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The Free Trade Union of Workers in Iran has reported that a member of its board of directors, Ms. Nahid Khodajo, was summoned to Tehran's Evin Prison, to serve her sentence amid the coronavirus crisis.

Deploring the decision, the April 16 statement says the Evin Court of Appeals has given Ms. Khodajoo five days to surrender herself to the prison and serve six years behind bars. "The judge has disregarded the fact that the deadly outbreak of the novel coronavirus has created an extremely life-threatening situation at prisons across the country", the statement noted.

A retired worker and a member of the board of directors of the Free Trade Union of Iran, Khodajoo, was arrested in front of Majlis (Iranian parliament) on International Workers' Day last year and released on bail after 33 days in detention. She was later sentenced to six years in prison, and 74 lashes by an Islamic Revolutionary Court.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) said at the time, "Radio Farda reported on May 1 that the authorities had arrested more than 35 people in a demonstration in front of Irans parliament that was organized by twenty independent local labor rights organizations. While the authorities released several of those detained, including Reza Shahabi, a prominent labor activist, security forces continue to detain others in Evin prison."

Based on the Free Trade Union's Thursday statement, the appeals court held a session without Ms. Khodajoo and her lawyer's presence, and the verdict was not even sent to Ms. Khodajou.

"The court verbally informed Ms. Khodajoo's legal counsel that her primary court verdict, six-year prison sentence, and 74 lashes, had been upheld", the statement said.

In recent days, the statement has disclosed, the agents of the Ministry of Intelligence have phoned "a significant number" of members of the Free Trade Union and threatened them while demanding an explanation about their involvement in celebrating last year's International Labor Day.

Link:
Labor Activist In Iran Summoned To Prison Amid Coronavirus Threat - Iran News By Radio Farda

An exiled dissident in Istanbul from an oil-rich Islamic theocracy was summoned to contact his home countrys embassy. Not long after, agents carrying diplomatic passports from said country directed his assassination. No, this is not the case of the late Saudi writer Jamal Khashoggi, but that of the Iranian dissident Masoud Molavi Vardanjani. Though the details of the cases are similar, the fallouts could not be more different. Much of the Western commentariat has given the Islamic Republic a pass, a double standard underscoring how politicized the human-rights cause has become. Many of President TrumpDonald John TrumpMichael Cohen to be released early from prison amid coronavirus pandemic: report Biden assembling White House transition team Top Republicans call on Trump to fund WHO pending director-general's resignation MOREs detractors have subscribed to the old adage, The enemy of my enemy is my friend, at the peril of U.S. interests and values.

For years, Khashoggi worked for the Saudi royal family through its media group and for Saudi intelligence. In 2005, he moved to Washington for a few years to be an adviser to the kingdoms ambassador and then returned to Saudi Arabia. When King Salman rose to power, Khashoggi, accused of supporting the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood, had a falling out with the royal family and in 2017 left for the United States. He began writing Washington Post columns often critical of the Saudi government. They were sometimes shaped by the Qatar Foundation International Doha has been in an intense cold war with Riyadh for years. Turkish investigators say that in October 2018, Khashoggi was killed by Saudi agents inside the Istanbul consulate.

Jamal Khashoggis murder ignited the worlds ire. From Istanbul to Berlin, London to New York, rallies formed outside Saudi offices demanding Justice for Jamal. In Washington, a section of New Hampshire Avenue where the Saudi embassy sits was renamed Jamal Khashoggi Way. Western governments, nongovernmental organizations, and pundits demanded punishment for the killing. United Nations chief Antonio Guterres called for a prompt, thorough and transparent investigation and full accountability for those responsible. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salmans ambitious initiative to overhaul the kingdoms economy faltered as foreign investors fled and Western executives backed out of his Davos in the desert. Saudi Arabias reputation remains tarnished to this day.

The most strident response came from U.S. lawmakers. Congress passed several resolutions to halt military sales to the kingdom and cut American support for the Saudi-led war against Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen. While President Trump vetoed all such measures, the administration did impose sanctions on some Saudi officials in connection with Khashoggis killing.

