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Being an immigrant in the United States in the past few years has been difficult, to say the least. The toxic rhetoric against immigration coming out from the White House from day one of the Trump presidencyand the fact that it enjoyed popular support by the Republican basemade many of us rethink whether it was time to simply leave this country for good. Perhaps the most salient feature of Trumps legacy was that he and his policies put in doubt whether America will continue to hold on to its self-proclaimed title of a country of immigrants.

To summarize what the Trump administrations anti-immigration rhetoric and policies consisted of is: Simply put, there is no place for immigrants in America. Over the past four years, over 400 executive actions directly targeted immigration and immigrants of all backgrounds. It was not only about illegal immigration, and it was not only about unskilled foreign workers. It was a full-fledged attack on immigrants across the board.

At first, the White House went against immigrants from Muslim-majority countries in a move that many analysts early on categorized as racist. Then the White House attacked undocumented immigrants, categorizing them as criminals (despite there being abundant evidence contesting such claims) and calling for a more active deportation policy. Next, the Trump administration cut the number of admitted refugees to the United States to its lowest level in 40 years, and actively established inhumane policies to deter refugees crossing from Central America, such as separating minors from their parents and putting them in cages. Finally, claiming without evidence that the ultimate goal was protecting American jobs amid the pandemic, the Trump administration restricted the issuance of green cards and work visas for highly skilled individuals (a move that me and co-authors estimate cost over $100 billion dollars to the U.S. economy almost overnight).

One of the most obvious deductions of what we saw in the past four years is that without a robust institutional binding framework in place to administer global migration flows, any future president could do and undo as he or she pleases.

With the election of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, most of the world can be relieved that this circus of nonsense anti-immigration policies will come to an end. At least for now. To me, one of the most obvious deductions of what we saw in the past four years is that without a robust institutional binding framework in place to administer global migration flows, any future president could do and undo as he or she pleases. The truth is that there is too much at stake to let that happen: not only the livelihoods of about 250 million immigrants in the world50 millions of them in Americabut also the well-being of the global economy that partly relies on the hardworking and entrepreneurial spirit of immigrants wherever they are.

With the likely scenario of a Republican-controlled Senate, a divided government will make it nearly impossible for the incoming Biden-Harris administration to pass comprehensive immigration reform of the sort that the U.S. needs. For instance, offering a practical and a just path to citizenship to millions of undocumented immigrantsincluding Dreamersis a win-win policy: By eliminating once and for all the uncertainty of an imminent deportation, these immigrants will be more likely to make long-term investments in their childrens education, their communities, and their businesses. In addition, the government must get rid of the arbitrary yearly limit of 65,000 H-1B visas for high-skilled foreign workers, or at the very least, it must allow for the cap to increase along with the demand for skills. A similar case can be made about limits to refugee admissions. Ongoing unresolved conflicts and climate change will likely continue to push entire communities to flee their homes in search of refuge somewhere else. Furthermore, reforms such as offering permanent residence or a path to citizenship to foreign students who complete graduate school in the U.S. would also be smart policy.

But, realistically, we are unlikely to see an ambitious domestic agenda on comprehensive migration reform in the next four years. Hence, it makes sense for the incoming administration to put efforts into the international arena where, without the need for Congressional involvement, important steps can be made to construct an ambitious and robust global governance apparatus for international migration, which could serve as an important stepping stone for a domestic comprehensive migration reform down the road.

In this context, the very first action item for the Biden-Harris administration is to rejoin the United Nations Global Compacts for Migration and for Refugees, which despite being not much more than a multicountry declaration, under the right leadership, it can serve as the basis for establishing a system of global governance with practical policies to administer migration flows. For instance, expanding bilateral or multilateral agreements to include Global Skill Partnerships, so that immigrants can receive training before moving to better satisfy the demand for certain skills in their future destinations, or establishing an international rule system to govern refugee resettlement using market-like mechanisms, to name a couple. These practical global or regional agreements inspired by the Global Compacts should be the basis for a robust and comprehensive institutional framework to govern international migration, such as what we currently have for global trade, for example, embodied in the World Trade Organization.

If theres something weve learned during the global pandemic, it is that in order to better deal with the challenges ahead, we need morenot lessglobal governance and cooperation. This is even more relevant when it comes to immigration, a global flow that will continue to grow. Thus, if the U.S. cannot fix its immigration system at home, it must again lead the way to bring the world together on designing and putting forward the best policies to let immigrants, wherever they are and wherever they come from, achieve their full potential. And for that, the work begins abroad.

