Archive for the ‘Fourth Amendment’ Category

TRAVEL & LEISURE CO. : Entry into a Material Definitive Agreement, Creation of a Direct Financial Obligation or an Obligation under an Off-Balance…

Item 1.01. Entry into a Material Definitive Agreement.

On March 30, 2023, Travel + Leisure Co. (the "Borrower") entered into the FourthAmendment (the "Fourth Amendment" to the Credit Agreement, dated as of May 31,2018 with Bank of America, N.A., as administrative agent (the "AdministrativeAgent"), the several lenders from time to time party thereto, and the otherparties thereto (as amended, restated, amended and restated, supplemented orotherwise modified from time to time, the "Credit Agreement"). Pursuant to theterms of the Fourth Amendment, the Administrative Agent and the Borrower agreedto replace the London interbank offered rate-based interest rate applicable toborrowings under the Credit Agreement with a secured overnight financingrate-based interest rate, subject to the adjustments as specified in the FourthAmendment.

The description of the Fourth Amendment in this Current Report on Form 8-K (this"Current Report) is a summary and is qualified in its entirety by reference tothe complete terms of the Fourth Amendment included therein. The FourthAmendment is filed hereto as Exhibit 10.1 and is incorporated by referenceherein.

Item 2.03. Creation of a Direct Financial Obligation or an Obligation under anOff-Balance Sheet Arrangement of a Registrant.

The information set forth in Item 1.01 of this Current Report is incorporated byreference into this item.

Item 9.01. Financial Statements and Exhibits.

d) Exhibits. The following exhibit is furnished with this report:

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Edgar Online, source Glimpses

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TRAVEL & LEISURE CO. : Entry into a Material Definitive Agreement, Creation of a Direct Financial Obligation or an Obligation under an Off-Balance...

Socialism and the Equal Sharing of Misery | Business … – The Weekly Journal

In Puerto Rico, we must change the current view of some that capitalism is wrong for the island. To those that say so; in my opinion, view socialism as the equal sharing of resources, when in fact, it is the equal sharing of hunger, dependency, unemployment, inequality and misery as you will read below.

The more we read or watch news stories in Puerto Rico, the more we have become canvassed with a rant of rich against poor, of those who have succeeded against those who have not.

Many preeminent columnists have a leftist flair or inclination that borders into communism.

While, for one, we must respect each person's political views or tendencies, we must wonder to what extent these leftists, including press or media personalities, would venture to life and work in a place that lives their leftist views each and every day, nations like Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Russia, North Korea, China or Belarus.

Cuba

One of the closest examples and a favorite among local leftists is Cuba, and the sheer attractive nature of the nation makes us wonder why they have not moved there.

In Cuba, the average monthly salary equals $148.73 per month or $1,784.76 per year, which is more or less what an entry-level per-hour employee makes in a month.

Also, according to the website Reporters Without Borders, the Island nation of Cuba remains the worst country for press freedom in Latin America, with a rank of 173 out of 180, and is outranked by China, Iran and North Korea. The government closely monitors all television, radio and newspapers. The Constitution prohibits privately-owned press. All independent journalists are kept under surveillance to diminish their ability to perform their jobs.

Nicaragua

Another great example is Nicaragua; the average monthly salary equals $307.81 per month or $3,693.72 per year, which is more or less what a manager makes monthly.

Since President Daniel Ortega came to power, the independent media has endured censorship, intimidation and threats. Journalists are constantly stigmatized and subjected to harassment campaigns, arbitrary arrests and death threats and remain among the worst countries for press freedom in Latin America, with a rank of 160 out of 180. Most of the best journalists have had to flee the country. There are practically no independent media within the country due to a strong wave of repression that the Daniel Ortega regime launched against opposition politicians, civil organizations, and independent media. The media that continues to report on government abuses are digital, with most of its journalists in exile.

Venezuela

The last example is Venezuela; the average monthly salary equals $53 per month or $636 per year, which is more or less what many workers make here in a week.

After the arrival of Nicols Maduro in 2013, government policies against pluralism in the media increased; the official monopoly on the imports of paper and printing supplies resulted in the disappearance of the printed editions of dozens of newspapers, remains one of the worst countries for press freedom in Latin America, with a rank of 159 out of 180. A blurred policy for granting or revoking concessions for radio broadcasting decimated the sector, with 200 radio stations closing. The Venezuelan government practices a sustained policy of blocking news content on the Internet, affecting all independent media portals. The leading independent media are Radio Fe y Alegra, Efecto Cocuyo, Unin Radio, El Estmulo, El Pitazo and El Diario.

