Archive for the ‘Fourth Amendment’ Category

If Police Have Devices That Can Read Your Mind, How Does the Fifth Amendment Fit In? – Slate

This article is part of the Policing and Technology Project, a collaboration between Future Tense and the Tech, Law, & Security Program at American University Washington College of Law that examines the relationship between law enforcement, police reform, and technology.

The police show up to your house. Its the middle of the night, you are disoriented, and they want to know where you were earlier in the day. You have no idea at that moment that your ex-girlfriend was found dead, and some of your fingerprints were found at her housebut you do know you have the right to remain silent. Until the cops bring out the headset.

One of the hallmarks of the U.S. Constitution is the enumerated right of citizens to not be coerced into self-incrimination or be allowed to take the Fifth. But new technologies may one day be able to read your mind to varying degrees, rendering your decision to stay silent moot. While current devices merely collect data such as brain activity, labs are working on revolutionary devices that can record thoughts or allow for telepathic communication. They may be years or decades away, but they are worth thinking about now. As the courts seem to be moving toward allowing more and more personal data to be used as evidence. This data may eventually be both a window into mind and a side-step to Fifth Amendment protection.

Brain-computer interface devices are poised to become an integral treatment for diseases of the nervous system, by restoring brain function, mapping the brain, and enhancing cognitive function. These devices function through direct communication between the signals from a persons brain and an external computer. Some BCI devices are already on the market, though they are more quotidian: Muse, for instance, offers a wearable EEG device to aid in meditation, already have devices on market. Elon Musks Neuralink and Synchrons Stentrode, which both aim to return motor function to patients with neuromuscular conditions such as paralysis, are working on more invasive interventions, which would require surgery for implantation. Neuralink is designing a robot-driven brain surgery, while Synchron will be implanted via the patients blood vessels. Both have received breakthrough status from the FDA, meaning they will have an accelerated regulatory review process.

Eventually, BCIs could allow paralyzed people to walk, use their arms to get dressed, or communicate verbally. Should that happen, these devices will have unprecedented access to the human mind and even an individuals thoughts themselves. Though there are lots of ifs here and neural data is very noisy and hard to decode, studies have shown that synthetic speech can be generated from brain recordings.

And we have seen in the past, medical advancements can make their way into the criminal justice system, battering the boundaries of the Fifth Amendment. While it is easy to recognize verbal self-incrimination, it quickly becomes more complex once your mouth is no longer forming words. For example, if the police pull you over and ask whether you have been drinking, you may invoke the Fifth Amendment and decline to answer. However, the Fifth Amendment does not protect you from submitting to a field sobriety test and blood samples, even though they are ostensibly incriminating information gathered from the suspect. In some states, declining such a test can be treated as admission of guilt. This line of reasoning has now been applied to our cellphones and the ways they can be unlocked. For example, though you cannot be compelled to offer up your password to open your phone in most of the U.S., in many jurisdictions you may be forced to use your fingerprint or facial scan to do so. Why? Courts have reasoned that this is no different than a blood sample or left-behind fingerprint. Here, this becomes a simple reduction to what you know versus what you have. That distinction is likely to blur as technology develops.

On one hand, forcing a person to unlock a cellphone with a fingerprint seems vastly more invasive than finding a forgotten fingerprint theyve left behind. However, if we dont allow room for entry into the device in some fashion, that will only precipitate the creation of powerful technologies to access locked devices, which criminals may be able to use as easily as law enforcement. After the San Bernardino shootings in 2015, the FBI had a warrant to enter the deceased suspects iPhonebut no method of entry, as they had no passcode. Apple intentionally has not developed backdoor entry into its devices, which wipe themselves after 10 failed login attempts. Here, if not for federal hackers, this lawful evidence would have been lost forever. This ability to use the Fifth Amendment to intentionally hamstring the fourth amendment is also problematic.

