Archive for the ‘First Amendment’ Category

Chicago Police Department Revises Plan to Handle Protests Around DNC After Reform Groups Object – WTTW News

Protesters and police officers wearing riot gear have a standoff near Daley Plaza on Saturday, May 30, 2020. (Evan Garcia / WTTW News)

Chicago Police Department officials have significantly changed their plan to handle protests during the Democratic National Convention in response to objections lodged by police reform groups against a policy that would allow mass arrests, officials said.

The coalition of police reform groups behind the consent decree, the federal court order requiring CPD to change the way it trains, supervises and disciplines officers, told a federal judge that the original policy designed to give officers the power to make mass arrests of protestors violated the First Amendment. The new policy includes significant changes, officials told WTTW News.

CPD officers will now be required to take additional steps to protect the First Amendment rights of protestors and remain unbiased and opinion neutral in any communication with individuals within the crowd while affirming that the First Amendment rights of lawful participants are protected.

Officers will be prohibited from arresting those engaged in First Amendment protests for minor or petty offenses or for actions that pose no immediate threat to the safety of the community, or others, or of causing property damage, according to the revised policy.

Read the full revised policy here.

Chicagoans have until June 30 to weigh in on the new draft of the policy, which has not yet been finalized, even though the convention is less than two months away.

Alexandra Block, director of the Criminal Legal System and Policing Project at the ACLU of Illinois, who represents the coalition, said the revised policy represents a substantial improvement over the original policy, even though concerns remain.

The coalition does not endorse this policy, Block told WTTW News on Friday, in advance of a formal summary of their response to the new policy being filed next week with the federal judge overseeing the consent decree. But it is a policy that we made better.

Protestors can only be arrested as a last resort, when police have evidence that their actions pose an immediate threat to the lives of others or may cause property damage, according to the policy.

For example, a group of protesters could face arrest if they choose to block access to a hospital, because that could threaten public safety, Block said. But those who engage in protests that pose no such threat may not be arrested, even if they do not follow police directives, according to the policy.

In addition, only specific protestors who pose a threat to people or property can be arrested not everyone participating in the protest, according to the new policy.

That should reduce the need for Chicago police to make mass arrests during protests, Block said.

Mayor Brandon Johnson and Chicago Police Supt. Larry Snelling have repeatedly said "that Chicago police officers are prepared to lawfully police the massive protests expected to erupt around the United Center and downtown under the white-hot media glare the convention is sure to trigger.

Snelling has promised officers will be better prepared to handle protests around the convention than they were when demonstrations and unrest triggered by the police murder of George Floyd erupted in May 2020, when officers failed to protect the constitutional rights of thousands of Chicagoans, according to two probes, one by the independent monitoring team charged with determining whether the city is making good on its promises of reform and one by the citys inspector general.

Our officers will be ready, disciplined and trained to deal with those situations, Snelling said June 6. We want people to have their voices heard. The Chicago Police Department, we do not get political when it comes to this. Our job is public safety and we want to make sure that we keep the public safe.

The potential of violent protests marring the 2024 convention is especially fraught because of condemnation of President Joe Bidens support for Israel in its war against Hamas in Gaza.

Massive anti-Vietnam War protests outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention triggered a police riot, highlighting the partys split over the war, and helping to elect former President Richard Nixon. Those images indelibly stained Chicagos reputation as a home for political conventions.

When the Democratic National Convention returned to Chicago in 1996, it was peaceful, helping to boost former President Bill Clintons reelection bid.

The revised policy would not require officers to document every time they used force against a member of the public. The original policy required documentation only if someone is injured, a provision that violated the consent decree, according to the coalition.

In addition, the revised policy bans kettling, the confinement by police of a group of demonstrators or protesters in a small area, as a method of crowd control.

The revised policy also ensures that credentialed members of the news media will not be required to disperse if police officials order a First Amendment assembly to disperse.

The revised policy was released approximately 10 days after Inspector General Deborah Witzburg released a report outlining persistent concerns officers are prepared to lawfully police protests expected to erupt around the convention.

Witzburg said she was particularly concerned CPD officials have already been training officers on these yet-to-be finalized policies, a concern Block said she shared with less than two months to go before the convention takes place Aug. 19-22.

