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Honors student J.P. Krause won the election for senior class president at Vero Beach High School in Vero Beach, Fla. And then, all of a sudden, his victory was stripped from him.

Summarily, the high schools administrators stripped him of his new position, and, to add insult to injury, gave him detention. Why? Because Krause delivered a satirical campaign speech that channeled Donald Trumps presidential campaign rhetoric and, in jest, claimed his opponent was a Communist. It was harassment, the principal concluded.

After Krauses classmates chanted speech, speech, he gave an impromptu speech that kept his fellow classmates laughing for well over a minute. I am for freedom, equality, and liberty, he said. His opponent? Well, she wants to advance Communist ideals, he smirked. She will raise taxes to 80 percent!

Krause also suggested in jest that his opponent supports their rivals at the nearby high school, whereas he would build a wall between the two schools and make their rival pay for it.

No one thought Krause was serious. The room, full of honors students in U.S. History, seemed to be well aware of the parallels Krause was making between his campaign speech and Donald Trumps presidential campaign speeches. The teacher allowed the off-the-cuff speech to continue, and there wasnt any reaction by students inside the classroom but laughter.

Nevertheless, the speech not only disqualified Krause from taking up the reins as class president, it also added harassment to his school record. The administration took my speech out of context and said I was harassing a student, Krause tells National Review.

It was a joke the whole way through.

Pacific Legal Foundation, a conservative public-interest law firm, is representing Krause in an attempt to remove the harassment claims from his school record. It also seeks to reinstate Krause as class president. It was pure political speech and obviously humorous, explains Mark Miller, Krauses attorney at Pacific Legal Foundation, to National Review. Its clearly protected in First Amendment speech.

In a letter sent to Mark Rendell, the superintendent of the school district, Miller argued that if a student gives a speech that is lewd, vulgar, or profane, then the school can sanction him.

But that is not remotely the case here, Miller retorted. Satirically claiming that an opponent in a class election wants to raise taxes, advance Communism, and implement a dress code is certainly not lewd, vulgar, or profane its a joke.

Because the high school applied the same speech code that it would use to punish students who say lewd, vulgar, or profane comments to that of a satirical speech, Miller contests that it is violating the First Amendment. J.P.s speech in no way singled out his fellow student candidate for her appearance, abilities, gender, race, creed, religious beliefs, or sexual orientation, Miller wrote. Nor was it deeply offensive.

Schools such as Vero Beach High School are sending the message to students that only some political statements are tolerable. Thats exactly the wrong message to tell a young man like J.P, Miller says.

Excerpt from:
Violating the First Amendment, High School Punishes Student for Satirical Campaign Speech - National Review

Lawyers from Columbia Universitys Knight First Amendment Institute sent a letter last weekarguing that President Trumps blocking users on Twitter runs afoul of the First Amendment.

The presidents account recently blocked the two Twitter users being represented after they posted critical tweets in response to a couple of the presidents tweets.

Their lawyers argument is that the presidents blocking these users from seeing or responding to his tweets on Twitter impinges on their free-speech rights under the First Amendment; the idea is that Trump, in his capacity as a state actor, has violated the Constitution by blocking access to information in what should be considered a public forum.

Yet they fail to consider that (1) these citizens have other means of accessing his tweets, and (2) Trumps account (@real DonaldTrump) is hosted by a private company, which is free to set its own policies for how its users interact.

To the first point, the two people that were blocked can still access these tweets not only from the thousands of retweets they receive from countless other accounts or news publications, but by simply creating another account from which to follow Trump.

Secondly, Trumps Twitter account is not federally owned or operated and therefore should not be treated as a government-created forum obliged to provide access to all comers.

It should be obvious that, though blocking people on Twitter may seem beneath the presidents office or pointless considering the thousands of other tweets that are critical of him from accounts he didnt bother to block, it isnt unconstitutional. Whether a judge might hold otherwise in the current climate is less clear.