To deal with this concern, the Supreme Court has developed a foregone conclusion test to apply to such cases. It says that if the state can demonstrate that it already knows what is on the device, it may compel the owner to provide the password or other means of entry. Unfortunately, this standard is vague. Courts vary in how narrowly or broadly they apply it, leaving behind disjointed rulings. These disjointed opinions are often the outcome of cases dealing with both the Fifth and Fourth Amendments, search and seizure.The Supreme Court can choose to hear cases that resulted in split decisions, but when the chance came to offer clarity on these questions in Jones v. Massachusetts in 2019, it refused to hear the case, so it will be some time before we have any resolution.

But the problem goes even deeper, as the actual invasion into the mind may not be necessary if the data is being collected in real time by a third party. In many instances this kind of medical data as fallen outside of self-incrimination discussions all together, being easily categorized as evidence and not testimony. Recently, a judge ruled pacemaker data admissible to demonstrate the defendants heart rate at time of a crime. The court reasoned that there was far more sensitive information than heart rate in the human body. However, as the heart rate is controlled by a nervous system response, one could also argue this is a rough look into the mind of the defendant. Is your nervous systems response at the time of a crime as simple as a left behind fingerprint? The courts have not established a clear demarcation between the mind and the body, which will be paramount for dealing with issues surrounding BCIs and self-incrimination. Here a basic protection for data collected from thoughts would provide a safeguard for cognitive liberty. Otherwise, we are left with loopholes that allow the state to have access to our most personal thoughts and motivations, which seems starkly against the spirit of the Fifth Amendment.

Moreover, as these BCI devices will save data, perhaps the Fifth Amendment will become less relevantafter all, companies will be holding onto treasure troves of neural data available for search under the Fourth Amendment. If the data is stored on a third-party device, such as a health app, it is not protected by the Fourth Amendmentunder the third-party doctrine, once you voluntarily give your information to, say, a company that provides a service, you waive any expectation of privacy and as such the state may have access. This guideline is commonly applied to phone records, but is it the standard we want in place with complex neural devices?

We need to create some new privacy rules for the 21st century that catch up to technologies new ability to assess not just our bodies but our minds. We should update the third-party doctrine so that cognitive data has more protections. Courts will inevitably have to interpret and apply more tests based on it, but they need a floor to work from in order to create more coherent and united opinions. If we do nothing, the Fifth Amendment could be weakened until its inevitable death.

Future Tense is a partnership of Slate, New America, and Arizona State University that examines emerging technologies, public policy, and society.

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If Police Have Devices That Can Read Your Mind, How Does the Fifth Amendment Fit In? - Slate

Can employers require a COVID-19 vaccine? Federal agency says yes, and they can offer incentives, too – USA TODAY

Georgia poultry plant hosts in-house vaccination clinic for workers; eployees roll up0 their sleeves to take advantage of easy access. (May 28) AP Domestic

Businesses can require their employees to be vaccinated against COVID-19 without violating federalEqual Employment Opportunity Commission laws, the agency says.

Businesses can also offer incentives to employees to get vaccinated or to provide documentation of vaccination "as long as the incentives are not coercive," the EEOC said in a news releaseFriday.

The updated EEOC guidance indicates employers must make "reasonable accommodations" for employees who don't get vaccinated because ofa disability, religious beliefs, or pregnancy.

The agency also noted that other federal, stateand local laws may come into play.

The updated technical assistance released today addresses frequently asked questions concerning vaccinations in the employment context, EEOC Chair Charlotte A. Burrows said in a statement.The EEOC will continue to clarify and update our COVID-19 technical assistance to ensure that we are providing the public with clear, easy to understand, and helpful information."

Vaccination or termination?Why this Tennessee caregiver would rather be fired

Employee incentives: Publix, other national companies offer incentives for employee vaccination

Ask HR: What incentives can I offer employees to get a COVID-19 vaccine?

Legal experts say federal laws dont block businesses from asking customers or employees about their vaccine status, despite social media posts claiming the opposite.

Posts circulating widely on Instagram this month cited excerpts of the Fourth Amendment and the 1964 Civil Rights Act to falsely claim that a business asking for proof of vaccination or denying entry based on vaccination status is a violation of your privacy and property rights protected by federal law.