That is a problem of CPDs own making, Block said. All of this could have been avoided.

Contact Heather Cherone:@HeatherCherone| (773) 569-1863 |[emailprotected]

A Safer City is supported, in part, by the Sue Ling Gin Foundation Initiative for Reducing Violence in Chicago.

Originally posted here:
Chicago Police Department Revises Plan to Handle Protests Around DNC After Reform Groups Object - WTTW News

Is Promotion of Free Services "Commercial Speech" for First Amendment Purposes? – Reason

From today's decision by Judge William K. Session III (D. Vt.) in Nat'l Inst. of Family & Life Advocates v. Clark, which allows plaintiffs' challenge to a Vermont regulation to go forward (denying defendants' motion to dismiss):

Plaintiffs challenge [a] provision[] in Vermont Senate Bill No. 37 . [that] prohibits "unfair and deceptive" acts in commerce by LSPCs [limited services pregnancy centers], including dissemination of information to the public any "advertising about the services or proposed services performed at that center that is untrue or clearly designed to mislead the public." The subsection on legislative intent explains that "accurate information about the services that a limited-services pregnancy center performs is essential to enable individuals in this State to make informed decisions about their care."

The Advertising Provision does not explicitly define what it means for an advertisement to be misleading. However, the statement of findings and legislative intent states that some LSPCs "provide confusing and misleading information to pregnant individuals contemplating abortion by leading those individuals to believe that [the LSPCs] offer abortion services and unbiased counseling," and that some LSPCs have promoted "patently false or biased medical claims about abortion." Such misleading advertising is "of special concern to the State because of the time-sensitive and constitutionally protected nature of the decision to continue or terminate a pregnancy."

Defendants argue that the advertising provision only prohibits false and misleading commercial speech, which is not protected by the First Amendment, and accordingly ask the Court to dismiss Plaintiffs' Complaint. For the following reasons, that request is denied.

The threshold issue is whether the restricted speech is commercial in the first place. "The propriety of distinguishing commercial from noncommercial speech in evaluating a First Amendment claim derives from Supreme Court precedents affording the former only 'a limited measure of protection, commensurate with its subordinate position in the scale of First Amendment values.'" Commercial speech is generally defined as "speech that does no more than propose a commercial transaction." Courts have explained that this definition is a "starting point," and try to give effect to "a 'common-sense distinction between commercial speech and other varieties of speech."

The Supreme Court has focused on three factors in evaluating whether speech is commercial: whether the speech is an advertisement, whether it references a particular product, and whether there is an economic motivation underlying the speech. It has also counseled that commercial speech is "expression related solely to the economic interests of the speaker and its audience."

Plaintiffs have plausibly alleged that the speech restricted by the advertising provision is not merely commercial. The first Bolger prong goes in favor of the State; the statute limits its purview to "advertising about the services or proposed services performed at the center." The advertising provision's narrow scopeapplying only to "advertising about the services or proposed services" at the LSPCmakes it seem like the statute targets only speech that is aimed at proposing a commercial transaction.

However, drawing all plausible inferences in favor of Plaintiffs, prongs two and three from Bolger both counsel against concluding that the LSPCs' speech is purely commercial, at least for purposes of the motion to dismiss. Several courts have concluded that medical clinics promote specific products. However, the Vermont statute does not regulate Plaintiffs' advertising with reference to a specific productrather, it focuses on which entities are advertising, and requires that all of their advertisements conform to certain standards. This seems to regulate LSPCs rather than a particular service that they provide.

Finally, it is not clear whether economic motive undergirds Plaintiffs' activitiesso for purposes of the motion to dismiss, the Court concludes that it does not. It is undisputed that Plaintiffs provide services free of cost, and it is difficult to categorize solicitations as "proposed transactions" when the target audience is not charged. As the Fourth Circuit explained, "[a] morally and religiously motivated offering of free services cannot be described as a bare 'commercial transaction.'" {This is an issue that requires additional factual development. The Court is mindful that LSPCs provide services that trade off with other services, arguably placing their solicitations in a commercial context.}

Consequently, although the advertising provision plainly regulates only advertising, the statute's regulation based on actor rather product combined with the LSPCs' ostensible lack of economic motivation for speech requires the preliminary conclusion that the regulated speech is not purely commercial.

