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Can African-Americans be racist? Like other seemingly philosophical questions, the answer varies.

If one subscribes to racism being an institutional structure that African-Americans did not create, they would most likely answer in the negative.

Others have chosen to nuance the question by adding reverse racism into the lexicon. Ive always found this to be a curious term in that it suggests that somehow racism, in the hands of marginalized groups, possesses the ability to swim up-stream.

Racism is often transmuted to as the big brother of prejudice. The two are not the same.

I fully admit my prejudice against beets, snakes and the Los Angeles Dodgers. Everyone has prejudices, which could include certain people. But this is not racism.

Did the election of Barack Obama officially usher America into some post-racial Nirvana? In poll after poll, whites are more likely to accept 21stcentury America as post-racial than African-Americans. I suspect as long was we maintain a sophomoric understanding of racism, such data is unlikely to change.

Racism must be removed from the hackneyed black/white axis. It should not be based on people but rather on policy and procedures.

The federal sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine has been widely touted as a racist policy that has led to mass incarceration. What has been discussed less is the Congressional Black Caucus at the behest of many African-American leaders in local communities, supported those policies.

The context for that support was not some diabolical plan to rid communities of young black and Latino men, but rather the primordial desire to feel safe. The level of violence, especially in urban areas, during the crack epidemic made the desire for Congress to take action understandable. But it was ultimately a reactionary policy that was blind to the unintended consequences.

Intent notwithstanding, the outcome suggests many within the Congressional Black Caucus and those African-American leaders supported what could be viewed as a racist policy. Glossing over such details seeks a mythical moral high ground that does nothing to move the conversation forward.

After the Supreme Court gutted Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, in Shelby County v. Holder, many states previously under its provision went to work to make voting more onerous. This had a pernicious impact on low-income and the elderly, as well as some people of color.

Led by state governments dominated by Republicans, the motivation may well have been to suppress the vote of those unlikely to support their candidates. But the legitimacy of the policies was marred by its dishonest justification.

The case for widespread voter fraud has yet to be proven. According to the Brennan Center for Justice, voter fraud in the 2016 election was between 0.0003 and 0.0025 percent. These findings hardly justify systematically disenfranchising untold numbers of registered voters.

In 2016, the 4thCircuit panel ruled against North Carolinas newly instituted voter laws stating: The new provisions target African-Americans with almost surgical precision and impose cures for problems that did not exist.

Some hold to the theory that blacks cannot be racist because they would first need to subjugate whites. But that oversimplifies the institution of racism that operates in an amoral paradigm. For this to be true, wouldnt it also negate any African-Americans from participating in the institution?

How does one account for the two black officers who plead guilty in shooting deaths of black civilians during Hurricane Katrina?

Neither George Zimmerman, who shot and killed Trayvon Martin, nor Officer Jeronimo Yanez, who killed Philando Castile, were white. But in my view both were guilty of racist acts.

Anyone participating in institutions of power can be susceptible to the nefarious clutches of racism. Yanez power lay in his being an officer; Zimmerman was bolstered by Floridas Stand Your Ground law.

We must find a better way to talk about racism.What we have now is too simplistic. Its only contribution is to assure arrested development.

Byron Williams is a contributing columnist. Contact him at 510-208-6417 or byron@byronspeaks.com.

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Williams: Need better understanding for conversation of racism - East Bay Times

We need a deeper, refined analysis for a clear vision of the inherent repression of Black life, says Mumia Abu-Jamal. (Photo: City Lights Books)

In a righteously angry yet calmly principled collection of commentaries and essays, an acclaimed incarcerated author and intellectual asks: Have Black Lives Ever Mattered? "Mumia Abu-Jamal's painstaking courage, truth-telling and disinterest in avoiding the reality of American racial life is, as always, honorable," says Alice Walker. Order your copy today by making a donation to Truthout!

In his new bookHave Black Lives EverMattered?, author and activist Mumia Abu-Jamal explores this question over 75 essays, spanning from the late 1990s to 2017. Each essay explores the violence of policing and the criminal legal system, whether from a historical perspective or through the stories of people who have died by the hands of police. In the first essay, "Hate Crimes," Abu-Jamal questions the legitimacy of the idea of hate crimes, pointing out that police are never charged with a hate crime when they brutalize and kill Black and Brown people. Abu-Jamal's essays discuss the murder of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman, the killing of Tamir Rice by Cleveland, Ohio, police officer Timothy Loehmann, and what the aftermath of these slayings reveals about how the United States views Black people. His conclusion is perfectly summed up in the first two lines of his October 2015 essay titled, "Tamir Rice of Cleveland" -- "Question: When is a child not a child? Answer: When it's a Black child."