Remembering The Bill of Rights

As we consider the liberties granted to us by the U.S. Constitution, we thought it prudent to remind ourselves of the Bill of Rights' power and some of its amendments.

1. First Amendment: Congress makes no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting its free exercise. It protects our freedom of speech, the press, assembly, and the right to petition the Government to redress grievances.

2. Second Amendment gives citizens the right to bear arms.

3. Fourth Amendment protects citizens from unreasonable search and seizure. The Government may not conduct any searches without a warrant, which must be issued by a judge based on probable cause.

4. Fifth Amendment provides that citizens not be subject to criminal prosecution and punishment without due process. A citizen may not be tried on the same set of facts twice and is protected from self-incrimination (the right to remain silent). The Amendment also establishes the power of an eminent domain, ensuring that private property is not seized for public use without just compensation.

In the nations we described, none of these rights protect their citizens, much less the press. We often wonder how easy it must be to have a leftist or socialistic bias in a nation that protects your rights as a citizen or member of the press.

Moreover, the columns or radio programs many of these leftist bias media members have would not be possible under the leftist's regime they so vehemently venerate, respect, and highlight. Instead, if not all had they been living and working in Cuba, Venezuela or Nicaragua by now, they would have left for the United States seeking political asylum to be protected by the Bill of Rights every Puerto Rico, USA citizen enjoys.

Sadly more and more these days, we read or watch programs where reporters disdain successful entrepreneurs, calling most of us "Colmillus" or "Bourgeoisie."

Too often, most speak as if we lived on two different islands when we are one country; we share the same soil and dreams and face the same problems and challenges.

Puerto Rico is a mix of groups that coexists and intertwines. We are all parts of the puzzle in which we must seek solutions to create sustained development and economic growth for Puerto Rico. We must ever forget that each sector is the strength of the other, so it is our responsibility as Puerto Ricans to work together.

Transforming Puerto Rico is the Key

For more than 20 years, my life's work has been to promote Puerto Rico's transformation into a sustained growing economy with ample opportunities for all citizens to develop their future, whether as an entrepreneur, teacher, chef, plumber, electrician, nurse, doctor, or business owner. The Transforming Puerto Rico Foundation has developed the Puerto Rico First Goals, which are the basis for Puerto Ricos transformation.

Goal 1: Transform Puerto Rico into a country with robust economic development and sustained 4% growth over the next ten years.

Goal 2: Transform our industrial structure into one in which employment in activities related to a knowledge-based economy with not less than 25% within ten years.

Goal 3: Create 300,000 new jobs in the private sector within ten years.

Goal 4: Increase the labor participation rate to 55% within ten years.

Goal 5: Reduce the unemployment rate to 5% within ten years.

Goal 6: Close the development gap; the gap is created by the percentage of GNP that represents consumption, and the rate that represents the investment, in Puerto Rico far exceeds that of our peers.

Goal 7: Reduce the government apparatus by transferring to the private sector any corporation, operation, or service that the private sector can perform more efficiently- by moving to a governance structure that is characterized by the following: employing no more than 15% of the employed workforce and a Consolidated Budget that does not exceed 25% of GNP.

Goal 8: Transform the education system from primary to university level into one focused on entrepreneurship, trades, and transformation.

Remember that "transformations are marathons, not 100-meter races." To accomplish them, we have to work together without losing sight of the fact that the role of the private sector is vital. We cannot forget that the private sector is made up of the cashier, the construction worker, the office worker, the clerk, the nurse, and yes, also the engineer, the doctor, and the businessman.

Indeed, the private sector represents the backbone that supports the economy. This puzzle represents 80% of the country's labor force, with over one million workers and a payroll of $31 billion annually. The private sector works hand in hand with municipalities, non-profit entities and also makes up 83% of the economy's total income.

Undoubtedly, there is a fair perception of what some call the big interests or "grandes intereses" in Spanish, and yes, we all create jobs and risk our capital every day to have a genuine "big interest" in making Puerto Rico the best place to work and live in the world.

