Archive for the ‘Fourth Amendment’ Category

San Antonio: Metro Health Issues Fourth Amended Health Directive Related To School Systems – Patch.com

Metro Health issues fourth amended health directive related to school systems

CONTACT: For members of the media, please contact:covid19media@sanantonio.gov

Laura Mayes, City of San Antonio (210) 207-1337Michelle Vigil, City of San Antonio (210) 207-8172

For questions from the general public, please contact:COVID-19@sanantonio.govCOVID-19 Hotline (210) 207-5779

SAN ANTONIO (February 2, 2021) Today, San Antonio's Local Health Authority, Dr. Junda Woo, issued a fourth amendment to the current health directive related to our local school systems. The revised health directive, either virtual or hybrid learning are options in Red Zone, but the directive stresses the importance of restricting other gatherings instead when community COVID levels are high. The directive adds links to new tools and FAQ's provided by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), highlights the fact that contact sports are still not recommended in the Red Zone, and removes specific pod sizes while sharing CDC templates for classroom layouts.

At risk levels in the Red Zone. Preventing transmission in K-12 settings requires reducing transmission in the community through policies such as restrictions on indoor dining. COVID testing should be offered to at least 25% of on-campus staff once a week, and class sizes should be smaller than in the Yellow Zone, with rigorous cohorting. In-person instruction prioritizes pre-kindergarten through elementary school students, special needs students, the most severely at-risk students, and students who lack access to resources. Building and room occupancy should be contingent on adequate ventilation and ability to create 6-foot distancing. Close contacts must be quarantined for 14 days.

Metro Health's weekly school risk level, which includes varying levels of virus prevention tactics and guidance within its Red, Yellow and Green Zones, can be found here.

For more information please visit http://www.covid19.sanantonio.gov

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San Antonio: Metro Health Issues Fourth Amended Health Directive Related To School Systems - Patch.com

No-knock search warrants began in Wisconsin, Rep. Myers wants to end them here – Wisconsin Examiner

Rep. LaKeshia Myers (D-Milwaukee) has introduced a new bill to prevent the use of no-knock search warrants by Wisconsin law enforcement. The bill was named Breonnas Law after Louisville, Kentucky EMT Breonna Taylor, the 26-year-old who was killed during such a raid in March 2020.

It is most appropriate for us to begin Black History Month 2021 by introducing Breonnas Law, Myers said in a press statement. Breonna Taylors life was taken while she was in the comfort of her own home, through the use of a no-knock warrant. While Taylor was not the subject of the warrant, her life was mercilessly ended through no fault of her own. It is because of this that we call on Wisconsin legislators to end the use of no-knock warrants.

Wisconsin became the first state to authorize no-knock search warrants in 1997. Since their introduction, no-knock raids have created controversy around police transparency and use of force.

No-knock warrants are harmful to civilians and law enforcement officers alike, said Myers. Milwaukee police officer Matthew Rittner was killed in the line of duty while his tactical unit executed a no-knock warrant in February 2019. Because of a no-knock search warrant, a wife lost her husband, Milwaukee lost a police officer and a child lost its father.

These searches are being reconsidered at the federal and state levels. In Congress last session, Senate Republicans wanted to track their use, while a Democratic House bill, endorsed by the Congressional Black Caucus would have banned them on a federal level in drug cases and withhold federal policing grants to states that permit them in drug cases.

In 2020, a package of Juneteenth bills on police reform was forwarded by Gov. Tony Evers, Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes and the the Legislative Black Caucus. It included a similar bill that prohibits no-knock search warrants issued under state law by requiring a law enforcement officer who is executing a search warrant to identify himself or herself as a law enforcement officer and announce the authority and purpose of the entry, before entering the premises.

The Legislature did not take any action on these bills, instead forming a study committee that continues to meet but has not come out with its recommendations.

Myers new bill, as described in her co-sponsorship memo accompanying it, requires that a law enforcement officer executing a search warrant must, before entering the premises, identify himself or herself as a law enforcement officer and announce the authority and purpose of the entry. Under the bill, a law enforcement officer may execute a search warrant only between the hours of 6 a.m. and 10 p.m. unless a judge authorizes the execution of the search warrant at another time for good cause.