View original post here:
Is It Unconstitutional for Trump to Block Twitter Users? - National Review

Free speech and its limitations are on Americans' minds. In the past year we've seen Nazis and white supremacists rally in our cities, angry protesters chase provocateurs off of college campuses, a comedian wield a bloody effigy of the president's severed head, and slurs and overt racial animus made a staple of political discourse. Controversial speech has people talking about what restrictions, if any, society can enforce on words we despise.

That inquiry isn't inherently bad. It's good for citizens to want to learn more about the contours of our constitutional rights. The dilemma is that the public debate about free speech relies on useless cliches, not on accurate information about the law.

Here are some of the most popular misleading slogans:

"Not all speech is protected. There are limits to free speech."

This slogan is true, but rarely helpful. The Supreme Court has called the few exceptions to the First Amendment "well-defined and narrowly limited." They include obscenity, defamation, fraud, incitement, true threats and speech integral to already criminal conduct. First Amendment exceptions are not an open-ended category, and the Supreme Court has repeatedly declined to add to them, especially in the last generation. Merely observing that some exceptions exist does not help anyone determine whether particular speech falls into one of those exceptions. It's a non sequitur.

Imagine you're bitten by a snake on a hike, and you want to know rather urgently whether the snake is venomous. You describe the snake to your doctor. "Well, not all snakes are venomous," your doctor responds. Not very helpful, is it?

"You can't shout 'fire' in a crowded theater."

Almost 100 years ago, Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendel Holmes Jr. coined a version of this now-familiar metaphor. Holmes used it to explain why the Supreme Court was upholding the criminal conviction of Charles Schenck, who was jailed merely for distributing materials urging peaceful resistance to the draft in World War I. Fortunately, the Supreme Court often led by Holmes himself retreated from this terrible precedent, eventually ruling that speech can't be punished as "incitement" unless it is intended and likely to provoke imminent lawless action. In other words, this favorite rhetorical apologia for censorship was used in the course of a decision now universally recognized as bad law.

Holmes' usually misquoted slogan (he said that the law allows us to punish someone for falsely shouting fire in a crowded theater) is really just another way to observe that not all speech is protected and there are limits to First Amendment protections. As I said before, that's not in dispute, but invoking the truism does nothing to resolve whether any particular speech falls within the well-defined and narrow exceptions to the First Amendment.

"Hate speech is not free speech."

This popular saying reflects our contempt for bigotry, but it's not a correct statement of law. There is no general First Amendment exception allowing the government to punish "hate speech" that denigrates people based on their identity. Things we call "hate speech" might occasionally fall into an existing First Amendment exception: A racist speech might seek to incite imminent violence against a group, or might be reasonably interpreted as an immediate threat to do harm. But "hate speech," like other ugly types of speech we despise, is broadly protected.

"We must balance free speech and other interests."

Censorship advocates often tell us we need to balance the freedom to speak with the harm that speech does. This is arguable philosophically, but it is wrong legally. American courts don't decide whether to protect speech by balancing its harm against its benefit; they ask only if it falls into a specific First Amendment exception. As the Supreme Court recently put it, "the First Amendment's guarantee of free speech does not extend only to categories of speech that survive an ad hoc balancing of relative social costs and benefits. The First Amendment itself reflects a judgment by the American people that the benefits of its restrictions on the Government outweigh the costs."

"'Fighting words' are not protected under the First Amendment."

Years ago the Supreme Court recognized a very narrow First Amendment exception for "fighting words." If the exception still survives, it's limited to in-person face-to-face insults directed at a particular person and likely to provoke a violent response from that person. It doesn't apply broadly to offensive speech, even though it's often invoked to justify censoring such speech.

"Maybe this speech is protected now, but the law is always changing."

The Supreme Court's approach to constitutional rights can change very quickly. For instance, it took less than a generation for the court to reverse course on whether the government could punish gay sex. But for decades the court has been moving toward more vigorous protection of free speech, not less. Some of the most controversial and unpopular speech to come before the court like videos of animals being tortured, or incendiary Westboro Baptist Church protests at funerals have yielded solid 8-to-1 majorities in favor of protecting speech. There's no sign of a growing appetite for censorship on the court.

