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Tehrans strategy has been to use its Shia militias to assist the PKK and exploit the terror group against Turkey, which it views as a threat in Iraq.

Immediately after Turkey started Operation Claw-Eagle 2 in northern Iraq to rescue 13 Turkish prisoners in the hands of the PKK, the US-designated terrorist group Harakat Hezbollah al Nujaba published a statementthreatening to attack Turkey just as they did the US if Turkey does not change its position.

Shortly after, another Shia militia controlled by Iran, Asaib al Khayf, publisheda video of the launch of a missile targeting the Turkish military base in Bashiqa, Iraq. Moreover, Shia militias attackedthe Erbil airport and killed one civilian contractor, and injured nine others, amongst them one US service member.

In the meantime, Iran-backed Shia militias sent reinforcementsto the Sinjar region torpedoing the agreement between Iraqs central government and the Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq (KRG).

All of these incidents are part of Irans strategy to shield the PKK and exploit the terror group against Turkey.

Irans aid to the PKK

The Iranian relationship with the PKK is nothing new. The PKKs main bastion in northern Iraq is the Qandil Mountains, of which a part is located inside Iran. PKK's high cadres survived Turkish airstrikes by taking refuge on the Iranian side.

Despite Turkish pressure, Iran never engaged in a real attempt to crack down against the PKK. In contrast, the KDP-aligned Kurdish Demoratic Party of Iran (KDPI) was heavily targeted by the Iranian security forces.

Even though Iran has problems with its own Kurdish minority, according to the thinking in Tehran the PKK is Turkish and, therefore, Turkeys problem. The scale of PKK attacks against Turkey on the one hand and its disinterest in Iran on the other, shows that Irans assessment is right.

Therefore, Iran has always been sympathetic to the PKK and only engaged in limited military cooperation with Turkey. Every time the PKK was under heavy pressure by Turkey, Iran came to its aid.

In the past, this aid was to provide a safe-haven to the PKK but nowadays it is manifested via Iran-led Shia militias from Syria to Iraq.

In Syria, when Turkey and the Syrian opposition launched Operation Olive Branch against the YPG/PKK in Afrin, it was Iran that had to send soldiers, weapons, and ammunition against the Syrian National Army and the Turkish Armed Forces. At that time, Turkish drones successfully conducted strikes against the Iranian militias trying to go into Afrin.

In Iraq, the Shia militias have gained a lot of strength and influence. US policy had the side-effect of empowering Iran in Iraq, which is now used by Iran to threaten Turkey, undermine the Sinjar agreement, and prevent the PKK from collapse.

Contending threat perception

The region of Sinjar has become a hotbed for the PKK after many Yazidis were unable to return home and stayed in KRG camps. The Turkish government conducted precise drone attacks against the PKK in Sinjar in an attempt to curb the region of the groups presence. Under the Sinjar deal between the KRG and Baghdad, the Baghdad government would take control and expel the PKK and Shia militias in the region.

In the meantime, Turkey managed to block off the PKKs supply routes into Turkey and eliminated several PKK camps near the Turkish border. These developments would minimise PKK presence to just the Gara and Qandil Mountains.

When Turkey started a rescue operation, Iran feared that Turkey would clean the Gara mountains from the PKK and that the group would be on the verge of collapse. That fear prompted Iran to show some teeth against Turkey via its proxies.

The open threat by Harakat Hezbollah al Nujaba and their comparison of Turkey with the US indicate that for Iran, Turkey is an equal competitor to the US in Iraq. Moreover, the attack of the smaller and lesser-known Shia militia towards the Turkish military base is an Iranian attempt to warn Turkey by maintaining plausible deniability.

Turkey and Iran have been engaged in a rivalry over Iraq both in the past and the present. From the Iranian perspective, elimination of the PKK would mean that Turkey could use its resources to compete with Iran for influence in Iraq. Additionally, the large Turkish minority in Iran is a source of concern for Iran. Therefore, Iran wants to keep Turkey at bay by guaranteeing the survival of the PKK.

If Turkish moves against the PKK were not enough, the active cooperation of the KRG with Turkey to block PKK supply routes within northern Iraq and the KRGs pressure vis-a-vis Sinjar made it worse for Iran. Iranian proxies also warned the KRG by attacking the Erbil airport, a heinous attack condemned by the US, Turkey, and many other states.

