Archive for the ‘Immigration Reform’ Category

What does ‘get in line’ mean in immigration debate? – The San Diego Union-Tribune

Those who support President Donald Trumps increased immigration enforcement frequently say that immigrants should get in line to come to America, rather than enter without authorization.

But, what line?

For most people who might want to come to America, there is no line. Potential immigrants generally need a family member or employer in the U.S. as a sponsor before they can seek entry. And those who have such a host face waits that many would consider unreasonably long.

Mexican brothers and sisters of American citizens who applied to come to the United States legally almost 20 years ago are just now getting green cards.

For siblings in the Philippines, the delay is even longer 23 years. Siblings from India have waited 14 years. Both sides in the immigration debate have used the concept of an immigration line in their rhetoric over the years. Those who want stricter limits on immigration say that unauthorized immigrants should wait their turn in line to come to the United States.

But even advocates of immigration reforms designed to accommodate unauthorized immigrants have talked about such a line. President Barack Obama pushed for allowing unauthorized immigrants to get in line to obtain legal status when Congress last considered an overhaul of immigration laws.

Some immigration attorneys took issue with the phrase when it was used in that context as well. Immigration attorney Edward Orendain said that the line is a misconception.

I can understand that some people feel they're frustrated that people are cutting in line, but there is no line for some people, and for those who can get in a line, the waits are ridiculously long in some cases, Orendain said by telephone.

There are a few legal options for people from other countries who want to move permanently to the United States:

Some people dont qualify for any of these options. For those who do qualify, the wait can take decades.

Karla Rivera, 34, was born in Mexico when her mother who held a green card in the U.S. gave birth a month early while visiting family in Mexico. Rivera has been waiting most of her life for legal entry to the U.S.

Riveras mother received her green card in the 80s as part of Ronald Reagans amnesty program. Rivera lived with her grandmother in Mexico until her mother was able to bring her to the U.S. at age 5 under a family unity program created for immediate relatives of amnesty green-card holders.

Riveras mother began trying to file the paperwork for Rivera to get a green card in 1991 and successfully filed all of the forms in 1998. Rivera is still waiting for her green card.

You want to get to the finish line, but it doesnt seem like youre ever going to get there, Rivera said.

Riveras attorney, Ginger Jacobs, said Rivera has a hybrid status because of the family unity program. She is neither unauthorized nor a resident.

Rivera excelled in school, but she was not eligible for any federal funding to go to college. She now works as a nanny.

Every two years, she has to renew her status with the family unity program, which costs more than $500 with each renewal.

When she finally gets her green card, Rivera said, shes going to apply to become a U.S. citizen as soon as she can.

When people say, The system is broken, and people say, Well, they need to obey the law - Karla and her mom obeyed the law, Jacobs said, and she still has no green card. Wheres the justice in that?

Family members fall into four categories, and most categories all of those besides immediate relatives, like spouses and unmarried children under age 21, of U.S. citizens are capped annually.

The cap for family-sponsored visas is 226,000 per year, and employer-sponsored is 140,000, according to the State Department. Those caps have created backlogs.

By law, no countrys citizens can have more than seven percent, or 25,620, of the capped visas given out each year. That means the wait for citizens of certain countries is, in some cases, much longer than others.

For a sibling, that's a ridiculously long amount of time to wait, Orendain said. Life doesn't stop just because you're waiting for a visa to become available. People, their lives change. They get married and have children. Some of them die.

How do we know where we're going to be 20 or 23 years from now? Orendain added. It's impossible for people to really make plans and be able to prepare for anything.

Waits for employer-sponsored visas are not as long as family-sponsored visas, but some are still more than a decade. Potential employee immigrants from India face the longest delay, at 12 years for a skilled and professional worker visa. Vaani Chawla, a local immigration attorney, said one of her clients who came to the U.S. on a temporary work visa has been waiting for his green card since 2005.

Because of a change in law in the early 2000s, Chawla said, her client has been able to stay working in the U.S. while he waits his turn. Living in that limbo can limit a persons ability to advance his or her career through changing jobs during that time period, Chawla said. Theyve been waiting for a very long time, Chawla said. Children grow up in that much time.