Abu-Jamal spoke with Truthout about some of the issues he engages with inHaveBlack Lives Ever Mattered?, including police violence and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement.

Tasasha Henderson: You talk about several cases of police violence that did not make national and international news:Carl Hardimanin Chicago, Shep McDaniel in New York City. And in your essays written in the early part of 2014, you convey a feeling that you had a sense that something big was coming -- that there would be an incident of police violence that would set off a powder keg. Did you have a sense or a feeling that there would be an incident, like what eventually did happen to Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, that would lead to the beginnings of a mass resistance?

Mumia Abu-Jamal:I did have an inkling, say, a feeling. I've seen this before, when the frequency and intensity of attacks on Black life was so naked, so ugly, so offensive, that resistance became imperative. Our people have an almost ungodly patience; but when the flames ignite, it can be a formidable social force. Indeed, that is the essence of Black history in the American settler-state. I think Mike Brown's community was one such instance. And when I saw five young brothers tell a reporter: "My name is Mike Brown," "My name is Mike Brown," it was a historic echo from the "Spartacus" era, when slaves of Rome rose and rebelled against the Empire, and identified with each other.

In your essay "Hate Crimes," you question what types of violence are considered hate crimes, and the fact that police violence against Black and Brown people is never considered a hate crime. With the introduction and/or passage ofBlue Lives Matter lawsacross the country, making the assault or killing of police a "hate crime," how do you view legislative attempts to reduce police violence through such policies as body cameras or increased training of police officers? As we see with hate crime statutes, what was supposed to protect vulnerable people has been turned against us.

As the Black Movement, now exemplified by Black Lives Matter, has taken a hashtag and exploded beyond its banks, so too must the people seize the slogans tossed out by their class enemies, and lob it back, as in "Blue Lives Are the Only Lives That Matter!," dig? For words are weapons, and when the state, the empire tries to bullshit people with their white supremacist stuff turn it around. Utilize the truth to open eyes and minds about the intrinsic nature of the state.

For example, we know, for sure, that cops croak hundreds of people every year, often with impunity. Why not ask, "How many cops are on death row?" If not, why not? My purpose here is hardly to endorse the obscenity of death row, but [if] all lives are equal, and the site of a courtroom is the place where people are treated fairly and equitably, well, why not? Or is death row only for "other" people? Dig?

My point is that the state will always utilize its "law" as a tool of repression -- that's the essential nature of the state; but movements must create and expand the space to raise contradictions. Body cameras? Training? BS. Nonsense. Done. It is a bourgeois mirage. In 1978, when [three] cops beatDelbert Africasenseless, breaking his jaw, it was recorded on video. When it came to trial, the trial judge, Stanley Kubacki, dismissed the all-white jury, and threw out the charges, saying the (armed) cops had reason to fear (unarmed) Delbert, because he was so muscular!

We must understand thatthe stateisa hate crime against the poor, the oppressed, Black folks, and Latinas, etc.

In your essay, "Where is the Outrage?" you write, "the unity of the people is the greatest weapon against the silence, fear, and oppression imposed by the system. Our unity -- as communities, networks, and movements -- is so important. Therefore, our unity is attacked." We are seeing different communities and organizations unify, whether it is the Black Lives Matter network, Fight for $15, immigrant rights, etc. How can coalitions sustain themselves and how can communities remain unified in the midst of state repression?

Movements emerge out of necessity, out of the felt sense that they no longer have anything to lose; out of certainty that the state has failed them yesterday, is failing them today, and will fail them tomorrow (to paraphrase MOVE'sJohn Africa).The state isn't the solution, it's the problem. It is this sense, shared by increasingly large parts of the population, that fuels movements, and builds rebellious, and then revolutionary consciousness.As capitalism -- and its concomitant rise of the crony-capitalist-gangster-state -- fails, people begin to see commonalities across our false border, and begin to march toward each other, and not against each other.