Because Plaintiffs' regulated speech is not commercial, the advertising provision is subject to heightened scrutiny. Strict scrutiny permits speech restrictions only when the government proves that its restrictions "are narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests."

The State submits that the advertising provision is "narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests." Specifically, it argues that the advertising provision serves to protect consumers "against unfair and deceptive business practices, including false advertising," and submits that the legislature specifically found that LSPCs frequently make false and misleading claims. This may be the case, but narrow tailoring is a factual question that is best evaluated with a more developed evidentiary record. The legislature's rationale for the law and the fit of the law to the relevant social problem are factual questions that the Court will address at later stages of litigation.

The State next argues that the provider regulation is a restriction on professional conduct that incidentally burdens speech and therefore receives "intermediate scrutiny or less." The Supreme Court considered this issue in a 2018 case involving these same plaintiffs. Nat'l Inst. of Fam. & Life Advocs. ("NIFLA") v. Becerra (2018). In NIFLA, the Court noted that while "professional speech" is not categorized as a type of speech entitled to reduced First Amendment protection, states have broader authority to regulate speech of professionals than non-professionals in two circumstances: first, when states require that professionals disclose "factual, noncontroversial information" in their commercial speech, and second, when states regulate professional conduct "even though that conduct incidentally involves speech." In support of this second point, the Court cited with approval prior decisions regulating professional conduct such as state rules limiting lawyers' communication with potential clients; state regulation of malpractice by professionals; and state requirements that doctors performing abortions must provide information "in a manner mandated by the State" about the risks of this medical treatment.

In concluding that states may regulate professional conduct that incidentally burdens speech, the NIFLA Court noted that while "drawing the line between speech and conduct can be difficult, this Court's precedents have long drawn it." It also noted that "[a]s with other kinds of speech, regulating the content of professionals' speech 'pose[s] the inherent risk that the Government seeks not to advance a legitimate regulatory goal, but to suppress unpopular ideas or information." This is especially true in the medical field, where "doctors help patients make deeply personal decisions, and their candor is crucial."

Post-NIFLA, several cases have upheld restrictions on professional conduct even when that conduct includes some speech. See, e.g., Del Castillo v. Sec'y, Fla. Dep't of Health (11th Cir. 2022) (upholding a statute requiring a license to practice as a dietician or nutritionist even when the restrictions also covered "nutrition counseling"); Capital Assoc. Indus., Inc. v. Stein (4th Cir. 2019) (upholding a ban on the practice of law by non- lawyers). The central question here is whether the provider regulation governs speech or conduct.

The Court concludes that while the statute primarily regulates conduct, its burden on speech may be more than "incidental" for two reasons.

First, the provider regulation [a separate regulation discussed in more detail in the full opinion -EV] makes licensed providers responsible for the (non-professional) speech/conduct of others. The statute seeks to regulate the speech of non-professionalsunlicensed medical providersby treating them as professionals even when they would not otherwise be subject to state licensing regimes if they worked anywhere else. Importantly, the covered non-professional conduct includes speech: as Plaintiffs note, "health information" is defined to include "any oral or written information in any form that relates to the past, present, or future physical or mental health or condition of a client." Drawing all inferences in favor of the Plaintiffs, the provider regulation could make licensed providers responsible for any conversation between an unlicensed provider and a patient at an LSPC when that conversation at all relates to the health of the patient.

The specific issue is with the narrow category of individuals who are made accountable for non-licensed speech: licensed providers who work at LSPCs. This suggests content (and viewpoint) discrimination. The law does not make all licensed providers at pregnancy clinics responsible for ensuring that health care services, information, and counseling comply with Vermont law. Instead, it singles out LSPCs for that treatment, subjecting the conduct and speech of medical service providers with particular views to heightened burdens. This could trigger heightened scrutiny. See, e.g., Holder v. Humanitarian L. Project (2010) (stating that when a law governing conduct regulates a message, First Amendment principles apply).