Rohan Bavadekars application for a green card has taken so long that his immigration attorney moved from Houston to San Diego during the process.

Bavadekar, 39, applied for an employer-sponsored green card in September 2010 and knows he likely still has years left to wait. The State Department is currently processing applications from 2008 for his visa category if the applicant was born in India.

There is this whole debate going on about immigration reform and everything. The people who get talked about more often are those people who came here illegally, Bavadekar said via telephone. I dont see a word being spoken about people like us who are already here, who have been paying taxes, who have been always in status, and nothing has been done for us or even spoken about our situation. That is the most disappointing thing.

Bavadekar, who lives in Houston, is originally from Mumbai and has lived in the United States since 2001. He came first on a student visa to get his masters degree in engineering in Texas. When he graduated, he switched to an H-1B visa, a temporary work visa.

He said he would like to see more priority given to those like him who have advanced degrees.

There are longer delays for employment visas for those born in China, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico and the Philippines as well because of the annual caps.

Those who support Trumps immigration policies want more restrictions on who can stand in the lines to begin with. Many push for fewer visas for family members, a move away from the U.S.s historical emphasis on policies that prioritize family reunification. Some have suggested adding restrictions based on a hopeful immigrants economic situation or moving to a merit-based system.

Those who oppose Trumps immigration policies want the U.S. to offer more legal routes to residency to increase the options for lines to stand in and reduce wait times. No matter which direction policy ends up moving, there are likely to be people who do not qualify to come to the U.S. through any program.

Those who have no line to stand in may try to come anyway. Migrant advocates say that if people get desperate enough, they will come whether theyre allowed to or not.

Even U.S. Border Patrols union, which has vocally supported Trump, seems to agree with that sentiment.

When it comes to people, weve found that you build a 20-foot fence, they build a 21-foot ladder, said Shawn Moran, vice president of the National Border Patrol Council, shortly after the November election.

kate.morrissey@sduniontribune.com, @bgirledukate

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What does 'get in line' mean in immigration debate? - The San Diego Union-Tribune

BRAD BELCHER, Braintree: Immigration reform needed – Wicked Local Swampscott

We need immigrants. This country was built by immigrants. Irish, when they first came, were treated terribly. The same for Italians and many others.

What we need to do is keep the criminal aliens out. You cant throw illegals who have not been a problem and break up their families. Have them step up in declare they are illegally here. Then we can work and help these people to get their citizenship. These good aliens should not have to live in fear that someday somebody will knock on their door and haul them away. This is inhumane.

President Trump wants to stop immigration from six countries where we cannot get a good background check because the governments are very shaky. The countries were picked by President Obama. Some people would like you to believe Trump is trying to ban all Muslims. If this were the case, Egypt, India, Indonesia and many more would be banned.

Many Mexicans and Central Americans fill a lot of jobs like crop pickers, hotel workers, landscapers. They are not afraid of hard work. They came here to try to better their lives.

BRAD BELCHER

Braintree

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BRAD BELCHER, Braintree: Immigration reform needed - Wicked Local Swampscott

So Far US Courts Have Blocked Trump’s Travel Ban — But How Much Longer? – Forbes


Forbes
So Far US Courts Have Blocked Trump's Travel Ban -- But How Much Longer?
Forbes
Chaos. So far, that is the only word that comes to mind in describing President Trump's stumbling efforts to implement immigration reform. Thousands of lives have been affected by his errant steps, but they have been protected by U.S. courts that have ...

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So Far US Courts Have Blocked Trump's Travel Ban -- But How Much Longer? - Forbes

An immigration-reform plan for the age of Donald Trump – Bristol Press

By Ramesh Ponnuru

Lindsey Graham, the Republican senator from South Carolina, hasnt given up on immigration reform. He was in the Senate to watch comprehensive bills he favored fall apart in 2006, 2007, and 2013. He was one of the presidential candidates whom Donald Trump beat for the Republican nomination in 2016. Trump won that contest after saying he would deport all illegal immigrants over a two-year period.