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The road to fix Americas broken immigration system begins abroad - Brookings Institution

The number of immigrant children and families being apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border is increasing, according to data from the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), posing a potential challenge for President-elect Joe BidenJoe BidenPennsylvania GOP leader on breaking with Trump on election: 'I'd get my house bombed tonight' GOP Texas senator questions 'legal theory' behind Trump's lawsuit to challenge state's election results Nearly 30 staffers, members of Michigan legislature tested positive for COVID-19 this year MORE as he takes office next month.

According to The Wall Street Journal, which first reported the increase Wednesday, the coronavirus pandemic, as well as impacts of the Trump administrations 2019 policy limiting asylum claims in the U.S., resulted in a significant reduction in the flow of migrants from Latin America.

However, CBP data show that in October, about 4,630 unaccompanied children were taken into custody by Southwest border patrol agents, an increase from 712 in April.

The agency also noted that 4,501 migrants traveling with family members were apprehended in October, up from 716 in April.

The Journal reported that a recent federal court filing made by the federal government showed that during a single six-day period in mid-November, roughly 1,000 children were taken into border patrol custody.

This comes after CBP reported in October that border encounters had returned to traditional levels following a spike in 2019.

CBP reported at the time that encounters with people crossing the border illegally decreased 53 percent in fiscal 2020, with 458,088 people encountered, down from 977,509 in fiscal 2019.

However, experts told the Journal Wednesday that the recent increase could be attributed to declining Latin American economies and two hurricanes in the fall that destroyed parts of Honduras and Guatemala.

In August, the Journal reported an increase in the number of illegal crossings at the southern U.S. border following a new policy implemented by the U.S. in March in response to the pandemic that allowed immigration agents to turn most migrants back to their home countries.

Biden, who has called for wide-reaching immigration reform, has pledged to end the Trump administrations 2019 Migrant Protection Protocols program, which mandates that certain migrants must remain in Mexico for the duration of their U.S. immigration proceedings.

According to the Journal, the program has sent more than 68,000 people to Mexico as of October.

However, some experts say that the election of Biden may cause even more migrants to flock to the border in hopes of a change in immigration policy.

Typically when there is a change in administration, weve seen that over the years its a classic pull factor," Mike Fisher, a former Border Patrol chief who oversaw the agencys response to the first wave of families and children at the border in 2014, told the Journal.

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Apprehensions of immigrant children have increased, CBP says | TheHill - The Hill

WASHINGTON (AP) President-elect Joe Biden is adjusting the scope of his agenda to meet the challenges of governing with a narrowly divided Congress and the complications of legislating during a raging pandemic.

Rather than immediately pursue ambitious legislation to combat climate change, the incoming administration may try to wrap provisions into a coronavirus aid bill. Bidens team is also considering smaller-scale changes to the Affordable Care Act while tabling the more contentious fight over creating a public option to compete with private insurers.

Biden is already working on an array of executive actions to achieve some of his bolder priorities on climate change and immigration without having to navigate congressional gridlock.

The maneuvering reflects a disappointing political reality for Biden, who campaigned on a pledge to address the nations problems with measures that would rival the scope of Franklin Delano Roosevelts New Deal legislation. But Democrats acknowledge that big legislative accomplishments are unlikely, even in the best-case scenario in which the party gains a slim majority in the Senate.

Lets assume my dream comes true, Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin said, referring to a tight majority for his party. I think we have to carefully construct any change in the Affordable Care Act, or any other issue, like climate change, based on the reality of the 50-50 Senate.

Theres so many areas, which we value so much that Republicans do not, that it will be tough to guide through the Senate under the circumstances, the Illinois Democrat added.

Bidens agenda hinges on the fate of two Senate runoff races in Georgia, which will be decided on Jan. 5. If Democrats win both seats, the chamber will be evenly divided, with Vice President-elect Kamala Harris casting the tie-breaking vote.

In that event, Bidens agenda items stand a better chance of at least getting a vote. If Republicans maintain control, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell might not bring the new presidents priorities to the floor.

Bidens initial focus on Capitol Hill will be a multibillion-dollar coronavirus aid bill, which is certain to require significant political capital after lawmakers have been deadlocked over negotiations on Capitol Hill for months.