Even as a free speech advocate and critic of censorship, I'm happy to see a public debate about the limits of free speech. Any debate that raises consciousness about our rights can be productive. But the free speech debate should proceed based on facts and well-established law, not empty rhetoric. Familiarity with our rights and how they work is a civic obligation.

Ken White is a First Amendment litigator and criminal defense attorney at Brown White & Osborn LLP in Los Angeles. He wrote this for the Los Angeles Times.

Originally posted here:
Ken White: Actually, hate speech is protected by First Amendment - Allentown Morning Call

Rightthe GOPs been working to ensure the safety of reporters and constituentsas they travel through the halls of Congress. Is he for real? After incoming GOP Rep. Greg Gianforte clocked a reporter the night before gettingelected two weeks ago, barely a single Republican called him on it. Now Shelbysconcerned about people navigatingthe treacherous halls of Congress?

Shelby appearsto be hiding behind the cloak of existing rules versus the long-standing practice of reporter access.

Ranking Democratic Sen. Amy Klobuchar confirmed that Shelby told her nochanges to press access would made without her input.

She also put out a statement making clear the momentary change announced this morning amid the news flurry ofJeff Sessions major public hearing and the GOPs health care machinations was the result of Republicans arbitrary enforcement of an existingrulethat conflictswithcommon practice on the Hill.

Just another day in thesoap opera of totalRepublican rule in Washington.

Excerpt from:
Democrats beat back Republicans' anti-First Amendment crackdown on press interviews in the Capitol - Daily Kos

This week, President Donald Trump came under fire for his Twitter activity, including blocking other users and tweeting about a pending case regarding his executive order for a a six-country travel ban [VIDEO]. Although Trump has made headlines [VIDEO] for his #Twitter Account in the past, some of his most recent activity has Twitter users questioning the constitutionality and legal implications of his online behavior.

On Tuesday, the Knights First Amendment Institute at Columbia University wrote a letter to Trump asking him to unblock Twitter users who posted content which disagreed or otherwise critiqued his actions.

The use of the block feature on Twitter is typically used to prevent other users from interacting with them personally. For most users, the use of this feature is not considered a violation of the law or Twitter's user policies. However, on Tuesday, #White House press secretary Sean Spicer confirmed at a press conference that tweets coming from Trump's Twitter account are also to be considered official White House statements. However, when users, particularly those in the US, are blocked from seeing such statements from public officials like Trump, it can lead to questions of transparency, which will inevitably lead to legal implications.

Furthermore, it is also likely that Trump's staff tweets for him. In such a case, blocking users would generate little to no effect, besides prohibit individuals from voicing concerns to him as an elected official.

The Knights First Amendment Institute also argued that such blocking interferes with First Amendment right because it obstructs freedom of speech in a "designated public forum."

However, it is yet to be determined by legislators whether social media is truly considered a public forum, further complicating the case.

Another argument made was that blocking users on Twitter would not violate the First Amendment, especially since the First Amendment concerns regarding Trump's tweets were directed at his personal Twitter account @realDonaldTrump, not his White House @POTUS account.

Also, this week, a tweet was posted on Trump's Twitter account regarding the petitioned Supreme Court case concerning the issue of his executive order for a six-country travel ban. The revised travel ban, originally including Iraq, now only includes Sudan, Libya, Iran, Yemen, Syria, and Somalia. Although Trump's legal counsel has advised him against referring to his executive order as a travel ban, Trump has continued to do so, as demonstrated by a tweet earlier this week.

That afternoon, the American Civil Liberties Union posted a tweet in response to Trump's post, stating that it might use his post against him in a Supreme Court argument.

Some legal experts predicted that the tweet could negatively impact his pending travel ban case. Others believed that Trump's tweets were not a legal issue.

"As a constitutional matter, as a legal matter, it should make absolutely no difference," said David B. Rivkin Jr., a lawyer for previous Republican administrations, to the New York Times.

The recent advent of #Social Media Law would make this case an unprecedented challenge for the Supreme Court.

See original here:
Top legal implications surrounding Trump's Twitter account - Blasting News