In conclusion, Sir Winston Churchill said it best in a speech October 22, 1945 in the House of Commons, saying, "The inherent vice of capitalism is to distribute benefits unequally. The inherent virtue of Socialism is the equal sharing of Misery."

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Socialism and the Equal Sharing of Misery | Business ... - The Weekly Journal

Top 10 Court Cases That Changed the U.S. Justice System – Listverse

The United States justice system is full of landmark cases that have shaped how we understand and apply the law. Lets explore 10 of the most critical court cases that changed the justice system.

Related: Top 10 Times The US Government Took Inanimate Objects To Court

In 2015, Edward Caniglia had an argument with his wife, where he allegedly placed a gun on the table and told his wife to shoot him. Rather than comply, she left and called the police, asking them to complete a welfare check.

Caniglia was taken to the hospital for a psychiatric evaluation, stipulating that the authorities would not take his guns. But police entered Caniglias home without a warrant and seized his firearms.

Caniglia sued the police, arguing that the warrantless search and seizure violated his Fourth Amendment rights. The police claimed that they acted under the community caretaking exception to the Fourth Amendment, which allowed them to conduct a search and seizure for non-criminal purposes.

The Supreme Court ruled in favor of Caniglia, stating that the community caretaking exception did not apply to a private home and that the police violated his Fourth Amendment.

The Courts decision reaffirms the importance of Fourth Amendment protections for private homes and personal property, limiting the scope of the community caretaking exception and strengthening the requirement for police to obtain a warrant before entering a private home.

In 1961, Clarence Gideon was arrested and charged with breaking and entering. Gideon could not afford a lawyer and was ultimately convicted and sentenced to five years in prison.

Gideon petitioned the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing that his Sixth Amendment right to counsel had been violated. Gideon argued that he should have been provided with a lawyer, even though he could not afford one.

The Supreme Court agreed with Gideon, ruling that the Sixth Amendment guarantees the right to counsel for defendants who cannot afford one.

Gideon v. Wainwright established a right to counsel for all criminal defendants, regardless of their ability to pay. The ruling expanded criminal defendants rights and helped ensure that poor and marginalized individuals are not unfairly targeted or punished.

Ernesto Miranda was arrested and interrogated by police concerning a rape and kidnapping. During the interrogation, Miranda confessed to the crimes. However, the cops never told him about his right to remain silent or his ability to have an attorney present.

The prosecution used his confession as evidence, and he was sentenced to 20-30 years in prison.

Mirandas lawyers appealed, arguing that the police had violated his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination and his Sixth Amendment right to counsel by not informing him of those rights.

The Court ruled that police must inform suspects of their right to remain silent and their right to counsel before interrogation. Additionally, any statements obtained in violation of these rights cannot be used against the individual.

Miranda v. Arizona strengthened protections for criminal defendants and established clear guidelines for the police during interrogations. It is a crucial safeguard against coerced confessions and other abuses of power.

In 2007, Tarahrick Edwards was convicted of armed robbery and rape. Edwards appealed his conviction, arguing that the court minimized minority representation, allowing only one black individual to sit on the jury.

One juror voted to acquit Edwards, but due to Louisiana non-unanimous jury law, he was sentenced to life in prison. Edwards challenged his conviction stating that Louisianas non-unanimous jury conviction laws were unconstitutional.

After repeated attempts to overturn his conviction, the Supreme Court stated that non-unanimous jury verdicts could not be applied retroactively.

Edwards v. Vannoy clarified the retroactive application of the law in Ramos v. Louisiana (2020). The decision allows individuals convicted by non-unanimous juries to seek relief and challenge their convictions as long as the case happens after 2020.

In 1967, William Furman, a black man, was arrested for murder after he broke into a home and killed the homeowner. Furman was convicted, and the trial judge imposed the death penalty. However, under Georgia law at the time, the death penalty was not mandatory for anyone convicted of murder, leaving the sentencing to the discretion of the judge or jury.

Furman appealed his sentence to the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing that Georgias death penalty statute was unconstitutional because it allowed for arbitrary and discriminatory application. Specifically, Furman argued that the death penalty was more likely to be imposed on defendants who were black, poor, or otherwise disadvantaged.