The president-elect said Thursday on CNN that while he supports a $900 billion compromise bill introduced this week by a bipartisan group of negotiators, the bill is a good start but its not enough and he plans to ask for more when hes in office. His team is already working on his own coronavirus relief package.

People close to Bidens transition team say theyre looking at that stimulus as a potential avenue for enacting some climate reforms like aid for green jobs or moving the nation toward a carbon-free energy system that might be tougher to get on their own.

Durbin mentioned President Barack Obamas first term as a precedent for what Biden will encounter when he takes office.

Then, Obama was forced to focus much of his early energy on a stimulus package to deal with the financial crisis, and he spent months wrangling with his own party on his health care overhaul. Obama also enacted financial regulatory reform, but other progressive priorities, like cap and trade legislation and immigration reform, ultimately lost steam.

And he had a significant House and Senate majority at the time.

Still, some Republicans argue that if Biden approaches negotiations in good faith, there are some common areas of agreement. Rohit Kumar, the co-leader of PwCs Washington National Tax Services and a former top aide to McConnell, said its possible to find a compromise on some smaller-scale priorities, like an infrastructure bill, addressing the opioid crisis and even a police reform bill.

There is stuff in the middle, if Biden is willing to do deals in the middle and that means being willing to strike agreements that progressive members dont love, and maybe have them vote no, and be at peace with that, he said.

Indeed, speaking on CNN Thursday, Biden expressed optimism about cutting deals with Republicans. He said when it comes to national security and the economic necessity of keeping people employed and reinvigorating the economy, theres plenty of room we can work.

Still, he acknowledged, Im not suggesting its going to be easy. Its going to be hard.

But here, progressives, not Republicans, could be the roadblock. Waleed Shahid, spokesperson for the liberal Justice Democrats, said progressives are worried and anxious about Bidens history of making what he called toxic compromises with McConnell.

I think progressives will probably play a key role in trying to push Democrats to have a spine in any negotiations with Mitch McConnell, he said. People will hold him accountable for what he ran on.

Shaheed said he believes progressives could play a role in pushing the Biden administration to embrace a more aggressive approach and pursue executive actions to address some Democratic priorities.

And indeed, Bidens transition team has already been at work crafting a list of potential unilateral moves he could take early on.

He plans to reverse Trumps rollback of a number of public health and environmental protections the Obama administration put in place. Hell rejoin the World Health Organization and the Paris climate accord and rescind the ban on travel from some Muslim-majority countries. He could also unilaterally reestablish protections for Dreamers who were brought illegally to the U.S. as children.

But some of his biggest campaign pledges require congressional action and are certain to face GOP opposition.

Biden has promised to take major legislative action on immigration reform and gun control, but prior legislative efforts on both of those issues with bipartisan support have failed multiple times.

Hes also pledged to roll back the Trump tax cuts for the wealthy, forgive some student loan debt and make some public college free all heavy lifts in a closely divided or Republican-controlled Senate.

Its easy to be skeptical and pessimistic in this Senate, Durbin said. I hope that they give us a chance to break through and be constructive and put an end to some of the obstruction.

Read more here:
Biden adjusting agenda to reflect narrow divide in Congress - The Associated Press

This summary was featured in Documenteds Early Arrival newsletter. You can subscribe to receive it in your inbox three times per week here.

Census Bureau experts discovered serious flaws within a section of the 2020 Census, which could delay and complicate the enumeration process. The White House demanded the state-by-state totals be finished before Trump leaves office on Jan. 20. Census experts informed the Trump administration last month that the data-processing delays would make it challenging to meet the schedule, but the agencys political appointees continued to look for shortcuts anyway. The Trump administration needs the state-by-state population totals before President-elect Joe Biden takes office in order to accomplish Trumps plan of removing undocumented immigrants from the count. The New York Times

In other federal immigration news

Biden is tailoring his agenda to work with a sharply divided Congress and handle the difficulties of making laws during the pandemic. Hes so far focusing on establishing a variety of executive orders to help his priorities on climate change and immigration without dealing with a congressional gridlock. The plan reflects a disappointing political reality for Biden. He promised to take huge legislative action on immigration reform and gun control, but Democrats know that will be improbable if they dont win the Senate. Associated Press

Congress will approve a defense policy bill that will block unidentified federal law enforcement officers from policing protests. Back in June, Mother Jones reported that federal law enforcement officers with no identification joined the Trump administrations restraint on protests in several cities. The 4,500-page annual defense policy bill that came from a House/Senate policy committee on Thursday requires any armed forces personnel, National Guard members and federal law enforcement agents who respond to a civil disturbance show either their name or another form of individual identifier. Mother Jones