Given the increased focus on police reform and no-knock search warrants in particular the Wisconsin Legislative Council put out an Information Memorandum on the practice in Sept. 2020, reviewing its complicated relationship with the Fourth Amendment and case law. As a result, the no-knock search warrant, a product of the War on Drugs, is being reconsidered. The Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution giving citizens the right to be protected against unlawful search and seizure is replicated in the Wisconsin Constitution.

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Knock-and-announce requirements before police forcibly enter a persons home called the announcement rule in Wisconsin date back centuries to British common law, but exceptions to the rule have been carved out, including the no-knock search warrant, the memo states. Further, it notes, a 1995 case determined knock-and-announce was not a rigid, blanket rule, so no-knock searches are allowed as an exception that takes into account countervailing law enforcement interests.

The Wisconsin Professional Police Association Executive Director Jim Palmer has been quoted by multiple media outlets, as being open to reconsideration of no-knock warrants by police and by lawmakers. He told NBC-15 he doubts his group would fight for the warrants, as they are not used frequently in Wisconsin and can be dangerous for both police officers and residents.

Body camera use by law enforcement has made the public increasingly aware of no-knock search warrants, as more people are able to see footage of the technique in action.

The bills namesake, Taylor, was killed as law enforcement carried out a series of raids across the Louisville area. Police claimed they announced themselves when the raid began. Taylors boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, however, said officers did not do so, and he thought someone was breaking into their home as they slept. After a shot was fired by the boyfriend, wounding one officer, other officers fired numerous shots into the apartment, killing Taylor.

One of the detectives involved, Brett Hankison, was fired in June for wantonly and blindly firing his weapon, according to his termination letter. Taylors death brought to light the use of such raids, and place-based policing strategies that targeted areas being gentrified by the city.

As the state that created no-knock warrants, Wisconsin has the responsibility to be the state to end their use, Myers said. When you know better, you must do better, and this is a step in the right direction.

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No-knock search warrants began in Wisconsin, Rep. Myers wants to end them here - Wisconsin Examiner

Close the Gaps – East Bay Express

When Joe Biden and Kamala Harris were sworn into office, it marked the first time in American history that Californians held two of the three highest offices in the federal government. No, President Biden is not from the Golden State, but Vice President Harris and Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi both hail from the Bay Area. And with Attorney General Xavier Becerra holding a key cabinet position, officials from California now have a sizable role in influencing the Biden agenda.

The incoming administration is rightly prioritizing economic relief and Covid-19 vaccine deployment. On other issues, they'll have to navigate narrow Democratic majorities in Congress, in which some progressive policies could be nonstarters. To avoid gridlock, these high-ranking Californians can identify policies with broad, bipartisan support, perhaps taking a page out of their home state's playbook.

In recent years, California has become a national leader on privacy rights. Oakland, San Francisco, and Santa Clara County, among other municipalities, have spearheaded strong local laws to oversee governmental use of people's private information and data.

Gaps in privacy protections remain, however, and top Californians in Washington, D.C. can help plug them at the federal level. This is especially true of the "smart city" programs sprouting up across the country. These programs enable local governments to collect troves of personal data with few safeguards in place to prevent it from being mishandled or abused. For example, my organization, Oakland Privacy, closely monitors a data-sharing protocol deployed by the Los Angeles Department of Transportation (LADOT) called Mobility Data Specification (MDS).

MDS is a massive data-collection system that LADOT spent millions developing. It requires mobility companies to provide the city with real-time location data for their vehicles, including each rider's origin, route and destination. Such granular data makes it easy to identify and track riders, and can reveal sensitive personal information with just a handful of data points. LADOT hasn't provided a concrete reason for requiring this individualized information over safer alternatives, like aggregated data, nor did it seek public input before adopting the system. Department leaders were even discovered using an encrypted messaging service to communicate with each other while developing MDS.

Real-time, re-identifiable data like the kind collected through MDS is particularly ripe for abuse. This could range from law enforcement accessing the data to perpetuate harmful surveillance practices against communities of color, to a city employee using it to stalk a former partner. These are grave consequences, which is why the American Civil Liberties Union and the Electronic Frontier Foundation are suing Los Angeles to halt MDS for violating the Fourth Amendment.