The posts claimed the Fourth Amendment protects individuals against businesses asking about vaccines because it protects the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures.

However, legal experts say that amendment refers specifically to searches and seizures by the government, not by private entities.

The Fourth Amendment only applies to governmental searches and seizures and certainly not to businesses asking for proof of vaccination, said Lawrence Gostin, a law professor at Georgetown University who specializes in public health law.

Contributing: Associated Press

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Can employers require a COVID-19 vaccine? Federal agency says yes, and they can offer incentives, too - USA TODAY

Can You Handle The Truth: Fact-Checking Claims About If Businesses Can Require Proof Of COVID-19 Vaccination – Capital Public Radio News

A popular post on social media claims businesses in the U.S. cant legally require customers to provide proof of vaccination or deny entry based on vaccination status. But experts say that's not true.

PolitiFact California reporter Chris Nichols explored those claims with anchor Randol White in this weeks Can You Handle The Truth segment.

This interview has been edited for clarity and length.

On the origins of the post

This comes from a website called Healthy American. Its run by an anti-mask activist in Orange County. The website has been the source of misinformation in the past.

The claim about businesses not being able to require proof of vaccinations is just not accurate, but it was shared on Instagram and Twitter and received more than 60,000 views within two days last week.

It was flagged by Facebook users, and our PolitiFact California contributor Sasha Hupka examined it through our social media fact-checking initiative.

On how the Fourth Amendment doesnt apply to this false claim

The Fourth Amendment states that Americans have rights against unreasonable searches and seizures from the government.

But legal experts pointed out that asking a person for proof of vaccination does not constitute a search or a seizure. Private businesses are not the government entities addressed in the amendment.

On what freedoms businesses do and do not have with their customers

Under the Civil Rights Act, private businesses cannot discriminate on the basis of race, gender, religion and national origin or disability.

But aside from that, businesses generally are able to set their own rules on their private property. Even so, legal experts told us that businesses might have to provide reasonable accommodations at least for those customers who cant be vaccinated because of a disability or religious belief before they can refuse service.

This might include allowing the customer to enter wearing a mask or offering them a virtual, no-contact version of the service that the business provides.

PolitiFact rates this claim as False.

On the incorrect claim that getting vaccinated may jeopardize your life insurance policy

This post was also flagged by Facebook users, and its been circulating online for a while now.

Back in March, the American Council of Life Insurers, a trade group that represents 280 companies, issued a statement calling this claim entirely false information.

We found that life insurance companies, trade groups and state regulatory agencies have all said that the COVID-19 vaccine does not play a role in insurance eligibility or payouts. We rated the claim on Facebook as False.

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Can You Handle The Truth: Fact-Checking Claims About If Businesses Can Require Proof Of COVID-19 Vaccination - Capital Public Radio News

The FBI Took Their Safe Deposit Box and Everything Inside It. Two Months Later, They’re Still Waiting for It To Be Returned. – Reason

Inside the safe deposit box they rented at U.S. Private Vaults in Beverly Hills, California, Jennifer and Paul Snitko kept the sort of things that any law-abiding American might want to store securely: a will, backup copies of their home computer's hard drive, and some family heirlooms including jewelry, a fancy watch, and a class ring.

The Snitkos are not criminals. They've not been charged with any crimes. During his career as an aerospace engineer, Paul even held several security clearances.

But since March 22, they've been treated like criminals. The Snitkos' valuables have been in the possession of federal prosecutors following an FBI raid that resulted in hundreds of safe deposit boxes being seizeddespite the fact that the warrant authorizing the raid, as Reason previously reported, explicitly forbade federal agents from conducting "a criminal search or seizure of the contents of the safe-deposit boxes."

But the FBI did not merely seize the safe deposit boxes housed at U.S. Private Vaults. Federal agents then proceeded to search each box, even brazenly tearing open sealed envelopes and rummaging through the belongings found inside. More than two months after the raid at U.S. Private Vaults, the Snitkos and other innocent people who had their stuff taken have no idea when their valuables might be returned.