The second problem with the provider regulation is that it restricts the conduct (and speech) of non-licensed individuals. In some ways, this is perfectly benign: licensing requirements only work if people without licenses are restricted from taking certain actions. In Capital Associated Industries, the relevant statutory scheme precluded corporations from practicing law without a license. But this rule was applied without reference to the type of law that was practiced. Here, on the other hand, non-licensed individuals are exempt from medical professional standards in two circumstances: (1) if they work at any clinic other than an LSPC; or (2) if they work at an LSPC that does not employ a licensed provider. This under-inclusivity raises questions about whether the provider regulation is actually a conduct regulation or a licensing scheme directed at restraining speech.

While the NIFLA Court concluded that legislatures may regulate professional conduct when that restriction incidentally burdens speech, the provider regulation makes professionals responsible for the expressive conduct of others. NIFLA does not address that issue. It also does not stand for the principle that the government may regulate non-professional speech under the pretense that it is regulating professional speech.

The court also had this to say about whether the law is content- or viewpoint-discriminatory:

The parties dispute whether either provision constitutes content or viewpoint discrimination. Content-based laws, which "target speech based on its communicative intent," are "presumptively unconstitutional and may be justified only if the government proves that they are narrowly tailored to serve compelling interests." Viewpoint discrimination is a particularly insidious form of content discrimination, taking place when the government targets "particular views taken by speakers on a subject." Even an apparently content-neutral regulation can be deemed content-based if "there is evidence that an impermissible purpose or justification" underpins it.

It is challenging to discern whether the instant laws are content-based or content-neutral. On the one hand, the advertising provision regulates LSPCs' advertisements without reference to the content of the advertisements. This makes it different from classic content-discrimination cases, in which the law allows or disallows speech based on the subject discussed. The advertising provision only considers whether the restriction is false or deceptive, which is a determination that canin a sensebe made without reference to the content contained in the advertisement because it focuses solely on the binary question of whether consumers would think the advertisement promotes a service or product that it does not.

On the other hand, evaluating whether an advertisement is false or deceptive clearly requires consideration of its content (what it offers) and whether it is a faithful and non-misleading representation of the services provided. Regardless, it is well-established that the government may enact "content-based restrictions on false or misleading commercial messages." This reinforces the importance of the (unresolved) threshold question: whether Plaintiffs' advertisements are commercial.

The State argues that the advertising provision is not viewpoint discriminatory because it simply closes a loophole. It states that Vermont's general consumer protection statute does not apply to LSPCs because they "usually provide their services for free." It therefore argues that the advertising provision was necessary to prevent LSPCs from engaging in deceptive advertising simply because they do not collect payment from clients. The Court is unwilling to credit this assertion at the motion todismiss phase, when it must draw all reasonable inferences in favor of Plaintiffs. Additionally, that argument is insufficient to defeat Plaintiffs' viewpoint discrimination claim: it still does not explain why the advertising provision applies solely to LSPCs instead of all clinics that do not charge for their services, which are presumably equally un-restricted by the Vermont consumer protection statute.

As you can tell from the opinion, the court isn't definitively opining on whether the law is constitutional; there is more left to be litigated here. There's a lot more to the opinion, including a discussion of the regulation that imposes various other (non-advertising-related) obligations on licensed health care providers who work at LSPCs; you can read it all here.

Go here to see the original:
Is Promotion of Free Services "Commercial Speech" for First Amendment Purposes? - Reason

Opinion | Alito comments threaten the First Amendment – The Washington Post – The Washington Post

In the South, when people say bless your heart, they are not petitioning the Lord on your behalf. Its a backhanded expression for those deemed too dense to understand. It can also be sympathetic, used in jest when a persons earnest attempts result in consecutive failures the novice whose cross-stitch is always too tight, a new driver trying to parallel park or stay in the right lane. In such instances, its not meant as an insult but as recognition that divine intervention might be in order.

In North Carolina, the judicial version of bless your heart is called prayer for judgment, a legal action unique to the state. It authorizes judges to suspend decisions on matters such as traffic violations in exchange for better behavior. Its a drivers get out of jail free card courtesy of the state government. And a way of showing grace to the public, which also happens to be voters in judicial elections. Consider it a fellowship of church and state, where providence smiles on judges and constituents in equal measure.