In a 5-4 decision, the Supreme Court held that Georgias death penalty statute, as well as the death penalty statutes of other states, violated the Eighth Amendments prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment. The Court stated the death penalty was being imposed with no standards to guide its application and that it was unconstitutional.

The Court did not, however, hold that the death penalty itself was unconstitutional. Instead, it held that how it was being imposed was unconstitutional.

Furman v. Georgia forced states to revise their capital punishment statutes to include safeguards against discriminatory applications. In response, many states adopted new laws that required juries to consider mitigating factors before imposing the death penalty and provided an appellate review of death sentences.

In 1972, a group of burglars broke into the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate office complex in Washington, D.C. The burglars were later connected to President Richard Nixons re-election campaign. Soon after, an investigation began into the administrations role in the break-in and the subsequent cover-up.

Special prosecutor Archibald Cox issued a subpoena for Nixon to release recordings of conversations that had taken place in the Oval Office. Nixon refused to comply with the subpoena, citing executive privilege and arguing that the tapes contained confidential information that would harm national security if released.

In an 8-0 decision, the Supreme Court held that Nixon had no authority to withhold evidence relevant to a criminal trial. The Court rejected Nixons claims of executive privilege, finding that while the president had a constitutional duty to protect national security, this duty did not give him the power to override the law or obstruct justice.

As a result of the decision, Nixon was forced to release the recordings, which contained incriminating evidence that ultimately led to his resignation.

The United States v. Nixon decision established that no one, not even the president, is above the law. The decision affirmed the judiciarys power to hold the executive branch accountable and require the release of evidence in criminal trials.

The case remains an important precedent for cases involving executive privilege and the separation of powers between branches of government.

In 1981, police officers in Los Angeles obtained a search warrant based on information from a reliable informant. However, the warrant was later found to be invalid due to a technical error.

Nonetheless, the officers searched Leons home and found drugs and other evidence of drug trafficking. Leon was charged with drug offenses.

The case went to the U.S. Supreme Court; they created a good faith exception to the exclusionary rule, which allows evidence to be used at trial even if the warrant was later found to be defective, as long as the police acted in good faith when obtaining the warrant.

Some have praised the decision in United States v. Leon as a necessary step to balance the need for law enforcement with the protection of individual rights. In contrast, others have criticized it as weakening the Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable searches and seizures.

In 1982, James Batson, a black man, was on trial for burglary and receiving stolen goods. During jury selection, the prosecutor used challenges to strike all four black potential jurors from the jury pool, leaving an all-white jury.

Batsons defense attorneys objected to the prosecutors use of peremptory challenges, arguing that it violated Batsons rights under the Fourteenth Amendments Equal Protection Clause. The trial court rejected the objection, and Batson was convicted and sentenced to prison.

On appeal, Batson argued that the prosecutors use of peremptory challenges to strike potential jurors based on race was unconstitutional.

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the prosecutors use of peremptory challenges to exclude jurors based solely on their race violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court held that a defendant has the right to a jury pool selected without regard to race and that challenges cannot be used to exclude jurors based on race or ethnicity.

Batson v. Kentucky established an important precedent for ensuring racial fairness in jury selection. It signaled a shift away from the historical practice of excluding jurors based on race, and it established clear guidelines for preventing discrimination in the jury selection process.

The ruling has been hailed as a significant step forward in the fight for racial equality in the criminal justice system. However, some critics argue that the Batson rule has been difficult to enforce and has not gone far enough in addressing issues of racial bias in the criminal justice system.

In 1960, the Civil Rights Movement placed a full-page ad in the New York Times that criticized the treatment of civil rights protesters in the South.

L. B. Sullivan, the city commissioner of Montgomery, Alabama, sued the New York Times for defamation, claiming that the ad contained false statements about him and harmed his reputation. At trial, the jury awarded Sullivan $500,000 in damages.

The case reached the U.S. Supreme Court, ruling that the First Amendments protection of free speech and press extends to statements about public officials. Such officials must prove actual malice (i.e., knowledge of falsity or reckless disregard for the truth) to recover damages.

New York Times Co. v. Sullivan has significantly impacted the freedom of the press and the ability of individuals to criticize public officials without fear of being sued for defamation. The actual malice standard set by the Court became an essential element of First Amendment law. It has been applied to a wide range of cases involving media coverage of public officials and matters of public concern.