"When you've done nothing wrong, you shouldn't be subjected to an investigation," says Paul Snitko. "That the federal government broke open our safety deposit box was shocking and that we have no idea when we will get our property back is infuriating."

On Friday, just hours after the Snitkos filed a lawsuitwith help from the Institute for Justice (IJ), a libertarian law firmchallenging what they say was the FBI's unlawful seizure of their safe deposit box, they finally got some good news. Sort of. According to IJ, the couple received a phone call from the FBI informing them that they would have their property returned in "about two to three weeks from now."

As of Friday afternoon, two other clients represented in the same lawsuit have not received similar phone calls.

The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California, joins several other legal actions already launched on behalf of anonymous individuals whose property was similarly caught up in the FBI raid of U.S. Private Vaults. Federal prosecutors have charged U.S. Private Vaults with several crimes including conspiracy to commit money laundering and, earlier this week, filed forfeiture motions against roughly 400 of the nearly 1,000 safe deposit boxes seized in the raid.

As Reason previously reported, the unsealed warrant authorizing the raid of U.S. Private Vaults granted the FBI permission to seize the business's computers, money counters, security cameras, and "nests" of safe deposit boxesthe large steel frames that effectively act as bookshelves for the boxes themselves. However, FBI procedure required federal agents to take the safe deposit boxes into custody as well.

What happened after that is what's truly enraging about the situation. Federal agents were supposed to identify the boxes' owners so property taken in the raid could be returned. In many cases, that was as easy as checking the documents that were taped to the tops of the boxesbut, instead, legal filings show that investigators brazenly rifled through the boxes.

Like other victims of the raid, the Snitkos also had identifying information attached to the lid of their safe deposit box. Opening the box, their lawsuit argues, is a clear violation of their Fourth Amendment rights, while the FBI's continued retention of their property represents both Fourth Amendment and Fifth Amendment violations.

"The government's dragnet search of innocent peoples' private security boxes is the most outrageous Fourth Amendment abuse that the Institute for Justice has ever seen," says Robert Frommer, a senior attorney with IJ. "It is like the government breaking into every apartment in a building because the landlord was dealing drugs in the lobby."

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The FBI Took Their Safe Deposit Box and Everything Inside It. Two Months Later, They're Still Waiting for It To Be Returned. - Reason

These are the decisions to watch for during the Supreme Court’s final month – Pennsylvanianewstoday.com

