dues out of her paycheck without her consent in direct contravention of the Supreme Court.

Despite her repeated requests, FOP bosses have continued to trample Warrens Janus rights, and Foundation staff attorneys are fighting to stop this gross injustice against her and punish FOP bosses for their brazen behavior, Mix added.

The National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation is a nonprofit, charitable organization providing free legal aid to employees whose human or civil rights have been violated by compulsory unionism abuses. The Foundation, which can be contacted toll-free at 1-800-336-3600, assists thousands of employees in around 250 cases nationwide per year.

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Cuyahoga County Probation Officer Hits Union with Federal Lawsuit for Years of Unconstitutional Dues Seizures - National Right to Work Foundation

The Conundrum of the Separation of Church and State Divided We Fall – Divided We Fall

Religious Freedom: A Standard or an Enigma?

By Teresa Smallwood Postdoctoral Fellow & Associate Director, Public Theology and Racial Justice Collaborative

When the Danbury Baptist Association wrote President Thomas Jefferson on October 7, 1801 regarding their desire for the separation of church and state, they were advancing a position in favor of private, individualized faith expressed without governmental intervention. In 1801 the stakes could not have been higher because the establishment clause was only a decade old and there was a flood of enactments across the colonies to preserve their status as independent sovereigns. But how that standard would be implemented and enforced was a worrisome contention for many people of faith. Jeffersons reply on January 1, 1802 reverently acknowledged the separation and vowed that there would be a wall of separation between church and state, a phrase he borrowed from Roger Williams, a London minister who greatly influenced the colonies in favor of religious liberty.

In our present context culturally, socially, economically, and legally, I posit that the wall of separation is crumbling down. Despite groups like Americans United for the Separation of Church and State, founded to preserve the constitutional principle of church-state separation as the only way to ensure religious freedom for all Americans, it is impossible to see a true separation between church and state in the sense of the letters exchanged over two centuries ago. In fact, the notion of religious freedom or religious liberty is hard to discern.

In the same breath, the First Amendment to the US Constitution admonishes that Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion and simultaneously it declares that everyone should have the right to freedom of religion. In effect, this is a conundrum when one considers the United States Supreme Courts decision in Masterpiece Cupcake Shop, LTD., et. al. v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission. At issue was the shop owners right to reject customers in light of his religious beliefs. He claimed his deeply held religious beliefs would not abide his making a wedding cake for a same-sex couple. The Supreme Court sided with the owner. Despite what I could say about the integrity of the decision, there is no way to avoid concluding that the US Supreme Court has been slowly eroding religious freedom to the point where the wall of separation is like Humpty Dumpty having a great fall.

For arguments sake, perhaps the fair thing to do is to advance the notion that marriage is held sacred by non-church-going people as well. Same-sex couples have religious beliefs. In fact, I would venture to say that people in covenant relationships who go to the lengths to repeat vows and celebrate with traditionally tiered wedding cakes do so in support of deeply held religious beliefs, whether they acknowledge a God concept or not. The Supreme Court never mentioned the fact that the analysis goes both ways.

Moreover, if that is the case, siding with one litigant over the other in terms of religious beliefs may look like establishment. It, however, points to a wider problemone that we as Americans, particularly people of color, must seriously consider: What happens when a case reaches the United States Supreme Court to decide whether the January 6, 2021 insurrection was employed and executed based upon deeply held religious beliefs?

Lets face it: Some of the mobsters carried Bibles in lockstep with other mobsters carrying nooses. Are we in danger of a backdoor approval of the return to chattel slavery based upon deeply held religious beliefs? The Apostle Paul did say slaves, obey your masters, did he not? The stacking of the Supreme Court with ultra-conservative jurists makes the question linger in the air.