Like Khashoggi, Vardanjani once worked for his government. He reportedly was a cybersecurity official in the Iranian Defense Ministry before moving to Turkey in 2018. From Istanbul, he became a vocal critic of the regime, running a channel on the Telegram messaging app where he hurled corruption charges against Tehrans military and political leaders: I will root out the corrupt mafia commanders. Pray that they dont kill me before I do this, the Iranian activist posted three months before his death.

On Nov. 14, 2019, Vardanjani was shot to death while walking with a friend in Istanbuls affluent Sisli district. Unbeknownst to the dissident, his friend actually was an undercover Iranian agent and the leader of a killing squad, according to the Turkish police report.

The international community largely has remained silent about Vardanjanis killing. Where are the human-rights champions who protested so loudly on Khashoggis behalf? Although Secretary of State Mike PompeoMichael (Mike) Richard PompeoTrump campaign to target Biden on China Iran's 'Khashoggi': Where's the outrage over the death of Masoud Molavi Vardanjani? Pompeo presses Chinese counterpart for needed medical supplies MORE spoke out, there have been no condemnations from global leaders, international organizations or columnists. The Wall Street Journal did write an editorial when his death was reported, but few other Western publications followed suit. Since Reuters published a report in late March confirming Irans involvement and further details from the Turkish investigation, mainstream media outlets have appeared uninterested in the case.

Instead, many publications are filled with opinion pieces urging Washington to dial down the pressure on Tehran. Progressive lawmakers including Sens. Bernie SandersBernie SandersManchin to back Biden for president Joe Biden must pick a progressive black woman as VP if he wants to win The Hill's Campaign Report: 200 days to Election Day 2020 MORE (I-Vt.) and Elizabeth WarrenElizabeth WarrenManchin to back Biden for president California to provide food industry employees with two weeks paid leave The Hill's Campaign Report: 200 days to Election Day 2020 MORE (D-Mass.) and Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-CortezAlexandria Ocasio-CortezIran's 'Khashoggi': Where's the outrage over the death of Masoud Molavi Vardanjani? The Hill's Campaign Report: Warren throws her support behind Biden NY, NJ lawmakers call for more aid to help fight coronavirus MORE (D-N.Y.) and Ilhan OmarIlhan OmarIran's 'Khashoggi': Where's the outrage over the death of Masoud Molavi Vardanjani? Democrats call for new gas pipeline moratorium amid pandemic Progressive leaders skeptical of Biden despite Sanders endorsement MORE (D-Minn.) are pushing the administration to relieve sanctions given how hard Iran has been hit by COVID 19, which is surely more the product of the regimes own mendacity and mismanagement than it is U.S. sanctions.

The same month the Islamic Republic apparently took Vardanjanis life, it also took the lives of perhaps as many as 1,500 Iranians protesting against the regime. Many of these civilians appear to have died by indiscriminate fire. Even the Saudi crown prince hasnt ordered people to be gunned down in the streets of Riyadh. There is a perverse moral imbalance at work among so many critics of the Trump administration who want to see sanctions lifted on Irans theocracy. They really ought to ask themselves whether Vardanjanis life is worth less than Khashoggis.

Eliora Katz is a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Follow her on Twitter @eliorakatz.

Original post:
Iran's 'Khashoggi': Where's the outrage over the death of Masoud Molavi Vardanjani? | TheHill - The Hill

By Editorial Dept - Apr 17, 2020, 1:00 PM CDT

As of April 15th, there were over 2 million confirmed COVID-19 cases globally, with over 127,000 deaths, though the infection rate has been slowing as we witness a flattening of cases in Europe, while cases in Russia, Indonesia, India, and Japan continue to rise at a quicker pace. The consequence of the economic shutdown could be the loss of some $9 trillion through the end of 2021, with some analysts predicting another 18 months of shutdown, which would make that loss even higher.

Irans Hardliners Win, and That Means War

Iran is being decimated by the novel coronavirus, though no one knows for sure how many cases there really are amid allegations of a government cover-up. Its economy is in big trouble due to sanctions and the oil price war, and its reached out to the IMF for a $5-billion Rapid Financing Instrument (RFI). Its worth noting, however, that the US is a dominant shareholder in the IMF and is opposing such funding for both Iran and China.