Remember, capitalism needs racism, and utilizes it to create false consciousness in millions of white poor and working people who live in the illusion that they have something in common with Trumpites. Unity can't be presumed, or wished to come into being. When people work together and fight together, they build the practice of unity.

In your essay, "We Must Fight for More," you write, "history lives to give us options for the future." What options do you think history has given for the Black Lives Matter movement? What does history have to teach movement leaders and participants today?

Malcolm [X] used to say, "Of all our studies, history best rewards our research." He learned this from Elijah Muhammad, his teacher. Malcolm repeated this lesson because he knew, in his own life experience, how history transformed him from a prisoner (known and despised as "Satan") to becoming one of the most respected ministers of the nation, and one of Black America's most beloved leaders. History offers an endless font of human experience that people, communities and movements can draw from to move forward into the future. History, because it is rich in examples of people's love of freedom, is a powerful source for the present and the future!

Why do you think the white supremacist governments in the West (like New Mexico, etc.) fought so hard to outlaw Chicano history? Why do you think today's public schools skimp so much on Black history? Theyknowthat Black history is explosive! And history ain't about what happened years ago, or yesterday. It explains why today is the way it is; and gives ideas about how to transform tomorrows.

Have Black Lives Ever Mattered?includes essays from the 1990s up until this year, and span many aspects of how Black people are victimized by state violence, including police brutality and incarceration. How do you see your book contributing to the continuing conversation and activism concerning racial justice, anti-police brutality and criminal legal system reform?

I'm gladHave Black Lives Ever Mattered?addresses today's issue of police terrorism, but it must be seen in a longer, deeper, broader continuum. America's police don't descend from Scotland Yard in England. They had their birth in the infamous "paddy rollers" of the South, where whites were militarized to oppose any Black slave revolt. Those habits live at the core of any true discussion about what bedevils the lives of Black people today. That should show you some sense of the importance of history just recently noted. Unless we truly grasp those truths, then generations unborn will be struggling with these same problems, and wondering how to change it. Dr.Huey P. Newton, in a late edition of the Black Panther newspaper,called for deep transformation of police,to bring forth Citizen Peace Forces, designed to solve problems, not bomb them.It's time for his ideas to be taken seriously, to begin to utilize history to create openings for better tomorrows.

As we continue in the uncertain future of a Donald Trump presidency, what guidance do you have for young people who are involved in the Black Lives Matter movement and other movements, as they continue to resist, build and organize?

Look, we can look at Trump as the Great Boogeyman, or we can soberly examine the roles of Clinton and Obama, where the former perfected the machinery of mass incarceration, and the latter tinkered with it, just as he all but ignored the greatest loss of Black wealth (i.e. criminal mortgage thefts of Black homes) since Reconstruction.We must develop a deeper, refined analysis that gives us all a clear vision of the inherent repression of the state against Black life, a historical continuum that shows no sign of abatement. Or we can play "Republicans bad/Democrats good" like children looking for shadow plays.

The system is bad; we need deep reconstruction to make new ways of living, growing and becoming possible.

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Exclusive Interview: Mumia Abu-Jamal Speaks About Black Lives Matter and Police Violence - Truth-Out

Tim celebrates more than 10 years of award-winning TV journalism, covering breaking news, politics, hurricanes, crime and social issues. He grew up in Person Countyjust north of Raleigh-Durham, N.C. After working in Washington D.C. as a writer for the Washington Informer and a media strategist for a nonprofit, Tim primarily files stories for ABC 11, an ABC Owned and Operated station in Raleigh-Durham, N.C. His television career began in Wilmington, N.C. and Columbia, S.C. where he was a reporter and anchor. While in Columbia, Tim was honored with a Salute to Excellence Award from the National Association of Black Journalists and a local Media Champion Award from the Richland One Community Coalition for his in-depth coverage of synthetic drugs and its impact on young people. Tims reporting adventures also took him to Florida where he broke several crime stories and covered high profile court cases, such as the George Zimmerman trial verdict. In 2015, his news reports on the Michael Dunn murder trial were featured in an award-winning HBO documentary titled 3 1/2 Minutes: Ten Bullets. The film examined the life and murder of Jacksonville teenager Jordan Davis. Pulliam is a graduate of Winston-Salem State University and holds a master's degree in communication at the Johns Hopkins University. Tim's hobbies include writing, physical fitness, exploring new restaurants, and traveling throughout the country and abroad.