Voter suppression, police brutality, mass incarceration, and economic disparities all point to a corrosion of basic democratic values not the least of which is religious freedom. Freedom from tyranny and freedom to exercise ones right to deeply held religious beliefs should not create a conflict so convoluted that the judiciary has to respect the establishment of someones religious belief as a means to an end while concomitantly abridging anothers right to the same freedom. Religious freedom should intimate a hands-off approach that the Supreme Court avows at all costs. That was the pledge Jefferson made. A wall of separation is a shield from contact, either literal or perceived. However, for decades the trend has been anything but hands-off.

Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, for example, is one case where the wall of separation is nowhere to be found. In a 5-4 decision, the US Supreme Court Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. allowed a for-profit company to deny its employees health coverage for contraception based on the company owners religious beliefs. Religious objections aside, these employees would be entitled to these health benefits. The Religious Freedom Restoration Act was the operative legislation in this court opinion. The 1993 Act as applied to corporations creates a cyborg-ish effect. There is a danger that the inverse nature of religious freedom jurisprudence turns on itself in such a way that the freedom to practice ones religion trumps the scrutiny of every other discriminatory eventuality. The totalizing impact of this could reverse the gains Americans have made in a democracy that once valued religious freedom as much as it once valued the wall of separation. The enigmatic reality is that walls are overrated.

By Jeff Johnston Culture and Policy Analyst, The Daily Citizen

Chase Windebank was a senior at Pine Creek High School in Colorado Springs, Colorado. Beginning in his freshman year, he led a small group of students who wanted to pray for their school and the needs of fellow classmates during non-instructional time. One day, a school official called him in and told him the group could no longer meet because of the separation of church and state.

A year later, the school dropped its ban on student religious discussion and expression during free time, after Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF), a legal aid group advocating for First Amendment rights, filed a lawsuit against the district.

Think stories like this are unusual? Across the nation, from the schoolhouse to the military to the medical field, religious freedom is under fire. Houses of worship and ministries have felt the heat from those who work to eliminate religious expression from the public arena, often under the misguided banner of separation of church and state.

The largest legal organization in the U.S. solely devoted to defending religious liberty is First Liberty Institute. In its annual report, Undeniable: An Inside Look at the Cases, Controversies and Unrelenting Attacks on Religious Liberty in America, the organization lists more than 1,400 cases, mostly from the past 20 years, demonstrating the deep antipathy from many toward religion and people of faith.

Some of the cases are well known:

Others have received less publicity. A synagogue in Woodcliff Lake, New Jersey filed suit after the city took land from the congregation and blocked its efforts to relocate for ten years. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) sued UPS for their policy banning drivers from having beards on behalf of Rastafarians, Muslims, and Sikhs whoms facial hair is part of their culture. A New York nurse was told she must participate in a late-term abortion, which was against her religious beliefs, and was threatened with termination and loss of her nursing license if she refused to do so.

Theres a reason that religious liberty is called our first freedom, and theres a reason people and religious legal aid groups continue to fight to preserve and protect it. Not only do the two clauses protecting religion from government incursion make up the first freedom listed in the bill of rights but freedom of religion is vital because it protects our deepest thoughts and beliefs as well as our expression of them in our daily lives.

Theres a huge misunderstanding that somehow the First Amendment places a wall of separation between church and state an unfortunate phrase used by Thomas Jefferson in a letter to the Danbury Baptist Association, in Connecticut. To deliberately mix metaphors, the wall of separation has been used as a sledgehammer, especially in recent years, against churches and people of faith.While some complain that the so-called wall of separation is crumbling, the truth is it has grown thicker and higher over the decades, threatening to crush our first freedom.

The phrase is not found in the Constitution, nor is it in the Bill of Rights. If the Founders had wanted to, they could easily have included a wall of separation. But as University of Chicagos Professor of Law Philip Hamburger argues in Separation of Church and State they strove to create something new: real religious liberty, without state overreach and control. They said that Congress could not establish a national church, nor could it prohibit the free exercise of religion.

And that free exercise of religion isnt just about private worship or individualized faith, it includes the freedom of individuals and different faiths to exercise belief and conviction in the public arena through their speech and actions.