Iran is now exporting 300,000 bpd of oil, down from 2.5 million bpd in the spring of 2018. Now, its IPOing Shasta, the Social Security Investment Company (SSIC), offering up a 10% stake (8 billion shares) on the Tehran Stock Exchange.

Throughout these consecutive crises, the Iranian President, Hassan Rouhani, has lost power to hardliners, which is perhaps the biggest misstep that the US has made in this game to date. Rouhani has already largely been sidelined,

See more here:
Iran's Plan To Lure The U.S. Into War - OilPrice.com

Pharmaceutical factory workers package vitamin and mineral supplement ampoules at the Actoverco plant in Karaj, about 40 kilometres (nearly 25 miles) west of Iran's capital Tehran, on February 18, 2020. Image Credit: AFP

Tehran: Iran on Thursday announced 92 new deaths from the novel coronavirus, the third straight day that official fatalities remained in double digits in the Middle East's worst-hit country.

Health ministry spokesman Kinaoush Jahanpour told a news conference the latest deaths brought the official total to 4,869.

He added that 1,606 new infections had been confirmed in the past 24 hours, taking the total to 77,995 from 310,340 tests.

Of those confirmed to be infected with the coronavirus and admitted to hospital, 52,229 had been discharged after recovering, which he described as a "rising trend".

Another 3,594 patients are in critical condition.

There has been speculation abroad that the number of deaths and infections is higher than officially announced.

A report published Tuesday by parliament said the real death toll from Iran's outbreak was estimated to be as much as 80 percent more than that announced by the government.

The number of COVID-19 infections were estimated to be "eight to 10 times" higher.

It said the officially announced figures were based only on "patients that are hospitalised with severe symptoms".

It also criticised the government for being slow to act against the outbreak and said a "second wave" of the virus may come next winter - possibly without a break due to containment measures taking too long.

In a statement on Thursday, the office that carried out the report denied it contradicted official figures and accused "foreign media" of lying and distorting its contents to "undermine official statistics".

'Second wave'

A deputy health minister confirmed the numbers may be higher due to limited testing but rejected estimates based on "incorrect modelling", without directly addressing the report.

"The cases we have confirmed are certainly not the real figures. But there are no exact assessments in the world, save for South Korea which has had many tests done," Alireza Raisi was quoted as saying on Wednesday by state news agency IRNA.

The ministry had also stopped provincial medical universities from reporting figures on their own, IRNA reported.

It argued such announcements have at times prompted Iranians to travel from worse-hit provinces to less-infected ones and further spread the virus.

The government of President Hassan Rouhani has struggled to contain the outbreak that emerged two months ago.

It shut schools and universities, postponed major events and imposed a range of other restrictions, but it has stopped short of ordering lockdowns.

Iran allowed small businesses outside Tehran to reopen on Saturday and is set to extend the measure to the capital next week.

The move has faced criticism from health experts and even some authorities, while top officials argue that sanctions-hit Iran cannot afford to shut down the economy.

State television showed busy banks, government offices and taxi queues in various provinces on Thursday.

It said that "smart social distancing", a set of measures announced by Iran to keep both the economy running and prevent infections, "may still be applicable only on paper."

See the original post:
COVID-19: Iran coronavirus deaths rise to 4869 and infections to 77995 - Gulf News

As the COVID-19 outbreak dominates global news cycles, U.S.-Iran tensions are also heating up. While some of this is on display in the COVID-19 sphere, its also taking place in the military one: on April 15, U.S. Forces Central Command accused eleven Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps vessels of harassing six U.S. warships in the North Arabian Gulf. This is the latest in a line of retaliatory measures that the United States and Iran have been taking towards one another since the beginning of the year. As the administration convenes with partners and considers how to respond to this round of Iranian provocations, it cannot forget to coordinate with its allies in Northeast Asia: Japan and South Korea.

Despite the seeming distance, U.S. military engagement in the Middle East and Southwest Asia has been a historic source of friction between the United States and these strategically critical allies. Japans ability to maintain and deploy a military is famously restricted by Article 9 of its constitution. Over the past thirty years, U.S. involvement in the Middle East has repeatedly triggered debate around this constitutional provision, as it raises questions over Japans responsibility to back U.S. military actions per the two countries defense alliance. This often leaves Japanese policymakers who prioritize a strong working relationship with the United States at odds with the pacifist-leaning Japanese public.