Turkeys perception of the threat posed by the PKK is viewed as more imminent than the one posed by Shia militias. More than ever, it is clear that if Ankara wishes to eliminate the PKK threat, it has also to focus on the presence of Iranian-controlled Shia militias in Iraq.

The attitude of Irans militias and the simultaneous attacks against the KRG, Turkey, and the US indicate that all the three governments have to work together to limit Iranian aggression in Iraq.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints and editorial policies of TRT World.

We welcome all pitches and submissions to TRT World Opinion please send them via email, to opinion.editorial@trtworld.com

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Why Iran is shielding the PKK in Iraq - TRT World

By the time the 1970s were fully underway, the Boeing 747 was shaking up the aviation industry across the globe. Several new opportunities were opening up for airlines and their long-haul operations. Two carriers were looking to take prospects further on the back of this progress. Lets take a look at how Pan American World Airways and Iran Air united to introduce the 747SP.

The two airlines were looking for a high-capacity plane to transport passengers nonstop between New York and Tehran. However, at the time couldnt perform as well as subsequent 747 builds on such long-distance trips. So, the easiest solution was to shorten the standard 747.

Boeing also saw this request from Pan Am and Iran Air as an opportunity to develop an aircraft to beat trijet rivals, such as the DC-10. The middle market solutions of the 757 and 767 werent around yet. So, a shortened 747 was formed.

The aircraft performed its first flight on July 4th, 1975. Then, it was approved by the Federal Aviation Administration on February 4th, 1976, and was subsequently introduced with Pan Am that year. The legendary carrier dubbed the first 747SP in its fleet Clipper Freedom.

After being launched, airlines would have noticed that the 747SP is 47 ft (14 m) shorter than its siblings. The planes main deck doors were also reduced to four on each side to make up for its lower capacity. Moreover, the models vertical and horizontal tailplanes are larger and its wing flaps were simplified.

The 747SP soon found it hard to have a place in the market. Notably, there would be significant advancements with engine capabilities and aircraft such as the 747-200B caught up with the SPs range.

Yesterdays Airlines shared that due to the quick transformation in the industry, deliveries of the aircraft were mostly over by the end of 1982. However, there was one unit that was delivered as late was as 1989.

The 747SPs commercial service ended in 2016 when Iran Air stopped flying it. Nonetheless, over the decades, theSP was put to good use as a personal jet for royalty with an abundance of cash. Moreover, some government agencies also became fans of the type for its size and range offering the perfect balance for private operations.

The SP also performs important tasks on a scale that is beyond global. NASA took on a former Pan Am and United Boeing 747SP. Registration N536PA arrived at the space agencys holdings in October 1996 before undergoing a transformation into the Stratospheric Observatory for Infrared Astronomy (SOFIA). It would hold a 17-ton, 8-foot-wide infrared telescope mounted behind a massive sliding door.

NASA highlights that the plane flies into the stratosphere between 38,000 and 45,000 feet. This move puts the unit above 99% of Earths infrared-blocking atmosphere. As a result, astronomers can study the solar system with methods that are not possible with ground-based telescopes.

Altogether, the aircraft still holds a significant role in society with NASA. However, if it wasnt for Pan Am and Iran Air approaching Boeing together to find a solution for their venture between the United States and Iran, there would have been no 747SP.

What are your thoughts about the Boeing 747SP? Did you ever fly on the aircraft over the years? Let us know what you think of the plane in the comment section.

Link:
Why Did Boeing Build The Boeing 747SP? A Route To Iran Holds The Answer - Simple Flying

Ongoing COVID-19 viral pandemic in Iran

Confirmed cases 1099

Confirmed cases 100499

Confirmed cases 500999

Confirmed cases 1,0009,999

Confirmed cases 10,000+

Last updated on 9 May 2020

Deaths

The COVID-19 pandemic in Iran is part of the worldwide pandemic of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus2 (SARS-CoV-2). On 19 February 2020, Iran reported its first confirmed cases of infections in Qom.[3] The virus may have been brought to the country by a merchant from Qom who had travelled to China.[4]