The Supreme Court is staring at its self-imposed end-of-June deadline, but the justices have not yet released some of the most significant opinions of the term, including a challenge to the Affordable Care Act, the Voting Rights Act and a case on religious liberty involving a Philadelphia foster agency.Recent weeks have seen justices clear their desks of those opinions that produce fewer divisions, as the tension grows for the big-ticket cases.At the same time, eyes are on any retirement plans of Justice Stephen Breyer, 82. His departure would allow President Joe Biden and Senate Democrats to replace him with a much younger liberal. Justices have often announced their retirements at the end of a term. Heres what the court has on its docket:Obamacare (again)Republican-led states aided by the former Trump administration are trying to get the court to invalidate the entire Affordable Care Act, former President Barack Obamas most significant legislative achievement.The case marks the third time the court heard a significant challenge to the 2010 law, although the stakes are heightened given the implications of COVID-19, the catastrophic deaths and the current burdens facing the health care industry.As things stand, Texas and other Republican-led states are challenging the law and California and other Democratic-led states, the House of Representatives and the Biden administration support the law.In one of his first acts as president, Biden informed the court that his government was reversing the position taken by the Trump administration. The Department of Justice now argues that even if the individual mandate is constitutional and that even if the court finds otherwise, it should sever the mandate and allow every other provision to stand.Religious liberty, LGBTQ rights and a Philadelphia foster agencyAt issue is a major dispute pitting claims of religious liberty against the LGBTQ community. It comes as the new conservative majority has moved aggressively to protect rights under the Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution.In the case heard in early November, Philadelphia froze the contract of a Catholic foster agency because the agency refused to work with same-sex couples as potential foster parents. The agency, Catholic Social Services, sued under the First Amendment.Philadelphia defended its action, saying the agency violated anti-discrimination laws that are neutral and applicable to everyone.Supporters of LGBTQ rights support the city, arguing it was within its rights to freeze the contract to an organization receiving taxpayer funds and turning away same-sex couples. They fear that a decision in favor of CSS would clear the way for religious organizations to get exemptions from non-discrimination laws in other contexts.Supporters of expanding religious liberty rights hope the courts conservative majority, expanding upon a trend from last term, will continue to hold the government to a higher standard when it comes to regulations that impact religious believers.Arizona voting rights lawThe Supreme Court is considering two provisions of Arizona law that the Democratic National Committee says violate the historic Voting Rights Act that prohibits laws that result in racial discrimination.One part of the state law requires that in-person Election Day voters cast their votes in their assigned precinct. Another provision says that only certain persons family, caregivers, mail carriers and elections officials may deliver another persons completed ballot to the polling place.Eight years ago, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote the 5-4 majority opinion in Shelby County v. Holder, effectively gutting Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, a provision that required states with a history of discrimination to obtain the permission of the federal government or the courts before enacting new laws related to voting.Since that decision, challengers to voting restrictions have increasingly turned to Section 2 of the law, that holds that no voting regulation can be imposed that results in a denial or abridgment of the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color. Democrats fear the new conservative majority on the court will now weaken Section 2.The case comes as Republican state legislators across the country are also moving at a fast clip to pass laws to restrict voting access.Fourth Amendment: Warrants when in hot pursuitThe justices are considering a case about when a police officer needs a warrant to enter the sanctity of an individuals home. In general, in such circumstances a warrant is required, although the Supreme Court has held that under certain exigent circumstances, a warrant is not required.If, for example, an officer is in hot pursuit of a driver or if emergency aid is needed a warrant is not always necessary.The case at hand explores whether a categorical exception to a warrant holds up if the officer thinks the person he is following in hot pursuit committed a less serious offense: a misdemeanor. Its the first time the justices have looked at the scope of the hot pursuit doctrine when it comes to a minor violation.NCAA amateur rulesThe case offers the Supreme Court the opportunity for the first time in decades to examine the relationship between NCAA spending limits and student-athletes who are seeking compensation for their talents.At issue is a lower court ruling that struck down spending caps for education related benefits because, the court held, they violated antitrust laws. The NCAA is asking the Supreme Court to reverse the decision arguing that it is going to allow money to pour into the system under the guise of education which will destroy the distinction between amateur and pro sports. A lawyer for a class of students said the lower court got it right, and worried about the exploitation of students.Union organizingThe Supreme Court is again considering the power of union organizers in a case that pits agriculture businesses and privacy rights advocates against big labor and raises questions of when the government can allow access to private property without compensation. A ruling against the union position in the case would come after the Supreme Court in 2018 dealt a blow to the funding of public-sector unions.The case is brought by agricultural growers challenging a California state law that allows union organizers onto their property to speak to workers unannounced. They say it amounts to a government taking of the land without just compensation.The Biden administration is supporting the unions position, a change from the Trump administration, which had backed the employers.Dark moneyConservative non-profits Americans for Prosperity (a Koch-affiliated group) and the Thomas More Law Center are challenging a California law that requires charitable organizations that solicit donations to disclose a list of their contributors to the state attorney general.The groups say they want to keep their donors secret and that the state has not shown a compelling reason for the law. They argue that the law will chill contributors from coming forward for fear of harassment in violation of the First Amendment. Although the information is supposed to be confidential, the groups say that the state may make inadvertent disclosures.In response, California argues that the groups already have to file the same data with the IRS and the state needs the information as it tries to combat fraud related to charities. Three other states New York, New Jersey and Hawaii have similar laws.The case is being closely watched by those who fear it could lead to more anonymous Dark Money flowing into the system.The nonprofits are asking the Supreme Court to make it harder for the government to require the disclosure of donor information, said Lloyd Hitoshi Mayer, an expert on campaign finance at Notre Dame Law School. While the case is about a state Attorney General asking for this information, if the Supreme Court raised the bar here, that would likely also apply to election donor disclosure laws down the road.Cheerleader and off-campus speechThe justices are looking at a First Amendment case concerning the authority of public school officials to discipline students for what they say outside of school.Then-junior varsity cheerleader Brandi Levy, who didnt make the varsity squad lashed out on social media while she was off campus, writing, school softball cheer everything. The words were accompanied by a picture of her giving a middle-digit salute.After the outburst, the girl was suspended from the squad as having violated team and school rules. Lawyers for the girl sued alleging the school had violated her freedom of speech. The girl won in the lower courts that held that school could not remove her for off-campus speech. According to the court of appeals, she did not waive her First Amendment rights as a condition of joining the team.Back in 1969, the Supreme Court held that public school officials could regulate speech that would materially and substantially interfere with the requirements of appropriate discipline in the operation of the school. But that decision concerned speech at school.Empowering public school officials to censor what students say when they are outside of school would be an epic restriction of young peoples freedom of expression, said Witold Walczak of the ACLU, defending the student.The Biden administration has weighed in in favor of the school arguing that there is some speech, that intentionally targets specific school functions that warrant discipline even if it occurs off campus.