Based on recent comments surreptitiously caught on tape, Supreme Court Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. sees the balance differently. He agreed with a liberal filmmaker, undercover as a religious conservative, about the need to return the country to a place of godliness. The justices wife was also recorded, describing her plans for an imminent war of the ensigns with the couples gay-pride-flag-flying neighbors once her husband is free of this nonsense, meaning his service on the nations highest court. This news broke just days after reports surfaced that the Alitos, bless their hearts, had raised multiple symbols associated with the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol. At their home in Virginia, an upside-down American flag, signaling distress. At their vacation escape in New Jersey, an Appeal to Heaven flag.

Despite its falling church attendance, the United States is a religious nation. People of all faiths practice here, a constitutional right protected in the First Amendment. More than 80 percent of Americans say they are religious or spiritual. Ideas about providence and a promised land are woven into our founding mythology. The country has been improved by previously excluded people people left out because of their religion or race, sexuality or gender, class or nation of origin winning equal rights in the courts, with appeals based on constitutional and faith-based principles alike.

This is the United States; theres nothing wrong with a praying judge. But the long arm of the law is not the hand of God. This is why Alitos remarks and signs needed stricter scrutiny. Christian-nationalist symbols were prominent at the Capitol attack, carried by people who believed the theft of the 2020 presidential election defied the will of God. Polarizing members of Congress believe national misfortune and natural phenomena are punishment for a sinful republic. Elected and appointed officials have a constitutional right to this view, but they dont have the right to make believers of us all.

Americans especially those excluded from the great and godly United States to which MAGA nationalists are suggesting a return are justified in asking where Alito sees the line between religion and state, in who answers prayers for judgment. Such concerns threaten the Supreme Courts legitimacy, a subject of renewed and intense debate. Religion seemed to be a central influence when the court rescinded the constitutional right to an abortion and earlier when the court allowed contraceptives to be excluded from companies health insurance plans. Justice Clarence Thomas whose wife lobbied White House officials and lawmakers to prevent Joe Biden from taking office has suggested the courts establishment of constitutional protections for gay marriage and contraception was improper. With questions like these swirling, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. is left to defend the institution with a saints devotion.

The separation of church and state is a concept older than the United States. The idea spread among American colonists unhappy with the British Empires combination of a monarchy and theocracy. And many dreams grew alongside the new nations desire for independence. And yet, decades later, in the Supreme Courts most infamous decision, Dred Scott v. Sandford, the ruling justices decided that the laws of nature, natures God and the blessings of liberty were never intended for Black people, who were so far below in the scale of created beings. With that track record on race, democracy and the founding documents, why would we want a judicial system that petitions the Lord on our behalf?

Nearly 3 in 4 Americans do not believe that providence declares the United States to be a promised land for Christians to set an example for the world. Our Constitution, as its been amended, has proved durable enough and sound enough to create a more equal society. While many pray for divine protection and a judges good graces when at odds with the law, they know the difference between God and government. Returning the United States to a place of godliness and greatness suggests returning to a previous version of the Constitution, when courts unjustly upheld restrictive rights for more people. Thats the sign of a court system swerving out of its lane. And of a country, bless our hearts, headed in the wrong direction.

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Opinion | Alito comments threaten the First Amendment - The Washington Post - The Washington Post

Six West Virginia Schools Notified of First Amendment Violations in Student Handbooks – WV News

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Six West Virginia Schools Notified of First Amendment Violations in Student Handbooks - WV News

Missouri AG joins 23 states to defend Trump’s First Amendment rights – kttn

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Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey has filed a brief with 23 other states urging the court to deny Special Prosecutor Jack Smiths request for an unconstitutional gag order on President Donald Trump. The gag order is claimed to violate the First Amendment by restricting President Trumps ability to speak freely during the election season and denying Americans the right to hear open debate from presidential candidates. The order would also prevent Trump from criticizing the raid on his Mar-a-Lago home.

Missouri has long been a champion of free speech. A gag order on President Trump violates not only his First Amendment right to speak but Americans right to hear from a presidential candidate in the height of election season, said Attorney General Bailey. I will always use every tool at my disposal to defend our right to free speech, the bedrock of our great nation.

This brief is the latest in a series of actions Attorney General Bailey has taken to combat the legal challenges against President Trump:

Joining Missouri in filing the brief are the states of Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, West Virginia, and Wyoming.

The full amicus brief can be readhere.

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Missouri AG joins 23 states to defend Trump's First Amendment rights - kttn