In response to the coronavirus the government cancelled public events and Friday prayers; closed schools, universities, shopping centres, bazaars, and holy shrines; and banned festival celebrations.[5][6] Economic measures were also announced to help families and businesses, and the pandemic is credited with compelling the government to make an unprecedented request for an emergency loan of five billion US dollars from the International Monetary Fund.[7] The government initially rejected plans to quarantine entire cities and areas, and heavy traffic between cities continued ahead of Nowruz, despite the government's intention to limit travel. The government later announced a ban on travel between cities following an increase in the number of new cases.[6][8] Government restrictions were gradually eased starting in April. The number of new cases fell to a low on 2 May, but increased again in May as restrictions were eased, with a new peak of cases reported on 4 June,[9] and new peaks in the number of deaths reported in July.[10] Despite the increase, the Iranian government stated that it had no option but to keep the economy open;[11] the economy of Iran was already affected by US sanctions, and its GDP fell by a further 15% due to the coronavirus pandemic by June 2020.[12]

Some early outside estimates of the numbers of COVID-19 deaths are much higher than those from government sources,[13][14][15][16] while the People's Mujahedin of Iran has consistently claimed a much higher death toll.[17] Leaked data suggest that 42,000 people had died with COVID-19 symptoms by 20 July compared to 14,405 reported that date.[18] The government has also been accused of cover-ups, censorship, and mismanagement.[19][20][21][4] However, the World Health Organization says that it has not seen problems with Iran's reported figures,[22] although a WHO official later said that due to limited testing in the early months, the number of cases reported in Iran may represent only about 20% of the real number until more tests could be conducted.[23] Later increase in the number of cases in May was attributed to increased testing by the Iranian government.[24] The official number of cases surpassed 200,000 with over 10,000 deaths recorded by June 2020.[25] President Rouhani, however, estimated that 25 million may have become infected by July 2020, considerably higher than the official count.[26] Confirmed COVID-19 cases in Iran account for around a quarter of all cases in the MENA region by mid-July.[27]

Multiple government ministers and senior officials have been diagnosed as SARS-CoV-2 positive, as well as 23 members of the Parliament (around 8% of all MPs) by 3 March.[28] At least 17 Iranian politicians and officials had died from the virus by 25 March.[29] Notable Iranians reported to have died from COVID-19 include Hadi Khosroshahi,[30] Mohammad Mirmohammadi, Hossein Sheikholeslam, Fatemeh Rahbar, Reza Mohammadi Langroudi,[31] Mohammad-Reza Rahchamani,[32] Nasser Shabani,[33] Hashem Bathaie Golpayegani,[34] Hamid Kahram,[35][36] and Khosrow Sinai.[37]

On 12 January 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed that a novel coronavirus was the cause of a respiratory illness in a cluster of people in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China, that had been reported to the WHO on 31 December 2019.[38][39]

The case fatality ratio for COVID-19 has been much lower than that for SARS in 2003,[40][41] but the transmission has been much greater, creating a higher total death toll.[42][40]

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COVID-19 pandemic in Iran - Wikipedia

1. Iran Says U.S. Attempt to Seize Oil Cargo Is 'Act of Piracy'  Bloomberg
2. Tehran calls US seizure of Iranian oil an act of piracy  Al Jazeera English
3. Iran threatens to block snap nuclear inspections  Financial Times
4. We could restrict UN nuclear inspections, Iran warns West  DW (English)
5. Iran disowns minister's warning that it might seek nuclear weapons if cornered  The Times of Israel
6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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Iran Says U.S. Attempt to Seize Oil Cargo Is 'Act of Piracy' - Bloomberg

WASHINGTON - Irans prolonged economic recession and increasing regional isolation as its Islamist rulers mark 42 years in power is largely a result of those rulers maintaining ideological adherence to their 1979 revolution through a discordant power structure, according to some Iranian analysts.

Iranian authorities celebrated the anniversary of the revolution by mobilizing government supporters to stage a series of nationwide vehicle processions on Wednesday, rather than the traditional street rallies of previous anniversaries, due to coronavirus-related health restrictions.

Irans ruling Shiite clerics seized power in a months-long Islamic Revolution that culminated in the overthrow of the nations monarch, or shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, on Feb. 11, 1979. In a message issued Thursday, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani praised the previous days processions as showing lasting scenes of cohesion, solidarity and the vigilance of the great nation of Iran at this critical time.

If you look away from Tehrans official narrative, the picture is very different, Alex Vatanka, Iran program director at the Middle East Institute, told VOA on Wednesday.