The Supreme Court is staring at its self-imposed end-of-June deadline, but the justices have not yet released some of the most significant opinions of the term, including a challenge to the Affordable Care Act, the Voting Rights Act and a case on religious liberty involving a Philadelphia foster agency.

Recent weeks have seen justices clear their desks of those opinions that produce fewer divisions, as the tension grows for the big-ticket cases.

At the same time, eyes are on any retirement plans of Justice Stephen Breyer, 82. His departure would allow President Joe Biden and Senate Democrats to replace him with a much younger liberal. Justices have often announced their retirements at the end of a term.

Heres what the court has on its docket:

Republican-led states aided by the former Trump administration are trying to get the court to invalidate the entire Affordable Care Act, former President Barack Obamas most significant legislative achievement.

The case marks the third time the court heard a significant challenge to the 2010 law, although the stakes are heightened given the implications of COVID-19, the catastrophic deaths and the current burdens facing the health care industry.

As things stand, Texas and other Republican-led states are challenging the law and California and other Democratic-led states, the House of Representatives and the Biden administration support the law.

In one of his first acts as president, Biden informed the court that his government was reversing the position taken by the Trump administration. The Department of Justice now argues that even if the individual mandate is constitutional and that even if the court finds otherwise, it should sever the mandate and allow every other provision to stand.

At issue is a major dispute pitting claims of religious liberty against the LGBTQ community. It comes as the new conservative majority has moved aggressively to protect rights under the Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution.

In the case heard in early November, Philadelphia froze the contract of a Catholic foster agency because the agency refused to work with same-sex couples as potential foster parents. The agency, Catholic Social Services, sued under the First Amendment.

Philadelphia defended its action, saying the agency violated anti-discrimination laws that are neutral and applicable to everyone.

Supporters of LGBTQ rights support the city, arguing it was within its rights to freeze the contract to an organization receiving taxpayer funds and turning away same-sex couples. They fear that a decision in favor of CSS would clear the way for religious organizations to get exemptions from non-discrimination laws in other contexts.

Supporters of expanding religious liberty rights hope the courts conservative majority, expanding upon a trend from last term, will continue to hold the government to a higher standard when it comes to regulations that impact religious believers.

The Supreme Court is considering two provisions of Arizona law that the Democratic National Committee says violate the historic Voting Rights Act that prohibits laws that result in racial discrimination.

One part of the state law requires that in-person Election Day voters cast their votes in their assigned precinct. Another provision says that only certain persons family, caregivers, mail carriers and elections officials may deliver another persons completed ballot to the polling place.

Eight years ago, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote the 5-4 majority opinion in Shelby County v. Holder, effectively gutting Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, a provision that required states with a history of discrimination to obtain the permission of the federal government or the courts before enacting new laws related to voting.