In 2009, James Kahler shot and killed his estranged wife, her grandmother, and his two teenage daughters. Kahler was charged with capital murder, found guilty, and sentenced to death.

Kahlers defense team argued that he was not responsible for his actions due to his mental illness. However, the trial judge instructed the jury that mental illness alone was insufficient to negate intent or justify a lesser charge of second-degree murder.

Kahler appealed his conviction, arguing that the trial judges instructions violated his Eighth Amendment rights against cruel and unusual punishment and his Fourteenth Amendment right to due process.

In a 6-3 decision, the U.S. Supreme Court held that the Kansas law prohibiting the use of mental illness as a defense to criminal charges did not violate the Eighth or Fourteenth Amendments.

The Court noted that while mental illness can mitigate criminal sentencing, it does not negate the mens rea or intent required for a conviction.

The Court further held that the specific jury instructions given in Kahlers case did not violate his constitutional rights, as they did not preclude the consideration of his mental illness as a mitigating factor in sentencing.

Some advocates have criticized the decision in Kahler v. Kansas, arguing that the ruling could discourage defendants from seeking help for their mental health issues and lead to more severe punishments for those with mental illnesses.

However, the decision also reflects a longstanding legal principle that criminal intent is a critical element of criminal law and that mental illness, while a mitigating factor, cannot excuse criminal behavior entirely.

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A new look at the lives of ultra-Orthodox Jews: Shtetl.org provides … – New York Daily News

In a jammed media sphere littered with the crumbling shells of failed news sites, its hard to imagine a new one whose mission could really set it apart. Nevertheless, when Naftuli Moster, a former Hasid known for his tireless advocacy for improved secular education in the ultra-Orthodox community, asked me to help launch his new project, I jumped at the chance; I saw that contrary to King Solomons famous pronouncement, this was, after all, something new under the sun:

Shtetl.org, focused on New Yorks rapidly growing ultra-Orthodox community, will be the first such news outlet not under the control of an established rabbinical leader or sect from within that community. With aspirations to meet the highest standards of traditional journalism, this new English-language publications aim is to report without fear or favor a mission that promises to at once shake up, inform and illuminate an insular civic sector whose growing presence and clout reverberate far beyond its redoubts in Brooklyn neighborhoods such as Borough Park and Williamsburg, and upstate New York towns such as Monsey and Kiryas Joel.

Ultra-Orthodox Jews dressed for the Passover holiday stand outside the New Jersey Center for the Performing Arts (NJPAC), April 24, 2019, in Newark, N.J. (Kathy Willens/AP)

Still, unlike Moster, I am myself a secular Jew; one who spent many years as news and investigations editor at The Forward, a well-known liberal media outlet steeped in secular Jewish identity, and as an investigative reporter for the Daily News. What could I possibly bring to the table?

For this, there is a backstory. It informs my own motivations and my hopes about what this new outlet can be.

By the time I turned 25, I had lived with Tibetan Buddhists in the Himalayas; an underground cell of Christian missionaries in Afghanistan, and with Sufis in Shiraz, Iran but until I knocked on a strangers door in the Maalot Dafna neighborhood of East Jerusalem, I had never met a Haredi Jew.

It was there, in 1978, that I met and befriended a chozer bteshuva, or returnee to faith, as formerly secular Jews are known the son of prominent Israeli academics I knew. A former left-wing activist, my new friend now lived in a Jerusalem community that sought to maintain the lifeways of the Eastern European ghetto. Taking me through his neighborhood of narrow streets with bearded men in black coats and women in sheitels and long skirts, he brought me to his class at Yeshiva Ohr Somayach, a still new institution at the time, funded by wealthy North American Jews and housed in a block-long building of gleaming white Jerusalem stone.

I was entranced enough, it turned out, to spend a good portion of my 10 months in Israel studying there and living in a community wholly foreign to anything Id previously encountered.

It was through Ohr Somayachs approach to teaching Scripture that I learned for the first time what close reading really meant a mode of critical engagement with texts quite unlike anything Id learned in high school or college. It was also my encounter with a formidable system of thought whose sexism and ethnic chauvinism shook me deeply. I ultimately turned in a different direction. But paradoxically, I owe to this confrontation in my mid-20s a sharpened mind and a greatly deepened sense of Jewish identity.