Iran right now is not doing well in terms of its economy, political situation, and sense of hopelessness that you find across civil society, Vatanka said. So for the majority of Iranians who feel their country is on the wrong track, today is not a day to rejoice. In fact, it is a day to regret what happened back in 1979.

Iran fell into recession in 2018 as toughening U.S. sanctions exacerbated long-standing government mismanagement of the economy. The IMFs latest world economic outlook published last monthestimates that Iran suffered a third consecutive year of recession in 2020, while projecting a return to GDP growth this year.

Islamist-ruled Iran, which has long called for the destruction of its regional foe, Israel, also found itself increasingly isolated from its neighbors last year. With the help of U.S. mediation, Israel signed peace agreements with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, the first such deals between Israel and Gulf Arab nations who have long been wary of Tehrans support for pro-Iran militias involved in several regional conflicts.

Israels peace deals with the UAE and Bahrain expanded its relations to six of the 13 countries in the regions bordering and surrounding Iran. Israel already had relations with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey and Turkmenistan, but it still has no official ties with Afghanistan, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

In interviews with VOA Persian in recent days, some analysts in the Iranian diaspora blamed Irans recent setbacks in part on its Islamist rulers continuing to pursue the ideological goals of their 1979 revolution, including confrontation with the West.

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Animosity toward the U.S. was the essence of the Islamic Republics creation, said Ali Sadrzadeh, a Frankfurt-based analyst of Middle East politics. Washington had been a supporter of the shah ousted by Irans first Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

Sadrzadeh said the incident that ruptured U.S.-Iran relations, the Khomeini-supported detention of 52 American hostages at the U.S. Embassy in Tehran by Islamist students from November 1979 to January 1981, has been used by Irans ruling clerics to inspire attacks on U.S. targets in the region ever since.

The U.S. imposed its toughest-ever sanctions on Iran under the administration of former President Donald Trump, who left office in January. Trump began tightening the sanctions in 2018, calling them part of a campaign of maximum pressure on Tehran to end objectionable behavior, including its alleged pursuit of nuclear weapons. Iran denies having such a goal.

President Joe Biden, who succeeded Trump, has said he will not ease the sanctions until Iran first returns to full compliance with a 2015 deal with world powers to curb its nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief. Trump withdrew the U.S. from that deal in 2018, saying it was not tough enough on Iran, which retaliated a year later by starting to breach the deals nuclear activity limits.

The hostility of Irans clerical rulers toward Israel has been another factor in the Islamic Republics decline, said Amin Sophiamehr, an Iranian American politics researcher at Indiana University.

The unintended consequence of the Islamic Republics attempts to mobilize the Islamic world against a perceived common enemy, Israel, is that Iran became a threat (not just to Israel but also) to Arab countries and inevitably led to a broad Arab-Israeli alliance, Sophiamehr said.

Irans Islamist rulers have stuck to their anti-Israel and anti-American policies because agitating against external enemies has been crucial for maintaining power in a theocratic country, enabling those rulers to mobilize supporters and suppress opponents, he added.

The analysts who spoke to VOA also blamed Irans recession on its complex ruling system, created by an Islamist constitution that grants ultimate power to a supreme leader who oversees a variety of elected and unelected institutions that compete for influence and benefits.

Reza Ghorashi, an economics professor at Stockton College in New Jersey, said Irans top military force, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, has fought with the other governmental institutions about who gets access to Irans oil revenue, the main national income source that has been hit hard by the U.S. sanctions.

So instead of pursuing policies to develop the nations other resources, oil is the only sector in which Iran has added value by extracting and exporting the commodity, Ghorashi said.

Djamchid Assadi, a Paris-based professor at the Burgundy School of Business, said another factor in Irans economic weakness is the adherence of its Islamist rulers to the revolutionary goal of supporting the downtrodden. He said Irans ruling institutions have used that principle to justify taking control over most of the economy and suppressing the property rights of others.

Given that the institutions of Irans market economy have collapsed and the regime does not intend to repair them, I see no prospect of the economy getting better in the future, Assadi said.

This article originated in VOAs Persian Service.

Editor's note: This article had been updated to correct Amin Sophiamehr's title.

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On Revolution Anniversary, Analysts Blame Iran's Islamist Ideology for National Decline - Voice of America