But Los Angeles isn't alone in overlooking privacy rights. In Pasadena and in Long Beach, police used automatic license plate readers and shared the data with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, despite pledging not to. In San Diego, the city deployed "smart streetlights" to supposedly monitor traffic, but they were used by police more than two dozen times to surveil Black Lives Matter protestors. Examples like these undercut California's standing as the pacesetter in securing privacy rights and reinforce the need for a smart cities solution that incorporates strong local oversight and federal protections.

Efforts to build so-called smart cities are not limited to Californiathey're popping up nearly everywhere, from Seattle and Chicago to Columbus and New York. With their impending influence over multiple levers of power in Washington, D.C., our Bay Area leaders should spearhead legislation that reins in misguided smart city programs. High-profile members of both parties have already signaled their interest. Such opportunities do not come around often, and California officials now have the chance to make their presence known on this important issue.

Tracy Rosenberg is the Advocacy Director for Oakland Privacy, a nonprofit watchdog group that works to defend the right to privacy and enhance oversight regarding the use of surveillance.

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Close the Gaps - East Bay Express

Is Americas Approach to Cannabis Racist? Study Shows Its Worse Than You Think – GreenState

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A recently published study showed that Black people are 3.6x more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than white people in the United States, and the gap is growing. The research, conducted by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and compiled by Joslyn Law Firm between 2010 and 2018, suggests War on Drugs racism still permeates cannabis law enforcement, even though 1 in 3 Americans now live in a state where marijuana is legal.

RELATED:Will Cannabis Become Legal in 2021?

The difference between white and Black marijuana arrests rose by over 300% in 20 U.S. counties between 2010 and 2018, according to the study. In Carter, Tennessee, racial disparity in this department increased by 977%, making Black people 14x more likely to be arrested for marijuana than whites in 2018.

Of the 49 states reporting (Florida did not contribute to this study), the state with the highest racial disparity was Montana, where Black people were almost 10x more likely to be arrested for marijuana than white people. Kentucky, Illinois, Iowa, and West Virginia followed close behind, with the chance of arrest for Black people above 7x what it was for white people.

Two of these states have since legalized recreational marijuana, indicating that the issue has little to do with overall attitudes toward marijuana use in these states. Cannabis became legal in Montana this November, and Illinois legalized it January, 2020.

Recreational marijuana is illegal in Kentucky, Iowa, and West Virginia. Though West Virginia has a medical marijuana program now, it had not gone into effect during the time this data was collected.

RELATED: Where is cannabis legal in the United States? (Medical marijuana and CBD included)

The states with the lowest racial disparities in cannabis arrests were Colorado, California, and Oregon. Recreational cannabis has been made legal in each of these states within the years this data was collected.

Brian Joslyn, Owner of Joslyn Law Firm, said areas of the country with the highest racial disparity in marijuana arrests also tend to record vague and bizarre reasons for other charges against Black people.

All too often I see suspicious police reports that justify traffic stops and detentions of black people with suspicious justifications ultimately leading to a search and seizure of their persons. Its these kinds of suspicious justifications that I rarely see as much when the individual is white, Joslyn told GreenState. I believe the data clearly shows that black people are being targeted by police. It would be impossible to suggest otherwise.

Every year, roughly 700,000 marijuana-related arrests are made in the U.S, meaning this problem is effecting thousands of people every day.

Joslyn said he believes legalizing marijuana would only be the first step in erasing racial prejudice from cannabis charges, since law enforcement would continue to unlawfully detain and search a disproportionate number of Black people for drug impairment or other violations of cannabis law. Therefore, he believes a kind of deep clean of law enforcement around the country to be imperative for racial justice.

RELATED: The Difference Between Cannabis Legalization and Decriminalization, and Why it Matters

What needs to occur are policy changes within the police departments that train and instruct officers to only pull over or detain individuals for well-established violations of law, Joslyn said. In addition, all officers should be equipped with both cruiser cams and body cams so their arrests can be reviewed and verified, and our state legislatures need to further work to protect individuals Fourth Amendment rights through the passage of laws that would raise the standards for law enforcement to search ones persons or property.

By CriminalAttorneyCincinnati.com

Elissa Esheris Assistant Editor at GreenState. Her work has also appeared in The Boston Guardian, Brooklyn Paper, Religion Unplugged, and Iridescent Women. Send inquiries and tips to elli.esher@hearst.com.