Women pushing strollers walk past the Yeshiva Kehilath Yakov School in the South Williamsburg neighborhood, April 9, 2019 in Brooklyn. (Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

During this sojourn, I lived in a community whose ethos of mutual support and solidarity taught me lessons that have stayed with me to this day. It has helped inform my faith in everything from the redistribution of wealth in programs like Social Security and Medicare, to my belief in the centrality of decency and compassion as the existential cornerstones of a viable polity.

At the same time, I was astonished at some of the conversations Id find myself in with brilliant men the yeshivas were all male whod grown up in this world. Amid complex legal discussions, they would simply stare at me blankly when Id make references in passing to: Chairman Mao; feudalism; antibodies; Neanderthals; Tahiti; Fidel Castro; the U.S. Constitutions Fourth Amendment, and Charles Darwin, to name but a few.

It wasnt until decades later that I understood why. Working as a reporter for prominent Jewish newspapers, I learned, to my surprise, that many ultra-Orthodox Jews never looked at those papers, much less non-Jewish news outlets. Nor was television permitted in their homes. Haredi rabbis condemn these outside news sources, instead authorizing only news sources they or their factions control, directly or indirectly.

These publications offer a strictly authorized version of reality, with results that can range from comic to cruel. In one instance, the Brooklyn Yiddish weekly Di Tzeitung was forced to apologize to the Obama White House in 2011 for airbrushing Secretary of State Hillary Clinton out of an historic Situation Room gathering, a move in line with its policy of banning female images to maintain sexual modesty. The iconic photograph, whose usage agreement banned such airbrushing, captured President Barack Obama and key members of his national security team gathered around a monitor watching as Navy SEALs in Pakistan closed in on 9/11 mastermind Osama Bin Laden.

More disturbingly, and much closer to home, one Hasidic newspapers recent campaign on behalf of a convicted child sex abuser laid the ground for the grand rebbe of one of the largest Hasidic sects to honor him with a highly-publicized pilgrimage to visit the abuser in prison. The campaign and the November visit took place against the backdrop of a continuing effort by Rabbi Zalman Teitelbaums Satmar sect to win commutation of the 50-year sentence being served by Nechemya Weberman. Not coincidentally, Vochenshrift, the Yiddish newspaper that conducted the campaign, is loyal to Teitelbaums faction.

An Orthodox jewish man walks through the Borough Park neighborhood on the eve of the Passover holiday on April 8, 2020 in New York. (Spencer Platt/Getty Images)

Weberman, now 64, was convicted in 2012 on 59 counts for repeated sexual assault, including rape, of a teen member of the sect whom he was treating as an unlicensed therapist starting from when she was 12. (Two counts were later reversed on appeal.) A Daily News article identified 10 other young women who claimed that Weberman had sexually assaulted them but reported that they were too afraid to come forward and face the shunning and intimidation that sect members inflicted on the accuser.

Vochenshrifts series on Weberman, which started in August, lionized him as a tremendous Hasid and victim of mesira, a grave sin wherein one Jew informs on another in contravention of Jewish law. The articles inspired a parade of solidarity visits to Weberman by other Hasidim, climaxed by the grand rebbes journey.

They say hes wrongfully accused, Shulim Leifer, a member of the Hasidic community, told JTA. Its written in a sense that its a foregone conclusion, that its a lynching that he went through.

Given the media environment in which they live, its little wonder that many Hasidim would look at the case this way. Moreover, these tightly controlled media outlets inspire reactions with real-world political consequences. During the trial, the young woman suffered widespread condemnation as a zona, or whore, and threats from other Satmar Hasidim for daring to report her abuse to secular law enforcement authorities.

Prior to the trial, more than 1,000 Hasidic men flocked to a banquet that raised an estimated $500,000 for Webermans defense. Brooklyns then-district attorney, Charles Hynes, prosecuted Weberman his first ever high-profile case against a member of the boroughs Satmar community only after sustained criticism that he had for many years shrunk from pursuing such trials. Hynes denied the charge. But as Leon Goldenberg, an Orthodox political activist noted at the time, The fact is that [Orthodox Jews] make up 10 to 15% of the electorate.

