Archive for the ‘Fourth Amendment’ Category

Constitution review: 20 states reject LG autonomy

No fewer than 20 states in the country rejected autonomy for local governments in the fourth amendment to the 1999 Constitution (as amended), passed by the Senate on Wednesday.

Our correspondent, who obtained a copy of the report of the Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution submitted by Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu on the floor of the senate, noted that 20 states voted against local government autonomy while 16 states voted in support.

The 20 states who voted against are: Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Borno, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Ekiti, Enugu, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kwara, Lagos, Ondo, Osun, Rivers, Taraba, Yobe and Zamfara.

States who gave the yes votes are: Adamawa, Anambra, Abia, Bauchi, Benue, Edo, Gombe, Imo, Kebbi, Kogi, Nasarawa, Niger, Ogun, Oyo, Plateau and Sokoto states.

The proposed amendments which was rejected had stated that a local government council not democratically elected shall not be recognised by all authorities and persons and shall not be entitled to any revenue allocation from the Federation Account or the state government.

It shall not also exercise any function exercisable by a local government council under this Constitution or any law for the time being in force; and shall stand dissolved at the expiration of a period of four years, commencing from the date the members of the council were sworn in.

The report also indicated that the National Assembly has also empowered the Independent National Electoral Commission to deregister political parties.

It also made provision for independent candidates in elections.

The extant electoral law stipulates that candidates for elections must be sponsored by political parties. Section 177 has been altered, by inserting a new paragraph that a candidate must be sponsored by political party or he is an independent candidate.

It was further observed that the lawmakers inserted section 225A, which states that INEC can deregister political parties if there is a breach of any of the requirements for registration.

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Constitution review: 20 states reject LG autonomy

Volokh Conspiracy: No cell phone warrants without search protocols, magistrate judge rules

The Fourth Amendment says that warrants must state where the government will search and what evidence the government will seize. In recent years, some federal magistrate judges, when asked to sign warrants for computer searches, have began imposing a new third requirement: limits on how computers can be searched. As I wrote in this 2010 article, I dont think such limits are permissible. In my view, questions about how a computer is searched must be reviewed after the search in adversarial litigation challenging its reasonableness, rather than guessed at beforehand and written into the warrant by an individual magistrate judge.

At present, however, there isnt much in the way of caselaw on which side is right. Theres a ton of circuit precedent saying that search protocols are not required. But theres only one appellate case on whether they are permitted, a Vermont Supreme Court case which concluded that that some restrictions are permitted but others arent. No Article III court has yet ruled on the question.

In light of that ongoing debate, I thought I would flag a recent opinion by Magistrate Judge David Waxse in Kansas, In the Matter of the Search of Cellular Telephones within Evidence Facility Drug Enforcement Administration, Kansas City District Office. The opinion rejects an application for a warrant to search cell phones in DEA custody because the investigators refused to provide the court with a search protocol. If the government seeks review, it may generate the first Article III precedent that grapples with whether such restrictions are permitted. (The case happens to involve cell phones, but there is no Fourth Amendment difference between a cell phone search and any other computer search.)

Waxses opinion is pretty unusual. It includes a long section titled Applying Constitutional Protections in the Digital Era that offers an interesting theoretical account of the role of precedent. According to Waxse, magistrate judges should not be overly beholden to Supreme Court precedent when technology changes:

With technological developments moving at such a rapid pace, Supreme Court precedent is and will inevitably continue to be absent with regard to many issues district courts encounter. As a result, an observable gap has arisen between the well-established rules lower courts have and the ones they need in the realm of technology. Courts cannot, however, allow the existence of that gap to infiltrate their decisions in a way that compromises the integrity and objectives of the Fourth Amendment. . . . The danger, of course, is that courts will rely on inapt analogical reasoning and outdated precedent to reach their decisions. To avoid this potential pitfall, courts must be aware of the danger and strive to avoid it by resisting the temptation to rationalize the application of ill-fitting precedent to circumstances.

