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Monday, June 3, marks 35 years since the death of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

The enigmatic religious leader-cum-revolutionary, who passed away in 1989, left a profound and lasting legacy on Iran and the broader Middle East that is still felt globally today.

As Iran marks 35 years since his death, it's essential to reflect on various aspects of his impact, from his role in the Iranian Revolution to his influence on Islamic political thought and the geopolitics of the region.

Born in Khomeyn, Persia, the young Ruhollah was left orphaned at a young age after his father was murdered in 1903.

He was renowned early in life as studious child, immersing himself in Quranic study and Arabic, receiving tuition from family members. Through his learning, he rose to prominence as a high-ranking cleric in Twelver Shi'ism, eventually earning himself the title of ayatollah ("token of God.")

He was also a prolific author, penning more than 40 books. His vocal opposition to the Shah's White Revolution - when the monarchic government introduced a six-point program of reform including land reform, the sale of state-owned enterprises to private interests, electoral changes to enfranchise women and allow non-Muslims to hold office, profit-sharing in industry, and a literacy campaign in the nation's schools - led to his state-sponsored expulsion to Bursa in Turkey in 1964. Almost a year later, he relocated to Najaf in Iraq, where he delivered speeches on his religio-political theory of Guardianship of the Jurist, which were later compiled into the book "Islamic Government."

Khomeini was barred from returning to Iran during the Shah's reign, remaining in exile. On January 16, 1979, the Shah left Iran for medical treatment and never returned. Two weeks later, on February 1, 1979, Khomeini, who had relocated to a Paris suburb, returned to Iran and was greeted by a joyous crowd estimated to be up to five million people.

His chartered Air France flight to Tehran was accompanied by over one hundred journalists. One of them, ABC reporter Peter Jennings, asked Khomeini how he felt about being back in Iran, to which the ayatollah responded with a single word through his translator: "Hichi" (Nothing).

His statement has been taken by some reverers as a reflection of Khomeini's mystical beliefs and humility.

For some, it underscored Khomeini's indifference to the needs of the Iranian people.

The Iranian Revolution saw a significant shift from a secular, Western-aligned monarchy to a theocratic state based on Khomeini's interpretation of Shia Islam. The establishment of the Islamic Republic marked the first time in modern history that an Islamic theocracy had taken control of a country.

Central to Khomeini's ideological legacy is the concept of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist), which posits that a senior cleric should oversee the governance of the state to ensure that laws and policies comply with Islamic principles. This theory was enshrined in Iran's constitution and remains a cornerstone of its political system. It has influenced other Islamist movements and has been a point of debate and contention within Shia Islam.

Khomeinis success inspired numerous Islamist movements across the Muslim world. His model of governance and his advocacy for resistance against perceived oppression resonated with groups seeking to establish Islamic states. His emphasis on anti-imperialism and opposition to Western influence became rallying points for various Islamist and revolutionary movements globally.

The ayatollahs establishment of a theocratic political system drastically altered Irans governance. The supreme leader, a position Khomeini first held, wields significant power, overshadowing elected bodies such as the president and the parliament. This dual structure of governance continues to shape Iranian politics.

The revolution also led to significant social and cultural changes, including the imposition of strict Islamic dress codes, the segregation of sexes in many public areas, and a general increase in the role of religion in everyday life. Education and media were heavily influenced by Islamic principles, aiming to foster a generation aligned with the ideals of the revolution.

Khomeinis era saw a shift towards economic policies that emphasized self-sufficiency and resistance to Western economic influence. This included nationalizing key industries and promoting policies aimed at reducing reliance on foreign entities. However, these policies have had mixed results, contributing to both economic independence and ongoing economic challenges.

Khomeinis vision extended beyond Irans borders. He sought to export the Islamic Revolution, supporting Shia movements in countries like Iraq, Lebanon, and Bahrain. The creation and support of Hezbollah in Lebanon is a direct result of Khomeinis policies, which significantly affected regional geopolitics. He also led the country during the Iran-Iraq War, when the young republic had to defend itself from Saddam Husseins invasion, leading to an eight-year conflict and the death of hundreds of thousands of Iranians.

Under Khomeini, Iran adopted a staunchly anti-Western stance, particularly against the United States, which Khomeini dubbed the "Great Satan." This rhetoric and the subsequent events, such as the US Embassy hostage crisis, led to decades of strained relations with Western countries. This adversarial stance continues to influence Iran's foreign policy.

On November 4, a group of Iranian college students calling themselves the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line took control of the American Embassy in Tehran, holding 52 embassy staff hostage for 444 days.