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More recently, Hynes successor, Eric Gonzalez, called on the governor to commute Webermans sentence the only instance of such an appeal by Gonzalez on behalf of a convicted sex abuser, according to The City. Gonzalezs August 2021 letter to the governor, which went unanswered, may have been ill-timed. It arrived on Andrew Cuomos last day in office, following his resignation in a scandal.

Mobilized by their distorted media bubble, this voting bloc intimidates city and state leaders from enforcing laws on everything from fire codes to education.

In 2011, the chief of the fire department responsible for New Square, a Hasidic enclave of almost 10,000 in Rockland County, told The Forward that at least 60% of its structures had serious code violations. Rockland County lawmaker Joe Meyers was blunt about why. New Square has a lot of power to deliver votes in elections, he said. Officials who otherwise do their jobs fall down when it comes to New Square.

As mayor of New York City, Bill de Blasio was no less mindful of this blocs power. In an official 2019 report, city investigators cited political horse-trading between his representatives and state legislators as the reason for a one-year delay in the citys release of a report finding Hasidic yeshivas were failing to give their students an adequate, legally required secular education.

We can counterbalance the hold that rabbinically controlled media outlets maintain on their readers, many of whom are actually hungry for news that directly impacts their lives. Quietly ignoring the rabbinical ban on the internet, they seek news out on anonymized laptops or second mobile phones in the privacy of their own homes. Shtetl will focus on this audiences concerns. This holds the potential to cultivate a cohort whose information horizons will extend beyond the narrow limits dictated by their leaders. Shtetls reports and investigations will also inform political leaders, journalists, civic leaders and taxpayers outside the ultra-Orthodox community about the many issues whose ramifications affect everyone.

For me, it even dangles the promise, eventually, of being able, after so many decades, to hold discussions about topics ranging from Darwin to democracy with some of the best trained minds I have ever encountered. Thats why I agreed to join Shtetls board and hope to contribute to its success.

Cohler-Esses, a former Daily News investigative reporter, is a board member of Shtetl-Haredi Free Press.

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A new look at the lives of ultra-Orthodox Jews: Shtetl.org provides ... - New York Daily News

VERISK ANALYTICS, INC. : Entry into a Material Definitive Agreement, Creation of a Direct Financial Obligation or an Obligation under an Off-Balance…

Item 1.01 Entry into a Material Definitive Agreement.

On April 5, 2023, Verisk Analytics, Inc. (the "Company") entered into the FifthAmendment to Second Amended and Restated Credit Agreement (the "FifthAmendment") which amends the Second Amended and Restated Credit Agreement datedas of April 22, 2015 (as amended by the First Amendment dated as of July 24,2015, the Second Amendment dated as of May 26, 2016, the Third Amendment datedas of May 18, 2017 and the Fourth Amendment dated as of August 15, 2019, the"Existing Credit Agreement", and the Existing Credit Agreement as amended by theFifth Amendment, the "Amended Credit Agreement") among the Company, the lendersparty thereto and Bank of America, N.A. as administrative agent. The FifthAmendment provides for (i) an extension of the maturity date of the $1.0 billionrevolving credit facility under the Amended Credit Agreement to the date that isfive years after the date of the Fifth Amendment, (ii) implementation of "TermSOFR", "SOFR Daily Floating Rate" and "SONIA" as reference rates for borrowingsunder the Amended Credit Agreement, (iii) certain modifications to thedefinition of "Applicable Rate", among other things, to reflect reductions inthe unused commitment fee, (iv) changes to the financial covenant based on theconsolidated funded debt leverage ratio to increase the ratio level from3.50:1.00 to 3.75:1.00 and to allow for a one temporary step-up to 4.25:1.00 andone temporary step-up to 4.50:1.00 in connection with the closing of a permittedacquisition and (v) certain other modifications and updates to the ExistingCredit Agreement as further detailed in the Fifth Amendment. All borrowingsunder the Amended Credit Agreement shall continue to remain unsecured.

The foregoing description of the Fifth Amendment is qualified in its entirety byreference to the Fifth Amendment, which is annexed as Exhibit 10.1 and isincorporated by reference in its entirety.

Item 2.03 Creation of a Direct Financial Obligation or an Obligation under an

The information contained in Item 1.01 of this Current Report on Form 8-K isincorporated by reference into this Item 2.03.

Item 9.01 Financial Statements and Exhibits.

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