But Trump softened on the issue after winning the nomination, and Graham now thinks he can work with him to achieve many of the aims of those earlier bills. He isnt trying to revive comprehensive legislation one more time, but he also rejects the idea of tackling issues a la carte. If Republicans try to enact legislation that only increases enforcement of the immigration laws, he believes Democrats will block it.

Instead, he tells me, he favors a series of discrete deals.

The first one would combine ramped-up enforcement, starting with the bad dudes, and the legalization of illegal immigrants who came here as minors. Republicans are open to that legalization, he said, and it would be hard for Democrats to say no to securing the border and helping these 800,000 kids have a better life.

The second one would legalize adult illegal immigrants working in agriculture and tourism, and at the same time require employers to use the e-verify program to make sure all new hires are legal workers.

Third, Graham would legalize those remaining illegal immigrants who passed a background check and paid a fine. In return he wants to shift legal immigration toward recruiting people with high skills rather than reuniting extended families. The immigration system of the future would be merit-based, he says.

The earlier bills would have substantially increased immigration, and low-skilled immigrants would have made up much of the increase. Most Americans dont want that, and the economic case for it is weak. His current idea would not raise immigration levels.

Under earlier versions of comprehensive reform, illegal immigrants might have gotten legal status before effective enforcement measures were in place because, for example, those measures were tied up in court. In that case, legalization could have acted as a magnet for more illegal immigration, and we would remain stuck in a cycle of illegal immigration and amnesty. This three-step sequence would reduce this risk, because Congress would enact most of the legalization after enforcement had been implemented.

One reason advocates for illegal immigrants have opposed enforcement-first bills is that they have feared that Republicans would never get around to addressing their concerns once they got those bills enacted. Because Grahams first step would include the legalization of illegal immigrants who came here as minors, though, it might be taken as a sign of good faith.

As leery as congressmen are about trying to address immigration again, Graham believes that the expiration of President Barack Obamas executive order granting quasi-legal status to illegal immigrants who came here as minors will be a tripwire forcing action. Republicans dont want Trump to renew their status they said it was an abuse of power when Obama granted it but fear the political consequences of exposing them to deportation again. So they have an incentive to pass legislation granting legal status, but they will want to get something to make that legislation more congenial to conservatives.

The senator thinks he has one more thing going for him: the president. Heres the key: Trump can do something no other Republican can do on immigration, Graham said. What Trump can do is persuade the voters who are most concerned about illegal immigration that he is enforcing the law, and serious about making sure it is enforced in the future. ...

What are the prospects of that? Grahams judgment: I believe the party will follow Trump if he leads.

Ramesh Ponnuru is a Bloomberg View columnist. He is a senior editor of National Review.

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An immigration-reform plan for the age of Donald Trump - Bristol Press

Moderates await, prep for window on immigration reform – ABC Action News

WASHINGTON (CNN) -- Hope is not lost for an immigration reform compromise under President Donald Trump -- at least for a group of moderates in Congress who are looking to be ready in case a thaw emerges.

While no specific policy is yet under development, a loose coalition of like-minded Republicans on the Hill is having discussions, and feeling each other out on what types of deals they might be willing to lead, according to conversations with more than half a dozen sources close to the process.

The group is a mix of veterans of attempts to reform America's immigration laws in the previous administration and a handful of new faces who may choose to make immigration one of their signature issues.

The idea is simple: Be ready for a moment when both sides are willing to come to the table, likely after Trump feels he can already claim some victories on border security.

Trump swept into office on a hardline message on immigration. His campaign was largely based on strictly enforcing immigration laws and cracking down on undocumented immigrants -- policies he has made efforts to put in place since his first week.

Some believe that aggressiveness up front could be the key to a breakthrough down the road. They point to the fact that most conservatives cited concern that border security wouldn't get done and that President Barack Obama wouldn't enforce laws Congress passed as their primary obstacles in the past -- obstacles that Trump seemingly removes.

"I've been saying for several months that the President is going to be the person who's going to bring us together to fix the immigration problem," Idaho Republican Rep. Raul Labrador, a former immigration lawyer, told reporters in the Capitol earlier this month. Labrador stopped participating in previous bipartisan reform talks over a disagreement and heavily criticized executive actions on immigration by President Barack Obama.

"He's going to be like the 'Nixon going to China' moment," Labrador added, "where the person who was the loudest and the strongest on the problems that we face on immigration is also the person who can bring people together to solve all the other issues that we have on immigration."

Trump has also issued an olive branch of sorts to would-be reformers, saying in his joint address to Congress "real and positive immigration reform is possible," provided the goal is to help American jobs and wages, protect national security and engender respect for US laws. Earlier that day, a senior administration official had said Trump may be open to legalization for current undocumented immigrants, but Trump did not say that before Congress.

Either way, Trump will be an essential component of any progress.

If Trump were to throw his weight behind a compromise deal, it would likely pick up momentum. At the same time, were he to strongly oppose a deal, it could be a death knell. As one Republican lawmaker said privately, most lawmakers are fearful of a vicious Trump tweet directed their way to "blow them up."

In the past, immigration reform attempts have included a combination of efforts to secure the border, update and improve the laws for legal immigration visas, and an effort to resolve what to do about an estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants already living in the US.

The early conversations are largely happening on the House side -- where lawmakers expect immigration reform will need to begin after the failure of a Senate-led reform effort in 2013 to advance in the lower chamber.

But immigration-reform minded lawmakers are also increasingly looking at Sen. Thom Tillis to be a possible leader in the space. The North Carolina Republican was elected in 2014, missing the last fight over immigration, but has become recently outspoken about using his management consulting experience to try to get immigration reform done in Washington.

"We know most of the solutions, we need to figure out how to stage them, how to put them together in a package, how to silence the voices at either end of the political spectrum that are the reasons we haven't been successful in the past and solve the problem," Tillis said at a Bipartisan Policy Center event earlier this month.

Tillis suggested putting together pairs of compromises that satisfy both sides to gain momentum. He said he'd start with border security -- a key issue to conservatives -- and pair that with legislation codifying protections for undocumented immigrants brought to the US as children, covered under the Obama administration DACA program. From there, he said, deals could be made on visa reform and E-Verify, as well as enforcement against employers who abuse illegal immigration.

"So that to me is a classic example of a starting place," Tillis said. "(Steps) need to be paired with good common sense law and order and compassionate, rational policies for the people who are here illegally present, and I think that if we do that, then we start building the momentum to solve the problem."

Some think an early opportunity may arise this month, when the White House presents its budget request to Congress. Trump is expected to ask for money for his long-promised border wall, as well as implementing his executive orders calling for increased border security and enforcement capacity. That could be a window for DACA, some hope. Other optimistic estimates range from a possible opportunity late this year into next year, the second of Trump's term.

Skepticism still remains

Convincing Democrats will be essential to any effort, and while Democratic lawmakers have long been eager to find a pathway to citizenship for and protect noncriminal undocumented immigrants already here, driving reform efforts int he past, Democrats also feel the need to stand up to Trump's policies and rhetoric.

On Monday, the top Senate Democrats led by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer sent a letter to Republican leadership saying that including any border wall funding in a must-pass continuation of government funding that expires in April could result in a government shutdown.

Privately, many Democrats feel that they would ultimately be willing to compromise with Republicans out of fear of Trump's policies and for the opportunity to get something done for a population they've long sought to protect. But publicly, the party insists it stands ready to come to the table only when Trump abandons his aggressive efforts to deport and detain undocumented immigrants.

"This is not Nixon goes to China," volunteered Arizona Democratic Rep. Ruben Gallego after Trump's joint address. "One, he's not that bright, and two not that committed. He's going to fumble it in one manner or another, and at the end of the day, as soon as he feels pressure from the right, he'll fold."

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Moderates await, prep for window on immigration reform - ABC Action News