While the phrase separation of church and state has become part of our common language, Hamburger explains how this erroneous idea grew and developed, replacing the First Amendment protection of religious liberty. As such, its seen by many to be a freedom from religion in the public square.

Hamburger writes, Yet the idea of separation of church and state was very different from the religious liberty desired by the religious dissenters whose demands shaped the First Amendment He adds that the simplistic metaphor of separation is opposed to the union of church and state, but that union and separation are over-generalizations between which lie much middle ground.

As opponents of religious freedom have tried to use the so-called wall to penalize bakers, florists, coaches, nurses and others, courts have, thankfully, begun pushing back against the complete removal of religion from public life. For example, the Supreme Court, in Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, ruled in favor of Jack Phillips, saying the state showed animosity and discriminated against his convictions.

More recently, the Supreme Court has struck down onerous state government COVID decrees that shut down worship, treating churches less favorably than businesses, in cases such as Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn v. Cuomo and Tandon v. Newsom. And in June 2021 the Court ruled 9-0, in Fulton v. Philadelphia, that the city had violated the First Amendment free exercise rights of Catholic Social Services, allowing them to continue placing children in loving homes with a mother and father.

People of faith have the right to share and live out our beliefs in the public arena. Even as assaults on religious liberty have accelerated, lets hope that courts continue to protect our cherished first freedom.

This article is part ofDivided We Falls Constitutional Questions series, covering a range of political topics fundamental to the U.S. Constitution and democratic institutions. Through this series, we ask constitutional scholars, journalists, elected officials, and activists to discuss how these ideals are and are not implemented today. If you want to read more pieces like this, clickhere.

Teresa Smallwood

Rev. Dr. Teresa L. Smallwood is a Postdoctoral Fellow and Associate Director of the Public Theology and Racial Justice Collaborative at Vanderbilt Divinity School. She is licensed and ordained to public ministry in the Baptist tradition and is presently an active member at New Covenant Christian Church in Nashville, TN where she serves as Social Justice Minister. She holds a BA degree from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, a JD from North Carolina Central University School of Law, a Master of Divinity degree from Howard University, and a PhD degree from Chicago Theological Seminary.

Jeff Johnston

Jeff Johnston is Focus on the Familys culture and policy analyst for The Daily Citizen. He researches, writes, and speaks about education, marriage, LGBTQ issues, and healthy sexuality. After struggling for years to reconcile his faith with his same-sex attractions and sexual addiction, Johnston now shares his journey of healing and change through Gods transforming power. Johnston has been interviewed by top media outlets including CBS Sunday Morning, The New York Times, U.S. News and World Report, Rolling Stone, and more. He graduated from San Diego State University and lives in Colorado Springs with his wife and three sons.

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The Conundrum of the Separation of Church and State Divided We Fall - Divided We Fall

Daphne Keller, "Amplification and Its Discontents: Why Regulating the Reach of Online Content Is Hard" – Reason

Still more from the free speech and social media platforms symposium in the first issue of ourJournal of Free Speech Law; you can read the whole article (by Daphne Keller, formerly at Google and now at Stanford)here, but here's the abstract [UPDATE: link fixed]:

Discussions about platform regulation increasingly focus on the "reach" or "amplification" that platforms provide for illegal or harmful content posted by users. Some have proposed holding platforms liable for amplified content, even if the platforms are immunized for simply hosting or transmitting the same content. This article discusses the serious challenges of that regulatory approach. It examines legal models that would (1) increase platform liability for amplifying currently illegal content, (2) increase platform liability for amplifying harmful but currently legal content, or (3) create content-neutral restraints on amplification. It suggests, using both U.S. First Amendment precedent and comparison to recent EU legal developments, that the first two approaches would raise serious concerns. It identifies potentially more viable ways forward, however, in content-neutral approaches grounded in privacy or competition law.

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Daphne Keller, "Amplification and Its Discontents: Why Regulating the Reach of Online Content Is Hard" - Reason