Since that decision, challengers to voting restrictions have increasingly turned to Section 2 of the law, that holds that no voting regulation can be imposed that results in a denial or abridgment of the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color. Democrats fear the new conservative majority on the court will now weaken Section 2.

The case comes as Republican state legislators across the country are also moving at a fast clip to pass laws to restrict voting access.

The justices are considering a case about when a police officer needs a warrant to enter the sanctity of an individuals home. In general, in such circumstances a warrant is required, although the Supreme Court has held that under certain exigent circumstances, a warrant is not required.

If, for example, an officer is in hot pursuit of a driver or if emergency aid is needed a warrant is not always necessary.

The case at hand explores whether a categorical exception to a warrant holds up if the officer thinks the person he is following in hot pursuit committed a less serious offense: a misdemeanor. Its the first time the justices have looked at the scope of the hot pursuit doctrine when it comes to a minor violation.

The case offers the Supreme Court the opportunity for the first time in decades to examine the relationship between NCAA spending limits and student-athletes who are seeking compensation for their talents.

At issue is a lower court ruling that struck down spending caps for education related benefits because, the court held, they violated antitrust laws. The NCAA is asking the Supreme Court to reverse the decision arguing that it is going to allow money to pour into the system under the guise of education which will destroy the distinction between amateur and pro sports. A lawyer for a class of students said the lower court got it right, and worried about the exploitation of students.

The Supreme Court is again considering the power of union organizers in a case that pits agriculture businesses and privacy rights advocates against big labor and raises questions of when the government can allow access to private property without compensation. A ruling against the union position in the case would come after the Supreme Court in 2018 dealt a blow to the funding of public-sector unions.

The case is brought by agricultural growers challenging a California state law that allows union organizers onto their property to speak to workers unannounced. They say it amounts to a government taking of the land without just compensation.

The Biden administration is supporting the unions position, a change from the Trump administration, which had backed the employers.

Conservative non-profits Americans for Prosperity (a Koch-affiliated group) and the Thomas More Law Center are challenging a California law that requires charitable organizations that solicit donations to disclose a list of their contributors to the state attorney general.

The groups say they want to keep their donors secret and that the state has not shown a compelling reason for the law. They argue that the law will chill contributors from coming forward for fear of harassment in violation of the First Amendment. Although the information is supposed to be confidential, the groups say that the state may make inadvertent disclosures.

In response, California argues that the groups already have to file the same data with the IRS and the state needs the information as it tries to combat fraud related to charities. Three other states New York, New Jersey and Hawaii have similar laws.

The case is being closely watched by those who fear it could lead to more anonymous Dark Money flowing into the system.

The nonprofits are asking the Supreme Court to make it harder for the government to require the disclosure of donor information, said Lloyd Hitoshi Mayer, an expert on campaign finance at Notre Dame Law School. While the case is about a state Attorney General asking for this information, if the Supreme Court raised the bar here, that would likely also apply to election donor disclosure laws down the road.

The justices are looking at a First Amendment case concerning the authority of public school officials to discipline students for what they say outside of school.

Then-junior varsity cheerleader Brandi Levy, who didnt make the varsity squad lashed out on social media while she was off campus, writing, [expletive] school [expletive] softball [expletive] cheer [expletive] everything. The words were accompanied by a picture of her giving a middle-digit salute.

After the outburst, the girl was suspended from the squad as having violated team and school rules. Lawyers for the girl sued alleging the school had violated her freedom of speech. The girl won in the lower courts that held that school could not remove her for off-campus speech. According to the court of appeals, she did not waive her First Amendment rights as a condition of joining the team.

Back in 1969, the Supreme Court held that public school officials could regulate speech that would materially and substantially interfere with the requirements of appropriate discipline in the operation of the school. But that decision concerned speech at school.

Empowering public school officials to censor what students say when they are outside of school would be an epic restriction of young peoples freedom of expression, said Witold Walczak of the ACLU, defending the student.

The Biden administration has weighed in in favor of the school arguing that there is some speech, that intentionally targets specific school functions that warrant discipline even if it occurs off campus.

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