Judge Waxse then concludes, relying heavily on the reasoning of the Vermont Supreme Court, that he has the authority to deny applications for computer warrants unless they detail how the search will be executed. Although the Supreme Court has indicated that the reasonableness of a warrant execution should be reviewed ex post, not ex ante, Waxse concludes that its more efficient to have the review occur ex ante:

The fact of the matter is that a court is attempting to avoid entirely the harm that ex post remedies are meant to assuage. By only deciding reasonableness of the governments actions ex post, the government not only possesses a substantial portion of an individuals private life, but it also fails to prevent a person from having to defend against subsequent unreasonable searches stemming from the initial search and seizure. Requiring search protocol in a warrant allows the court to more effectively fulfill its duty to render, as the Supreme Court put it, a deliberate, impartial judgment as to the constitutionality of the proposed search, thus avoiding the need for ex post remedies resulting from an unconstitutional search.

He concludes:

If the Court were to authorize this warrant, it would be contradicting the manifest purpose of the Fourth Amendment particularity requirement, which is to prevent general searches. Given the substantial amount of data collected by the government upon searching or seizing a cell phone, as discussed in Riley, requesting an unrestricted search is tantamount to requesting disclosure of a vast array of intimate details of an individuals private life. For the reasons discussed in this opinion, to issue this warrant would swing the balance between an individuals right to privacy and the governments ability to effectively investigate and prosecute crimes too far in favor of the government.

Accordingly, the Court again finds that an explanation of the governments search techniques is being required in order to determine whether the government is executing its search in both good faith and in compliance with the Fourth Amendment. The Court does not believe that this request will overburden the government. In fact, in Riley, the government advocated and it can be concluded that the Supreme Court endorsed the implementation of search protocols: Alternatively, the Government proposes that law enforcement agencies develop protocols to address concerns raised by cloud computing. Probably a good idea, but the Founders did not fight a revolution to gain the right to government agency protocols.

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Volokh Conspiracy: No cell phone warrants without search protocols, magistrate judge rules

Lawmakers Aim To Update Constitution For Data Privacy

ST. PAUL, Minn. (WCCO) State lawmakers are considering a constitutional amendment that would protect personal data from unreasonable search and seizure without a warrant.

The data privacy amendment would expand the current law to protect electronic communications and data,giving it the same protection in the state constitution as papers and other personal property.

Lawmakers in favor of this constitutional amendment say it would ensure that new 21stcentury communications, emails, text messages and photos are protected just as much as your other personal property.

A broad spectrum of political opinion in the state is speaking as one voice: supporters range from the most conservative lawmakers to the most liberal, all believing that further protections are needed forthe electronic communications of Minnesotans.

Minnesotans support our traditional rights to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures, and theyre also saying they support a modest, targeted constitutional amendment to make it clear that these protections still apply in our digital era, Matt Ehling, president of the Minnesota non-profit Public Record Media, said.

Supporters say the amendment will clarify that personal data is covered by the Fourth Amendment.

They also hope it closes loopholes that allow the federal government access to your emails, text messages and photos.

Sen. Branden Peterson, R-Andover, said there was a loophole in federal law over emails and other forms of digital communication.

All forms of electronic communication that are over sixmonths old can be accessed without a warrant, Peterson said.

The bill has passed through the Civil Law Committee and will be taken up in the Government Operations committee on Thursday.

See the article here:
Lawmakers Aim To Update Constitution For Data Privacy

Privacy advocates want amendment to protect personal data

Privacy advocates are pushing to allow Minnesota voters to decide whether their electronic communication should be protected from unreasonable search and seizure.

A bipartisan group of lawmakers and political organizations is encouraging the Legislature to put the question on the 2016 ballot.

State Rep. Peggy Scott, R-Andover, worries that law enforcement is overstepping its authority in acquiring data like financial and telecommunications records without getting search warrants.