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Tim Pulliam - HuffPost

The Black Lives Matter movement is pushing to raise $40,000 in four days to continue fighting state racism and anti-black racism, the group announced Thursday.

The push to raise the funds comes on the heels of the groups four year anniversary since its inception after the 2013 acquittal of George Zimmerman. The movement asked for donations as a way to support the efforts of Black Lives Matter.

Support the work we are moving both network-wide and locally by becoming a donor. If your donation is to a specific chapter, please note that on the donations page, the report read.

The movement is also accepting donations in the form of resources, like office space and food.

You can also contribute in-kind resources such as office space, food donations for meetings or actions, or a particular skill set (legal, communications, cultural work) to our chapters, the group noted.

Black Lives Matter Los Angeles also joined in on the fundraising effort, launching their own page to fund the movement.

As we continue to challenge the system, there are real costs involved. We need your support for materials and supplies, travel, and facilities costs related to actions, meetings, and our ongoing work. Please give what you can and encourage others to do the same, the group said on itsfundraising page.

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Black Lives Matter Scrambles To Raise $40K To Keep Fighting 'State Racism' - The Daily Caller

There are 320 million people in the U.S., but we don't all speak the same way.

There are at least 24 distinctive regions of American English spoken in this country, according to The Washington Post. Some dialects and their corresponding accents cover a wide region, like the Rocky Mountain or Upper Midwestern dialects, and others cover smaller areas but are very specific, like the Louisiana or the Boston Urban dialect.

Regional dialects and accents are often a recognizable marker of a place and the people who live there, so much so that the "authenticity" of Hollywood movies is often evaluated on the actors' ability to nail an accent.

A 2015 study by researchers in Germany and the United Kingdom found that people from outside a region tended to discriminate against people from that region with strong accents. However, people from the same region with strong regional accents cooperated more. The speech samples in the study were all German, and listeners could chose to compete or cooperate with the person to accomplish a task based on only their voice.

"We find that individuals are significantly more likely to compete with distant accent speakers in language-related tasks and interpret this as discrimination because the judgment is not based on the performance but on the perception of the speech sample," Stephan Heblich, a lead author of the study and professor at the University of Bristol's Department of Economic, told ATTN: via email.

"We believe that this is due to cultural stereotypes that affect individuals' behavior since the participants have no actual information about their matched partner's performance other than the speech sample," he explained. "In Germany, there is a strong regional variation in accents."

This type of distinctive variation also happens with U.S. dialects.

Heblich said perceptions about regional accents could be an obstacle for the speaker, but it could also be an asset if used strategically, and the person is able to change their accent.

"There are two ways of looking at this: one is to stress that distance accent speakers are more likely to be discriminated [against]," he said. "Another way to think about this is that individuals can strategically use accents. For example, a politician might find it helpful to use a local accent when giving a speech in his home region to create a sense of trust and familiarity but use standard language in the national parliament to appear equally agreeable to all regions."

In 2010, a paper by researchers from the University of California Riverside found that people unintentionally mimic each other's speech patterns.

"This unintentional imitation could serve as a social glue, helping us to affiliate and empathize with each other, but it also might reflect deep aspects of the language function," the researchers wrote. "Specifically, it adds to evidence that the speech brain is sensitive to - and primed by - speech articulation, whether heard or seen. It also adds to the evidence that a familiar talker's speaking style can help us recognize words."

In 2014, a linguist from Stanford University said prejudice against language differences played a role in the trial of George Zimmerman, the man who shot and killed unarmed teen Trayvon Martin in 2012, and was acquitted.

Stanford linguistics professor John Rickford told the university's news publication that black witnesses speaking "non-standard" English are often discredited by juries. A dialect of English spoken by many black Americans is African American Vernacular English (AAVE).

"People speaking non-standard English are even seen as being of poor character," Rickford told the Stanford News. He pointed to the treatment of witness Rachel Jeantel, who was a friend of Martin. She was on the phone with him minutes before he died.

"African Americans on the jury especially fluent AAVE speakers would have understood Jeantel, and the presence of even one such juror could have helped the others to understand what she was saying," Rickford told the Stanford News. "But the defense did a good job of making sure there were no African American jurors in this trial."

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The Real Reason People Judge You So Much Based on Your Accent - ATTN: