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No filmmaker in Iran is immune to the pressures of censorship. Movies made in the country must gain approval from the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance not only for distribution purposes but for shooting permits as well. For directors and producers with stories that violate government standards say, a scene where a woman removes her traditional headscarf, or another violation of Islamic law the options for maintaining creative freedom are simple: Submit a script with the offending scenes removed, then shoot them anyway. Or hit the road.

Panah Panahi took the second option for his acclaimed debut, but Hit the Road is hardly an anomaly. In a sense the car becomes a second house for us Iranians, Panahi said in a phone interview with IndieWire ahead of his movies U.S. release. There is a level of security inside the car. Thats why you see so many road films.

Still, youve never seen a road film quite like Hit the Road. A bittersweet family drama and thrilling escape story all at once, the movie follows a boisterous family as they make their way to the countrys borders in northwestern Iran under mystery purposes. The whole movie takes place in and around a single vehicle: Farid (Amir Simiar) is a 20-year-old man making his way out of Iran with the help of his doting parents (Hassan Madjooni and Pantea Panahiha) while his six-year-old younger brother causes trouble from the backseat. The movie careens from tragic arguments to slapstick comedy, and even finds room for a mystical dream sequence as the group makes its way to a murky destination.

Panahis own father, the revered filmmaker Jafar Panahi, took advantage of the vehicle in this fashion for his wistful 2015 comedy Taxi, which the director shot within the confines of a cab as he drove around Tehran. The movie, produced even as the older Panahi had been banned from filmmaking by the Iranian government, won the Golden Bear at the Berlin International Film Festival that year. For the younger Panahi, growing up in his fathers shadow compelled him to make movies with his own distinctive sensibilities even as he gleaned some practical tools for creating unfiltered art in a society that demands compromise.

I have no choice but to make the films in Iran because I know these people better than I know people anywhere else, Panahi said. We were able to make this in peace. We tried to not make headlines with the film so they werent sensitive about it. First you make the film, then you think about the issues that exist for it.

Ultimately, Hit the Road didnt pass muster for Iranian censors, but it didnt need a domestic release to generate validation for the young filmmaker. The movie was a hit with audiences and critics at Directors Fortnight out of the Cannes Film Festival last year, and went on to gain further appreciation on the fall circuit. All of that came after censors rejected the screenplay for Hit the Road outright for obvious reasons: It depicts the very real struggle that many Iranians face when theyve been accused of violating the countrys religious standards.

This couldnt have been more inspired by a real incident, Panahi said. Most of my friends have immigrated out of the country, and two or three of them have immigrated illegally. They were the ones who actually mapped out for me how this was done.

Sipa USA via AP

While Iranian cinema has been revered for years due to the likes of Jafar Panahi, the late Abbas Kiarostami, and Oscar winner Asghar Farhadi, Panahi is among the spate of younger filmmakers trying to sort through the challenges of making movies there through the secretive processes necessary to get the job done. Last years Berlin-premiering drama Ballad of a White Cow, from co-directors Behtash Sanaeeha and Maryam Moqadam, was banned in the country due to a plot that was critical of the countrys execution laws. The plot finds the widow of man who was wrongly convicted fighting for justice after his exoneration, only to become enmeshed with the very judge who sentenced her husband to death.

Sanaeeha told IndieWire that while a version of the script made it past the seven-member committee necessary to gain permission for a shooting permit, the final cut screened for another committee that barred it from distribution. This second permission is harder than the first, Sanaeeha said. It is difficult thing to force. What is clear is that we are not willing to have our films censored on a large scale, nor are we prepared to screen our films at any price.

In February, the filmmaking pair won the Eurimages Co-production Development Award at the Berlinale to support production of their next project, My Favorite Cake, which centers on a middle-aged woman in Iran. They are in the process of assembling additional support overseas, while still battling with censors to make the movie in the country. Our stubbornness and constant bickering will continue, since we strongly believe that the majority of our audience is Iranian, and it is their right to see our film at a cinema, Sanaeeha said. All our humility and sacrifice is towards getting permission to screen our film.

But other filmmakers have settled with alternate approaches. For example, the upcoming thriller Holy Spider, which premieres in competition at Cannes next month, was shot in Jordan as a stand-in for the city of Mashhad due to the challenges involved in gaining permits for its controversial subject matter. (The cast, however, is entirely Iranian.) While promoting his last film Border at the Telluride Film Festival, Abbasi said he was hoping to provide a contrast to Western impressions of Irans religious extremism. You just want to let people know that not all Iranians are like that, he said. Were people, you know?

Hit the Road is now in theaters in New York from Kino Lorber. It opens in Los Angeles on May 6.

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Iran Censors Its Most Exciting Filmmakers, but They Make Great Movies Anyway - IndieWire

Iran's parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf faces calls for his resignation after photos that went viral show his family members returning from a trip to neighboring Turkey.

Drawing a wave of rage from Iranians, the pictures were initially posted in a chain on Twitter by well-known whistleblowerVahid Ashtari, who said he had confirmed the identities of Ghalibaf's wife, daughter and son-in-law with staff at Tehran's international Imam Khomeini Airport.

Ghalibaf's son, Elias, although not involved in the trip, was quick to issue an apology of his own in an Instagram post, criticizing his sister and brother-in-law for their "unforgivable wrongdoing" by traveling abroad at a moment when ordinary Iranians are grappling with economic hardships. Yet he denied reports that the family visit was meant for shopping for a layette set for his yet-to-be-born nephew or niece.

The speaker's son expressed regret at how the family trip "will now make all past accusations leveled against my father appear credible." He claimed that despite the parliament speaker having opposed the trip, his daughter and son-in-law had proceeded with it regardless. Elias did not explain why his mother had also joined the pair despite her husband's disapproval.

A close ally of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Ghalibaf has been facing a chain of fraud allegations, particularly dating back to his tenure as Tehran's mayor (2005-2017). Despite mounting evidence presented by whistleblowers, the Iranian judiciary has never formally charged the former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) general.

"Kindly Resign," read an April 21 headline from the Reformist paperAftab-e-Yazd. "This will be recorded in history: At a time when Iranians were struggling to make ends meet, the parliament speaker's wife and daughter visited Turkey to buy a layette," the paper wrote. The parliament speaker has yet to publicly address the scandal.

Iranian outlets and social media users dug back into presidential debates in 2017, when Ghalibaf ferociously attacked the government of his moderate rival, former President Hassan Rouhani, for conducting a lavish lifestyle. Ghalibaf pledged that as future president, he would represent what he described as the underprivileged 96% of the population in a battle against the affluent, privileged 4%.

"In the face of such bombshell news, he has to resign from all his posts," tweeted Reformist pundit Abbas Abdi. "I am wondering how he would from now on look into the cameras to talk against the privileged 4%."

To soothe public frustration with livelihood strains, Iranian officials have in recent years largely blamed the country's economic crisis on US sanctions, advising citizens to economize on consumption and tighten belts. Contradicting those guidelines, the Ghalibaf family saga appeared to have only added up to previous controversial cases of corruption embroiling senior authorities and their families. And all those cases were juxtaposed with the poignant accounts about a growing number of Iranian kids and teenagerswho have committed suicide in the past few years after being pushed over the edge by poverty.

"You cannot stand at the podium, preaching the public on the merits of domestic production and in the meantime send your own family off shopping in Turkey," Ashtari said in his tweet chain.

To some Ghalibaf supporters, the chaos was mainly rooted in partisan rivalries and an orchestrated campaign aimed at discrediting him. "What a feast they are throwing," wrote Ghalibaf adviser Mohammad Saeed Ahadian. "No matter how exaggerated the wrongdoing is, a father cannot be blamed for his child's deeds."

But Ghalibaf was not spared criticism from some hard-liners either, including members of the Stability Front, whose nominee for the speakership in 2020 lost the battle to the influential politician.

And Javan, a newspaper representing Ghalibaf's fellow comrades in the IRGC, advised him to "keep his eyes wide open." While attempting to set him apart from the scandal, the paper enumerated past Ghalibaf-linked controversies, noting that he ought to be more watchful of the demeanor of his family members. "Will he learn a lesson?"

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Iran parliament speaker in hot water over family's trip to Turkey - Al-Monitor

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Irans state media have spent years helping the ruling theocracy by covering up its crimes and twisting the truth. But it now seems that the societys volatile situation prevents the regimes media outlets to continue spreading propaganda, compelling them to acknowledge some aspects of the harsh reality.

In its article on April 17, living in the clutches of crisis, the state-run Hamdeli daily admitted how precarious the situation for the regime is. The crises continue to hurt the society as open wounds. Thus, for years, officials have used the term the current sensitive situation instead of crisis, the paper wrote.

The regime is entangled in crises as the country is going through its worst financial crisis. The current government of Ebrahim Raisi, an internationally wanted criminal, is bereft of any solution to Irans economic crunch. Thus, it has started a blame game, accusing its predecessor. Besides, Raisi continues making hollow promises and brazenly boasting the situation has improved.

The government now claims everything has ended. Since it cannot do anything, it has started a blame game, and its claims about selling oil and restoring Irans frozen funds fall on peoples deaf ears, no one believes a word of [the establishment], the state-run Mostaghel daily wrote in this regard on April 17.

If there has been any progress, why is it not evident in peoples lives? Perhaps, the system has other priorities than peoples lives, the paper added. When workers share their concerns, [Raisi] asks if they had lunch! In other words, there is a striking contrast between what the system says and what the peoples demands are. This could lead to people destroying the [system] instead of repairing it.

Other state-run newspapers on April 17 called out Raisis empty gestures and expressed concerns about uprisings and protests, calling them riots and expressions of dissatisfaction.

If we fail to have a clear and realistic approach to the current issues, we would soon face various crises and waves of riots and disaffections, the state-run Mardom Salarie wrote on April 17.

The fact that the water behind the dam, in this case, peoples anger toward the regime, can longer be concealed was acknowledged by other state media, such as Sharq daily, on April 21.

Sharq daily, an outlet linked to the regimes so-called reformists faction, has worked for decades to maintain the regimes faade of moderation and whitewash criminals like the regimes presidents Hassan Rouhani and Mohammad Khatami.

It seems that officials live in another world, far from people. They are always making harsh comments about people, spreading hatred. Meanwhile, most people feel that the countrys economy is not on the path to revitalization. They see how corruption in different bodies and institutions prevents [people] from meeting their demands. One cannot ignore these facts, Sharq wrote.

The ongoing protests in Iran by people from all walks of life are testaments that these warnings and the agonizing fear among the regimes media are not unfounded.

The regimes decades of corruption, ineptitude, mismanagement, and squandering peoples wealth on terrorism have turned Iran into a powder keg. The last eight uprisings confirm this volatility.

As the state-run Hamdeli daily acknowledged on April 21, We created this situation. One who sows the wind shall reap the whirlwind.

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Irans State-Media and their Endless Warnings! - National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI)

DUBAI, April 18 (Reuters) - Iran's armed forces will target Israel's heart if it makes "the slightest move" against the Islamic Republic, President Ebrahim Raisi told a military parade on Monday, amid stalled talks between Tehran and world powers to revive a 2015 nuclear pact.

Israel, widely believed to have the Middle East's only atomic arsenal, says it will not be bound by any Iran nuclear deal and could eventually take unilateral action against Iranian nuclear sites.

"The Zionist regime (Israel), you should know that ... if you take the slightest move against our nation, our armed forces will target the heart of the Zionist regime" Raisi said in a televised speech at a military parade to mark the national Army Day.

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Troops marched in front of the podium where Raisi stood with army officers. Helicopters flew overhead and parachutists dropped down over the parade area near the tomb of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic state.

The United States and Iran have been engaged in indirect talks for more than a year to rescue the pact. Washington left it in 2018 and reimposed sanctions on Tehran.

But the talks were suspended last month over the unresolved issue of whether the United States might remove the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps from the U.S. Foreign Terrorist Organization list, as demanded by Tehran.

Iran has reacted by breaching the deal's limits on its nuclear programme. Under the deal, Iran limited its nuclear efforts in return for relief from economic sanctions.

It has accused Israel of several attacks on facilities linked to the programme and killing Iranian nuclear scientists. Israel has neither denied nor confirmed the allegations.

Israel, which the Islamic Republic refuses to recognise, says it will not accept the Islamic Republic as "a nuclear threshold state".

Missiles, armoured personnel carriers, unmanned surveillance aircraft and small submarines were also part of the parade.

"Our strategy is defence and not offense, Raisi said, adding that "Iran's army used the opportunity of sanctions very well to empower itself, and our military industries are now in the best shape".

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Writing by Parisa Hafezi; Editing by Kim Coghill and Bradley Perrett

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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Raisi says Iran will target heart of Israel if it acts against Iranian nation - Reuters

The 'Sepah' is responsible for imposing Iran's Islamic influence, both locally and among foreign entities

Irans Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) known by the Iranian public as Sepah is one of the many outspoken threats to Israel in the Middle East.

Set up 40 years ago to defend the countrys Islamic system, the IRGC has since become a major military, political, and economic force.

Today, the Guard Corps is responsible for imposing Irans Islamic influence, including reminding Israel that it will confront the Jewish state wherever it feels necessary.

The IRGC was founded as an ideological custodian of Irans 1979 revolution, which culminated in the replacement of the Iranian government with an Islamist republic.

Before the Islamic Revolution, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi who was ousted in the revolt relied solely on military might to ensure national security.After Pahlavi was overthrown, the new clerics established the Guard Corps as a force to consolidate their leadership and Islamic ideals.

The Sepah was tasked with unifying paramilitary forces and serving as a counterweight to the regular army, which was originally loyal to the Shah.

Independent from the Iranian Armed Forces, the IRGC is estimated to have more than 190,000 active personnel under the command of Gen. Hossein Salami.

The Sepah is made up of six branches, including its ground forces, air force, and Nuclear Command Corps.

Its navy is primarily tasked with patrolling the Strait of Hormuz, a waterway connecting the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean through which 20 percent of the worlds oil supply passes.

The remaining branches Basij and the Quds Force are two of the Guard Corps' more notable paramilitary groups.

The Basij Resistance Force is a volunteer militia of almost 100,000 active personnel, who are often called out onto the streets to suppress domestic dissent.

It was established with the founding of the IRGC in 1979, launching so-called human wave attacks which involved clearing minefields or drawing enemy fire.

Today, the force consists of young Iranian volunteers known as Basijis who engage in internal security, law enforcement, and policing morals.

Perhaps the most prominent IRGC entity is the Quds Force, which handles activities abroad, including unconventional warfare and intelligence gathering.

The paramilitary group became active in 1982 during the Lebanese Civil War and is estimated to be up to 5,000-troops strong.

It supports many non-state actors with funding, training, and arms including Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad in Gaza, Yemens Houthi rebels, and Shia militias in Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan.

The United States accuses the Quds Force of being responsible for attacks in the Middle East that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of American and allied military personnel.

Thus, the US labeled the IRGC and namely the Quds Force as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 2019 for their continued support to and engagement in terrorist activity around the world, a designation that Iran routinely condemns.

IranIraq War The IRGCs participation in pushing back an Iraqi offensive from 1980 to 1988 led to the expansion of both its role and its might.

2006 Lebanon War Iranian military support to Lebanon's Hezbollah led some to consider it as what sparked the Iran-Israel proxy conflict.

Syrian Civil War Iran sees the survival of the Syrian government as being crucial to its regional interests, helping local troops in their fight against forces that oppose President Bashar al-Assads regime.

Since its origin as an ideologically driven militia, Sepah has taken a greater role in nearly every aspect of Iranian society.

Reutersdescribed the IRGC as an industrial empire with political clout," and many analysts argue that its influence is even heavier than Irans Shia clerical system.

Despite having an estimated 230,000 fewer troops than Irans regular military, it is considered the Islamic republics dominant military force.According to the US, Iran also has the largest ballistic missile force under IRGC supervision in the Middle East.

Its former general Qasem Soleimani was also something of a celebrity in Iran, a spotlight short-lived after he was killed in a 2020 US drone strike.

The IRGCs popular power, combined with close ties to and the strong support of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, makes it a key player in Iranian politics. It is common for Sepah officers to occupy influential government positionsand advise the supreme leader.

It is thought that Sepah also controls around a third of Irans economy.

Regarding the public arena, the Guard Corps is active in housing development as well as dam and road construction, oil and gas projects, food, transportation, and educational and cultural activities.

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Explainer: Iran's IRGC A Force To Reckon With - i24NEWS