These tensions were on full display after the Gulf Warthe Japanese government, which had been constitutionally bound from sending troops to region, controversially legalized the participation of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces in certain U.N.-authorized peacekeeping missions. A 2004 deployment to non-combat zones in Iraq similarly raised concerns surrounding constitutionality amidst public backlash. Additionally, South Korea has not been immune from stresses stemming from U.S. military engagement in the region. It deployed the so-called Zaytun Division to Iraq in 2004 and at one point in time had the third-largest foreign military contingent in the country. However, this force was removed in 2008 after an outcry of public opinion.

In recent years, Japan and South Korea have found themselves caught in the middle as tensions between the United States and Iran escalate. Both countries rely on fossil fuel imports to meet their energy needs, and the majority of crude oil imports in both countries comes from the Middle East. Japan and South Korea, understandably, see stability in the Middle East as critical for their energy security. While both countries complied with pre-Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) sanctions, Iran has typically held a large share of these imports. In recent years, South Korea had been the worlds largest buyer of Iranian condensate. Iran alone accounted for approximately 20 percent of Japans oil imports before the JCPOAs enactment, and even while complying with sanctions Iran still accounted for around 4 percent of Japanese imports.

Instead of taking Japan and South Koreas strategic needs into account, the current administration has created friction in these alliances with its Iran policy. At first, both Japan and South Korea received Significant Reductions Exemptions, allowing them to continue importing Iranian oil after the United States re-imposed sanctions post its 2018 withdrawal from the JCPOA. However, the United States ended these exemptions last year, despite requests from South Korea for their continuation. Prime Minister Abe has attempted to mediate Iran-U.S. tensions since the U.S. withdrawalmost visibly with a 2019 trip to Iranonly for the United States to end the possibility for reconciliation with the assassination of Qassem Soleimani in early 2020. The United States has also pressured Japan and South Korea to participate in its coalition to patrol the Strait of Hormuzreigniting debates in Japan and causing frustration in South Korea as Iran threatened to cut ties should South Korea accede to the U.S. request. In response, both Japan and South Korea have attempted to placate the United States and Iran by instead dispatching independent missions to the region. All alliances have inherent tensions, but exacerbating these frictions was avoidable.

In light of these conditions, the administration should take these allies interests into deeper account while improving its coordination with them in regards to Iran. To accomplish this, the Defense Department should work to break down silos between CENTCOM and INDOPACOM to facilitate communication between Middle East and Asian subject matter experts. Despite being placed in different Geographical Combatant Commands, analysts and operational planners must account for our INDOPACOM allies strategic needs in the CENTCOM Area of Responsibility and coordinate accordingly.

The United States should also consider creating formal, permanent desks for INDOPACOM-focused liaison officers from Japan and South Korea at operational headquarters throughout the Area of Operations. After all ,these liaison desks already exist for partners in Europe and the Middle East. While Japanese and South Korean liaisons have been present on a static basis in the past, their missions were typically focused on tactical level, in-theater concerns.

CENTCOM planners have greatly benefited from the expertise and perspective from NATO, Middle Eastern, and other out-of-theater liaisons when planning complex, multinational operations like those to counter the Islamic State of Iraq and ash-Sham (ISIS). Expanding this liaison network to include Japan and South Korea would simultaneously factor in the strategic needs of two critical allies, as well as add a fresh perspective from two capable military partners to American planning. U.S. actions regarding Iran have far-reaching consequences, and the United States should not take Japan and South Korea for granted as it pursues its Iran policy.

Ryan Ashley is a Captain in the United States Air Force and graduate student in Asian Studies at Georgetown Universitys School of Foreign Service. Abby Bard is a graduate student in Asian Studies at Georgetown Universitys School of Foreign Service, Pacific Forum Young Leader, and former research associate for Asia policy at the Center for American Progress. The opinions expressed here do not reflect the views of the U.S. Government or Air Force.

Image: Reuters

Link:
Why Iran's Provocations Require Working With Japan and South Korea - The National Interest