In Iran, the hostage crisis was immensely popular and received Khomeini's endorsement under the slogan "America can't do a damn thing against us."

Similarly, Khomeini's relationship with Israel, who he dubbed the "Little Satan" was one of intense animosity and opposition, rooted in ideological, political, and religious beliefs. Khomeini's stance on Israel significantly shaped Iran's foreign policy towards the state and its role in the broader Middle East conflict.

After several years of declining health, Khomeini died on 3 June 1989 after suffering five heart attacks in just a matter of days he was 89. Ali Khamenei succeeded him as supreme leader, who remains in power to this day.

Khomeinis modern legacy is deeply polarizing within Iran and globally. Supporters view him as a revolutionary hero who stood against tyranny and imperialism, creating a government based on Islamic values. Critics, and there is a large Iranian diaspora throughout the world who fled under the rule of Khomeini, argue that his policies led to political repression, economic hardship, and a loss of personal freedoms. The human rights situation in Iran, particularly regarding freedom of speech, women's rights, and political dissent, has been a significant point of contention.

Thirty-five years after his death, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's legacy remains a powerful force in Iran and beyond. His establishment of the Islamic Republic and the ideological, social, and political changes he enacted continue to shape the region's dynamics. His influence on political Islam and his role in defining Iran's place in the world make him one of the most significant figures in contemporary Middle Eastern history. Whether viewed as a champion of anti-imperialism and Islamic governance or a symbol of repression and ideological rigidity, Khomeinis impact on history is undeniable.

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35 years since the death of Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Khomeini - The Jerusalem Post

The recent death of Irans president, Ebrahim Raisi, in a helicopter crash will not only trigger new presidential elections. Many commentators believe that Raisi was slated to become the next supreme leader of Iran.

This position is at the heart of the countrys complex political system. While there are many institutions involved in governing Iran, the supreme leader has the final say on most matters.

In fact, it is very unlikely that Raisi would have succeeded the current supreme leader, Ali Khamenei. According to the Iranian constitution, the position requires both political ability and religious credentials, having been modelled on the theory of the Guardianship of the Supreme Jurisprudent, which former leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini placed at the heart of the revolutionary constitution of 1979.

Admittedly, when Khamenei succeeded the late Khomeini a decade later, the Iranian constitution had to be changed because Khamenei did not have the required religious standing in the clerical hierarchy. He was no ayatollah like Khomeini, so the Iranian constitution was amended to highlight political competence over religious legitimacy though even this would not have been enough to legitimise the candidacy of Raisi.

For his part, Raisi was not even a mid-ranking cleric. He had no real religious clout and no political charisma. As such, it is highly unlikely that both the clerical and political establishment would have accepted him as the supreme leader.

The Assembly of Experts, the constitutional organ tasked with the election of the supreme leader, may be dominated by so-called conservatives allied to some of the factions that supported Raisi. But there are senior ayatollahs in Irans Shia equivalent to the Vatican, Qom, who have immense influence in the country and beyond, and have an informal say in the question of succession.

In an Islamic republic driven by theocratic politics, that clerical factor is obviously important, and there was no following for Raisi in Qom.

Neither was Raisi seen as someone with a strong political track record. The senior positions he held were endowed to him by Khamenei. Moreover, he was deeply involved in some of the most egregious human rights violations in Irans recent history, as he served on a panel responsible for doling out capital punishment to thousands of political detainees in 1988. Raisi tried to distance himself from that role, but he never denied his involvement.

When Raisi did challenge for public office as a presidential candidate in the 2017 election, he lost to Hassan Rouhani, who campaigned for better relations with the world and for reforms at home. The subsequent election in June 2021, which finally granted Raisi the presidency, was the least-contested in the history of the Islamic republic. No real opposition was allowed.

In 2022, popular discontent with Irans increasingly confined political space erupted in the Women, Life, Freedom protest movement a massive outpouring of dissent. The inability of the Raisi administration to handle these protests without a major eruption of state violence was yet another indicator of his failure to stabilise Iranian politics.

His proclivity towards the hard-right marginalised various strata of Irans active civil society and the reformist political factions, too. This only undermined the legitimacy of his government. Raisi was seen as a mere yea-sayer to Khamenei and his followers, who seemed to be the only factions holding on to him.

Read more: Iran: 'hijab' protests challenge legitimacy of Islamic Republic

But Khamenei is not a Khomeini. The latter had a gigantic following which delivered one of the most seismic revolutions in recent history. For Khamenei, it is much more difficult to manoeuvre with impunity. As I laid out in my book on Iran, if Khomeini was the Lenin of the Iranian revolution, Khamenei became a mere prefect.