"If data was what it is today if it would have been that way back when the constitution was being written I believe they would have included a person's technological communications as part of those things that would have been protected by the Fourth Amendment," Scott said.

A committee in the Republican-controlled House has scheduled a hearing on the bill this week. No committee hearing is scheduled in the Senate and DFL Senate Majority Leader Tom Bakk said he's reluctant to put any measures on the ballot next year.

"I think it would be unlikely that we're going to consider something additional for the ballot in 2016," Bakk said. "It's a conversation that I haven't had with the speaker yet if they have any interest to propose something."

Privacy issues are a major theme at the Capitol this year. There are also discussions about the privacy implications of police body cameras and police use of license plate readers.

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Privacy advocates want amendment to protect personal data

Volokh Conspiracy: On Orin Kerr and the Constitution across borders

As faithful readers of the VC know, Orin Kerr and I occasionally disagreeabout questions of Internet law, an area where our interests overlap considerably. But Orins recently-published paper on The Fourth Amendment and the Global Internet is a must-read - authoritative and comprehensive, a terrific resource for anyone thinking seriously aboutwhat Orin calls the clash between the territorial Fourth Amendment and the global Internet application of 4th Amednment doctrine to Internet communications, and the many difficulties of adapt[ing] to the reality of a global network in which suspects, victims, and evidence might be located anywhere. Legal scholarship at its best.

He covers a lot of ground, starting with the Supreme Courts decision inUnited States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, which held that a person must have sufficient voluntary connections to the United States either lawful presence in the United States at the time of the search or some substantial connection such as citizenship or lawful residency to enjoy the protection of the Fourth Amendmentat all. That is, some people in the world have FourthAmendment rights, and many others do not, which leads him to ask and analyze three questions: how should online contacts with the United States factor into whether aperson has Fourth Amendment rights? Second, how does the Fourth Amendmentapply when the government does not know if a target has sufficient contactsto establish Fourth Amendment rights? And third, how does the FourthAmendment apply when the government monitors communications betweenthose who lack Fourth Amendment rights and others who have those rights?

Next, he asks a series of questions assuming that the subject of monitoringhasFourth Amendment rights: how does the subjects location (or the location of the data) affect the analysis of whether the search was unreasonable within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment?

Its a rich mine of interesting and important law. But for me, the really interesting question is the one heexpressly) sets aside: is the Verdugo-Urquidez rule itself, and the strict territorial demarcations on which it is based, the right one for the 21st century Constitution? Orin takes the Verdugo rule as a given; as he notes, he accepts the basic principles of existing doctrine and considers how courts should apply those principles in light of the unprecedented globalism of todays Internet. Fair enough. But why dont we extend Fourth Amendment rights to foreigners outside of our borders? The Fourth Amendment, of course, only prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures why should the government be empowered to behave unreasonably towards anyone, with or without a citizenship or residency or locational connection to the United States? Why should the Constitution not prohibit US agents from searching the contents of Angela Merkels e-mail inbox?

Its a question that comes up frequently in Internet law, in connection with other constitutional rights. it was, for instance, very much central to the debates about SOPA (Stop Online Piracy Act) a few years ago. The animating principle behind SOPA which targeted foreign infringing websites for elimination through the Domain Name System was one that was premised on the notion that the operators of foreign infringing websites have no due process rights that we have to recognize (because, like the 4th Amendment, the 5th Amendment due process guarantees have a territorial component), so we can summarily remove their websites from the global Internet without compunction, in a manner that would be unconstitutional if applied to US citizens. It struck me as a flawed view of the world then, and it does again in reading Orins article.

David G. Post is a Sr. Fellow at the New America Foundation's Open Technology Institute. He taught intellectual property/Internet law at Georgetown and Temple Universities, and is the author of In Search of Jefferson's Moose: Notes on the State of Cyberspace. Views expressed are his own and should not be attributed to his affiliated institutions.

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Volokh Conspiracy: On Orin Kerr and the Constitution across borders