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Is Americas Approach to Cannabis Racist? Study Shows Its Worse Than You Think - GreenState

Why did Wauwatosa PD want the phone of Alvin Cole’s sister? – Wisconsin Examiner

On Oct. 8, 2020, family members of Alvin Cole joined the dozens who marched for justice in the streets of Wauwatosa. Protests flooded the suburb for months, as the 17-year-old had been the third person killed by former Wauwatosa officer Joseph Mensah. Coles mother Tracy, and older sister Taleavia, became central figures in the local movement.

It was the second straight day demonstrators defied a curfew, declared after no charges were brought against Mensah the prior day. Coles family also took their chances against the militarized crackdown, documented previously in the Wisconsin Examiner.

Later that night, Tracy Cole would be hospitalized after sustaining injuries during her arrest by Wauwatosa officers. Taleavia was briefly jailed, and her cell phone confiscated for evidence. It was just one of several phones seized by officers during those tense and chaotic nights. The question of why police wanted the devices continues to haunt many of those who defied Wauwatosas curfew.

The Wauwatosa Police Department (WPD) did not return Taleavia Coles phone for more than 20 days. Internal emails obtained by Wisconsin Examiner, however, paint a picture of what happened to the phones during their stay at WPD. The messages were sent between detectives and members of the departments Special Operations Group (SOG), which conducts cell phone data extraction operations.

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The protester phone emails

WPD, working alongside a US Marshals task force, arrested Taleavia and her mother, and seized the phone on Oct. 8. I was trying to reach for my phone cause I just saw a lot of cops coming towards my car, she recalls. And they just started spiking our cars, so theres literally no way out.

Erik Fanning, a Wauwatosa resident who was in a caravan of cars participating in the protest, also describes the situation, saying officers, had us kettled in, to where we were just stuck. And we couldnt move the cars any which way.

Moments later, Cole noticed an officer was approaching already near her car. Cop comes to my car, she says, tries to bust out my windows and then opens my door and puts a gun to my head.

As she was pinned to the ground, Taleavia heard her mothers screams as her own arrest played out feet away. Five days later, WPD detectives emailed one another about the captured phones.

There are not that many, if any, phones recovered from the protesters entered into property, a supervisor in the Wauwatosa Police Department (WPD) said in an email to the departments Special Operations Group (SOG). We will need to start returning those, unless needed for evidence processing. SOG Detective and cell data extraction specialist Martin Keck would reply, they are in the nerd lab.

Taleavia and others were taken to the Waukesha County jail, while their phones were transported back to Wauwatosa. WPD spokesperson Sgt. Abby Pavlik told Wisconsin Examiner that certain peoples phones were sought because they, may have had potential electronic evidence. Eight days later, the phones would find themselves in the Computer Forensics Unit, or what Keck called the nerd lab.

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On Oct. 14, Keck sent an email to fellow SOG detective Joseph Lewandowski, and others. Lt. [Shane] Wrucke took Taleavias phone, he wrote, noting that another was on Lewandowskis desk while the rest were in a separate bag. Lewandowski is also connected to an investigative PowerPoint presentation which labeled Mayor Dennis McBride as a higher value target for WPD.

WPD reports indicate that phones were taken on Oct. 8, and Oct. 9, when curfew enforcement was most aggressive. These phones were returned to their owners between Oct. 15-19, 2020.

The police, however, made an exception for Taleavias phone. It remains unclear why Coles phone was segregated from the rest. According to WPDs annual reports, in 2019 Lt. Shane Wrucke was the sergeant leading the SOG.

In interviews with Wisconsin Examiner, several protesters described attempts to retrieve their phones, only to be told by WPD that they were seeking warrants to access them. When the phones finally did return, many were set on airplane mode despite the owners not having left the phones on that setting. Other activists arrested during the curfew report that officers told them their phones were being kept for data mining.

Asked to comment, Pavlik says it is standard practice to put phones in airplane mode for potential phone analysis. It also helps conserve the phones battery life. She also insists that the department did not analyze the phones.

Some of Kecks emails, unrelated to the protests, reveal that he could also acquire information from a phones SIM card. This seems distinctly different from extracting data through something like Cellebrite, used to download cell data. As a unit, SOG uses covert surveillance and cell data recovery to investigate armed robberies and other high-profile crimes. The unit also targeted its surveillance efforts toward protesters over the months of marches in Wauwatosa.