This compromised position, and the intricate clerical politics in Iran, also explain why I dont believe that Mojtaba Khamenei is likely to succeed his father. The younger Khamenei has no real religious credentials necessary for the post of supreme leader, and nor has he held any senior political positions the second constitutional requirement.

Being the son of the current leader is another disadvantage. A revolution against the concept of hereditary monarchy in Iran and beyond cannot afford such succession. As one of the last living figures directly involved in the 1979 revolution, Ali Khamenei is aware of this.

So, who will succeed the current leader? The truth is, no one knows for sure, not even the political establishment in Iran. The speculation outside the country, which is mostly ill-informed, is driven by the politics superimposed on the Iran narrative. In reality, there is a constitutional process that is not easily monopolised by one person alone not even the current supreme leader.

The job description is clear, though. The next supreme leader of Iran will have a solid religious standing that is tolerated by the senior clerics of Qom, as well as the clerical establishment within the state.

He will be politically experienced yet largely unsullied by major scandal. He will have the aura to be respected by the powerful Revolutionary Guards, and he will have some revolutionary pedigree that binds him to Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic.

The new leader will also be at the heart of the so-called axis of resistance, a conglomerate of movements scattered around the region from Palestine to southern Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen. And he will inherit a nuclear infrastructure capable of building an atomic bomb. So, the Iranian establishment will also look for some competence in conducting international relations.

Whoever next leads modern-day Persia will become one of the major personalities of world politics a mover and shaker of a radically changing world order. That is the full magnitude of this position, which will determine the future of Iran, the region, and international security for generations to come.

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Iran: who will be the next supreme leader? - The Conversation

Houthi rebels in Yemen fired anti-ship ballistic missiles at an American vessel in the Red Sea late Saturday, Pentagon officials said, as clashes between the Iran-backed militant group and U.S. forces heat up.

U.S. Central Command said that American personnel in the southern Red Sea destroyed a drone fired by the Houthis on Saturday, while another two Houthi drones crashed into the water.

Later Saturday, the Houthis fired ballistic missiles at the USS Gravely, an American destroyer.

The missiles were shot down with no damage to the ship or injuries to American troops.

CENTCOMs actions are taken to protect freedom of navigation and make international waters safer and more secure for U.S., coalition, and merchant vessels, CENTCOM said in a statement.

The latest attacks by Yemens Houthis, who are financially and logistically backed by Iran, mark an uptick in whats been a months-long campaign by the group to disrupt commercial maritime traffic in and around the Red Sea. That campaign began last year after the Oct. 7 terrorist attack on Israel by the Palestinian militant group Hamas, which is also backed by Iran.

The Houthis have said their operation is designed to punish Israel, but many of the ships targeted seemingly have no connection at all to Israel. They have also repeatedly targeted American military ships.

A U.S.-led military campaign has degraded much of the Houthis military capabilities, but it has not eliminated them entirely, and the group still appears to have plenty of attack drones and anti-ship missiles in its arsenal.

U.S. and British airstrikes in Yemen last Friday killed at least 16 people and wounded 42 others, the Houthis said, making it one of the deadliest strikes so far in the American-led anti-Houthi campaign.

U.S. officials told the Associated Press that the strikes targeted a wide range of underground facilities, missile launchers, command and control sites, a Houthi vessel and other facilities.

Saturdays attempted Houthi attack on the USS Gravely seems to be direct retaliation for those strikes. Hours before the Houthis launched their ballistic missiles, a top Houthi official warned of escalation.

The American-British aggression will not prevent us from continuing our military operations in support of Palestine, and we will meet escalation with escalation, and we will not stop except by stopping the crimes of genocide in Gaza and lifting the siege on its residents, Mohammed Al-Bukhaiti, who describes himself as a member of the Houthis political bureau, wrote on X.

Targeting civilian facilities such as radio, ports, and communications will not break the will of the Yemeni people, but rather increase their stability and solidity, he said.

Original post:
Iran-backed Houthis vow 'escalation,' fire missiles at U.S. warship in Red Sea; no Americans hurt - Washington Times

Iran's former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad will run again for the presidency in the June 28 elections, state media announced on Sunday.

He was filmed registering his candidacy at the Interior Ministry in Tehran, pledging to bolster Iran's economy in a video shown on state television.

The elections were announced following the death of President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash on May 19.

Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian and several other officials were killed in the crash in north-western Iran as they returned from the Azerbaijan border.

My most important motivation is to focus on solving economic problems, Mr Ahmadinejad said in a speech aired by state TV.