Link:
Census Delay Will Affect Trump's Plan to Omit Undocumented Immigrants - Documented NY

In the days before the next Congress convenes on Jan. 3 and the inauguration of the new president, 17 days later, the House and Senate have their work cut out for them. Not only must they pass a continuing resolution on the budget to keep the government open, but also a defense spending bill. And of course, during the ongoing health and economic crisis, it would help millions of Americans to pass another stimulus bill, even if it is well below the House-passed $3.4 trillion measure last May that the Senate has declined to consider.

Despite the runoff Georgia Senate election on Jan. 5, let us presume for a moment that we will have a divided government in January: a Democrat in the White House and a Republican-controlled Senate, with Democrats holding the House. Is it possible, despite years and years of partisan rancor and attacks, that our elected representatives will come together? President-elect Joe Biden claims he can do so. But will Congress be able to pass anything to help the American people?

While it may be an act of self-absorbed naivete, I would argue yes, they can.

The most encouraging development in the past decade is the recent bipartisan attempt in the Senate to draft a package that will benefit everyone. It provides funding for state and local governments and small businesses, unemployment benefits that last until the end of March, new monies for vaccines and healthcare, and a shield for businesses, protecting them from liability suits as a result of COVID-19. Fellow Republicans of Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) can persuade him to come along.

Why? Simply because a few years back, before McConnell seemed only to care about maintaining a Senate Republican majority, he was a moderate legislator working with Democrats to get things done. In his biography, The Cynic: The Political Education of Mitch McConnell, Alec McGillis notes that McConnell once supported abortion rights and public employee unions. McConnell gradually slipped into his heralded obstructionist role, beginning under President Obama. He then, somewhat startlingly, doggedly became the lapdog of President Trump, pushing through his judicial nominations with little due diligence. Without Obama and Trump, perhaps he will again work with the Democrats.

One reason may be Joe Biden, a longtime former McConnell colleague in the Senate. But another reason could be the Republicans who joined the recent bipartisan coalition that promoted a new COVID stimulus package: Mitt Romney (Utah), Susan Collins (Maine), Bill Cassidy (Louisiana), Lisa Murkowski (Alaska). McConnell and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-California) appear to be on board, and the president said he will sign it.

If 60 senators in the new Congress can overcome the filibuster and work with the next president, they may achieve a great deal on problems they want to resolve. The top of the list is obvious: winning the battle over the pandemic, with sufficient funding and scientific and medical expertise to ensure most Americans are vaccinated by June.

While continued long-term deficit spending, in my judgment, undermines the stability of the economy, an exception is always possible during a crisis. Congress and the president can devise, if needed, another stimulus package in early 2021 to help Americans in terms of unemployment, small businesses, and state and local governments.

Other areas open for Democrats and Republicans to work together are easy to identify. Infrastructure, for example: our roads, our bridges, our water systems, and the like are all profoundly in need of massive retrofitting. Democrats and Republicans can also work together to control the costs of healthcare, especially the drugs that so many Americans need.

Immigration reform may not be out of reach. After all, in 2005, Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Massachusetts) cosponsored a bill with Sen. John McCain (R-Arizona) that would have normalized the lives of nearly 12 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S., created a guest worker program, and strengthened border control. President George W. Bush supported it. It failed to pass.

Healing the toll taken on Americans by climate change may well be an area of cooperation as well. While the Green New Deal promoted by Sen. Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-New York) is aspirational, smaller steps could attract a bipartisan group of lawmakers to work together in favor of green energy measures. Additional areas may include a middle-class tax cut and an expansion of national service for our nations youth. Legislators could also find ways to combat the increasing competitiveness of China, like ensuring that our supply chains are homegrown.

Finally, Congress must act to help the many Americans without a college education who feel left out. The next Congress and the new president can guarantee ways in which they will enjoy pathways to new careers, perhaps even in the new energy areas. This will undoubtedly require a great deal of training and education.

So, maybe we have entered a new era. At least I hope so, as we look forward to 2021 as a watershed year of cooperation, collegiality, and production in the U.S. government.

Jack Fruchtman, a resident of Aquinnah, taught constitutional law and politics for more than 40 years.

Read more:
The new Congress, the next president - Martha's Vineyard Times