Click on images to view entire picture.

Sgt. Pavlik would not directly answer whether Coles SIM card, or those belonging to other protesters, were removed by SOG. She simply reiterated, Taleavias phone was not analyzed, nor were any other phones taken during that time. All phones were returned in the same condition in which they were taken.

Taleavia Coles phone was not returned until Oct. 30, when her familys lawyer Kimberley Motley filed motions in Milwaukee County Circuit Court to order it returned.

While Coles phone was in WPDs possession, according to court filings, her Instagram and Facebook accounts disappeared. Additionally, Motley noted in the filings, [Taleavias] iCloud account which has updated photos, many attorney-client privileged documents and other pertinent information to which she has never consented to a search has been tampered with. The attorney has heard similar reports of photos and other information missing from the phones of protesters who had their phones confiscated.

The emails concerning the phones date from Oct. 13-14, 2020. Motley called WPD between Oct. 9-15, and again on Oct. 29, to retrieve Taleavias phone. In one of the filings she writes that she asked the WPD to produce a search warrant for the phone and/or probable cause to keep the phone, both of which the WPD did not produce.

On Oct. 16, Motley filed the motion to order the phone returned, which did not happen until Oct. 30. No explanation was given as to why the department held onto Coles phone for 22 days.

The Coles were awarded $300, the maximum amount allowed in this sort of civil case arguing unlawful seizure.

Cole says she is not alone in wondering why police would take such a keen interest in her phone in October. Even the FBI said, why did they take your phone? Maybe because Im the sister of Alvin Cole? Everythings in my phone.

Motley later took Coles phone to be analyzed by a lab to shed light on what happened to the phone while it was in the forensics lab. Although shes unable to provide many details at this time, Motley calls the results, very disturbing. And were going to continue to investigate the matter.

Lee Schuchart, an attorney who has dealt with cases involving cell data extraction, also reviewed Kecks emails. It is disturbing [that] law enforcement apparently seized everyones phone. I would look further into this issue, as police need a legal justification to seize property, he says. If a court already ruled the seizures were unconstitutional, that raises huge red flags. I am curious how many people had their rights violated that night. The Fourth Amendment does not evaporate because people exercise their First Amendment right to protest.

WPD began gathering intelligence on protesters from the beginning. A list of at least 40 protesters and protest folder existed even before the officer who shot Alvin Cole was suspended.

The department monitored Facebook live feeds, and drafted warrants for social media groups used by the protesters. After one person was arrested on Aug. 14, an entire section of the incident report was dedicated to the marchers confiscated phone.

Percy Hayes, a protester who was arrested in late September during a small peaceful march, says Keck told him that he was the detective who actually cracks our cell phones. WPD reports released via open records requests indicate he did interview Hayes, but dont mention some of the comments he described. Wisconsin Examiner has requested the video of this interrogation.

Motley compares these tactics to those employed by the FBIs Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTEL PRO) against leaders of the civil rights movement. Its shockingly similar to how the FBI and CIA targeted Black activists in the civil rights 1960s movement, Motley tells Wisconsin Examiner. Its a pathetic playbook which has been used over, and over again. The list of protesters, as well as the targeting of Mayor McBride and other elected officials by WPD, only increases her concerns about the departments tactics.

Although Motley has particular concerns about SOG, she holds Chief Barry Weber as ultimately responsible. Weber was ccd in the protester list emails, and has singled out local elected officials. The same day McBrides PowerPoint, which also mentions Motley, was emailed by Detective Lewandowski, Weber wrote a letter requesting that she be professionally disciplined. Motley has demanded Weber to be fired for running WPD, like a private security force.

Motley, referring to the SOG team, went on to warn of the officers behavior: It shows a gross and disgusting over-reach of their powers as, basically police officers with this pretend label that theyve given themselves.

When I took this case, it was a tragic situation to uncover what actually happened as it relates to the death of Alvin Cole, says Motley. And, unintentionally, I have been thrown down this rabbit hole of nonsense, and corruption, and outright ignorance of the law It has to stop. They have to be accountable for their actions.

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Why did Wauwatosa PD want the phone of Alvin Cole's sister? - Wisconsin Examiner