Mr Ahmadinejad is regarded as a hardliner and was sanctioned by the US last year over the detention of American citizens, held for years in Tehran's Evin prison.

During his time in office, he was criticised for human rights abuses, economic policies which weakened the Iranian rial and stunted economic growth, and alleged involvement in the assassination of an exiled Kurdish politician.

He also accelerated Tehran's nuclear programme and hinted at building a nuclear weapon.

His re-election in 2009, viewed by opponents as rigged, prompted the Green Movement protests which at the time were the largest in Iran's history. Hundreds of people were arrested by security forces.

Former parliament speaker Ali Larijani, regarded as a moderate aligned with the former reformist president Hassan Rouhani, is also running.

The final list of candidates is to be decided by the Guardian Council, which is appointed by supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Masoud Zaribafan, who served as vice president under Mr Ahmadinejad, has also registered, alongside eight others, including Tehran mayor Alireza Zakani and Vahid Haghanian, a former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commander and close aide to Mr Khamenei.

Hardliner Zohreh Elahian has also registered to run and would be the first women to run for president, if approved by the council.

The EU and Canada imposed sanctions on her for the crackdown on protesters, hundreds of whom were killed in demonstrations following the death of Mahsa Amini in September 2022.

Both Mr Larijani and Mr Ahmadinejad were barred by the council from running in previous elections, with Mr Khamenei saying Mr Ahmadinejad would polarise Iran.

The former president has criticised Mr Khamenei in the past and called for free elections.

The 2021 election, won by Mr Raisi, who was expected to succeed Mr Khamenei as supreme leader, was criticised as a fix.

The council will release a list of approved candidates on June 11.

The elections come months after record low turnout in parliamentary elections, with only 41 per cent of eligible voters casting ballots.

Voter apathy has been compounded by economic issues, worsened by US sanctions, and Tehran's crackdown on anti-regime protesters, including the introduction of harsh laws against women who do not cover their heads in public.

Updated: June 02, 2024, 12:43 PM

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Former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to run in presidential election - The National

The number of executions around the world soared last year to its highest since 2015, driven by a sharp rise in the use of the death penalty in Iran. At least 1,153 people were executed by governments in 2023, the highest number in eight years, according to a report from Amnesty International released on May 29. Nearly three quarters of all publicly documented executions were enacted by the Islamic Republic of Iran, which executed 853 people this year.

The Iranian authorities showed complete disregard for human life and ramped up executions for drug-related offenses, further highlighting the discriminatory impact of the death penalty on Irans most marginalized and impoverished communities, Agns Callamard, Amnesty Internationals Secretary General said in a press release.

Iran has ramped up its number of executions, with numbers rising by 48% in 2023, up from 576 executions in 2022 Religious and ethnic minorities were disproportionately subjected to the death penalty, particularly Irans Baluchi ethnic minority which makes up only 5% of the population but represented 20% of all executions in 2023, Amnesty found.

The recent surge in executions is thought to be due to the regime's attempt to deter protesters after mass demonstrations swept the country in 2022, according to Amnesty. Protests initially started as a reaction to the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, who was killed in police custody after she was arrested for not wearing her hijab in accordance with the standards of the Islamic Republic. They quickly spread across the country, with hundreds of thousands of Iranians taking to the streets and many chanting slogans calling for the fall of the government.

The Islamic Republic has a long history of using capital punishment to deter political unrest. Within their first three years of taking power after 1979, the regime executed more than 4,000 people. Irans former President Ebrahim Raisi, who was recently killed in an unexpected helicopter crash, personally oversaw mass executions of thousands of political prisoners in 1988.

Read More: Why Some Iranians Refuse to Mourn President Ebrahim Raisi

Other countries that carried out significant numbers of executions this year include Saudi Arabia, Somalia, and the United States. Saudi Arabia carried out the second highest number of executions, killing at least 172 people this year, which is approximately 15% of the total number of executions tallied by Amnesty in 2023. Amnestys data excludes executions carried out by China, which is believed to execute thousands of people every year but keeps the exact number a state secret.

The United States carried out 24 executions in 2023, up from 18 the previous year. These executions took place in Texas, Oklahoma, Missouri, Alabama, and Florida.

Internationally, at least 508 executions took place for drug-related offenses in 2023, in violation of international law. Though international law does not bar the death penalty, it prohibits its use in cases of drug related charges, espionage and robbery. At least 545 executions carried out in Iran are believed to be in violation of international law, and more than half were due to drug-related charges, Amnesty said.

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Executions in Iran Pushed Global Number to Eight-Year High - TIME