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The health of a mother locked up for almost a year in a notorious Iranian prison on secret charges is rapidly deteriorating according to her family.

Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, 38, a British-Iranian citizen, was detained as she was trying to return to Britain with her daughter Gabriella after visiting family in Iran last April.

Since then she has been held as a political prisoner and sentenced to five years behind bars for charges which have not been made public.

The charity worker was accused of plotting to topple the Iranian regime.

An appeal made to lower her sentence was rejected in January.

Now Mrs Zaghari-Ratcliffes sister-in-law Rebecca Jones, who lives in Cardiff, said that while her brother Richards wife was no longer being kept in high security, she was starting to suffer physically.

Evin Prison, where she is held, is known for its severe conditions and its impact on prisoners health.

Mrs Zaghari-Ratcliffe is said to have suffered dangerous weight loss, hair loss and has become virtually unable to walk.

Cwmbran GP Mrs Jones said: Nazanin is still in Evin Prison.

Shes now in a political wing so she is no longer isolated and is with other prisoners so she is starting to make friends.

Physically her health is deteriorating. She now has problems with her left shoulder, neck and left arm.

She had a visit from a neurologist who wanted her to go to hospital but every prison has rejected that, though negotiations are ongoing.

She now has more regular visits from Gabriella with her mum and dad and she gets occasional calls to Richard once or twice a month.

Richard Ratcliffe has not seen his wife or daughter since before they left for Iran, with Gabriella in the care of Mrs Zaghari-Ratcliffes parents who live in Tehran.

Mrs Jones said: Shes still very desperate to come out as soon as possible.

Shes having a lot of panic attacks, anxiety and restless nights which are affecting her physical health as well.

In many ways things have got better for her but I think it has hit home that her release might not be imminent any time soon.

Of course she has been in prison with women who havent been released for seven or eight years.

Back in the UK, Mr Ratcliffe, of Hampstead, in north-west London, has been in contact with the UK Government to petition them to put pressure on Iranian regime to release his wife.

Mrs Jones said: I think the longer this goes on the more frustrating it is for Richard.

The whole family are bewildered why nobody high up in the Government hasnt asked for her release.

When you go back and talk to the Government and nothing much has changed, its disheartening really.

There are good days and bad days. Richard tries to be upbeat but when hes in his flat on his own he can get quite low.

Mrs Jones will be holding an event in Cardiff city centre on Sunday, March 19 to celebrate Nowruz, the traditional Iranian festival of spring, considered the start of the New Year among Iranians.

It is hoped more than 100 people will attend the event, with local Amnesty groups supporting it.

Readings will be performed including a letter from Mrs Zaghari-Ratcliffe.

After this, 30 hyacinths will be planted in the Market Garden next to St John the Baptist Church, to symbolise Nowruz.

Mrs Jones said: Were doing this to mark Nowruz which is why Nazanin went out to Iran in the first place and to show her we are still thinking of her.

When we have events like this, its uplifting to get support from people and it helps Nazanin and her family.

A spokesman from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office said: We are deeply concerned that Mrs Zaghari-Ratcliffes sentence has been confirmed following an unsuccessful appeal while Iran continues to refuse the UK consular access to her.

The UKs Minister for the Middle East, Tobias Ellwood, has spoken to his Iranian opposite number to express our concerns.

The Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary have both previously raised this case with their counterparts.

We have been supporting Mrs Zaghari-Ratcliffes family since we were first made aware of her arrest.

Mr Ellwood has met her husband in London and her family in Tehran to assure them that we will continue to do all we can for her.

We are continuing to press the Iranians for consular access and for due process to be followed, and are ready to help get her daughter back safely to the UK if requested.

Read the rest here:
Mother jailed in notorious Iran prison on mystery charges can barely walk and is losing her hair - WalesOnline

The gap between the new US administration and Europe in their respective approaches to Iran is only growing wider, as events this week illustrate. Nikki Haley, the US ambassador to the UN, on Wednesday confirmed US support for the UN-led Syria peace talks, adding that it was important we get Iran and their proxies out. Also this week, it emerged that key US senators are closer to reaching a bipartisan agreement on Iran sanctions legislation to respond to Irans recurrent ballistic missile launches. While the US stepped up the pressure on Iran, Iranian media reported on the establishment of an Iranian-European bank based in Europe, seen as vital to strengthen relations between Iranian financial institutions and their European counterparts.

The US and EU states have two very different views about what coercion and constructive engagement can achieve in curbing Tehrans belligerent regional activities.

Manuel Almeida

The EU and its individual member states never made a secret of their intention to bolster trade and other ties with Iran following the nuclear deal. European business delegations have been flocking to Tehran in the hope of opportunities to set up shop, invest and find solutions to navigate the complicated local business environment. In a visit to Tehran in April last year, the EUs foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, avowed the blocs determination to again become Irans largest economic partner, as was the case at the end of the presidency of Mohammed Khatami in 2005, when the EU accounted for almost 40 percent of Iranian exports. We are the ones that used to be Irans first partner on the economic fields, on trade, investment, and we want to be back to that, Mogherini stated. Interestingly, Mogherini a left-wing politician and former communist has faced criticism for having a soft spot for both Iran and Russia.

EU, US diverge on Iran The opportunity the Iranian market represents for European companies certainly explains much of Europes Iran approach. But behind this growing disparity between Americans and Europeans on Iran are also two very different views about what coercion and constructive engagement can achieve in curbing Irans belligerent regional policy. Despite sticking half-heartedly to the nuclear deal, the Trump administration sees the legacy of President Obama on Iran as disastrous for the interests of the US and the stability of the region. Obamas reluctance for the sake of protecting the nuclear deal to pressure Iran to be more collaborative and less confrontational in various regional theaters has been interpreted by Irans hard-liners as weakness. The dominant view in Europe is that the path of sticks and no carrots has been tried before, with no results in changing Irans regional policies and curbing the influence of hard-liners in Tehran. It risks igniting tensions, even war, and further empowering the hard-liners. Plus, EU leaders and technocrats tend to be enthusiastic believers in the transformative and peaceful power of economic interdependence. That is the essence of the European project. By engaging with Tehran on trade, investment, and other areas beyond the economy Europeans expect to capitalize on years of diplomatic efforts to boost more moderate factions within Iran and find a more cooperative interlocutor on the various regional crises where Iran is involved. The European position has its merits, but its track record so far is problematic. There is little evidence that this economic opening is benefiting the private sector and the average Iranian citizen. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei criticized the nuclear deal for exactly that last year. Instead, state-owned firms many of them owned by Irans Revolutionary Guard Corps, and part of the economy of resistance are winning most of the new contracts.

Regional policy a concern This European rapprochement and its economic baggage does not also seem to have strengthened the prospects of the reformists or the more moderate factions represented by current President Hassan Rouhani. Yet it is Irans regional and security policy, still mostly dominated by hard-liners, that should warrant the greatest concern in Europe, above all regarding the issue of Syria. With the crucial military and economic support of Iran and pro-Iranian groups, Assad has burned his own country to the ground and blocked any attempts to negotiate a reasonable political solution. This makes Iranian forces one of the chief culprits in the worst human catastrophe the region and the world have witnessed in recent decades. The large-scale war crimes committed by the regime are not only a shocking violation of every basic principle, but the practical effects of it refugee waves, social tensions, radicalism and terrorism are threatening the EUs own survival. It is possible that European attempts to leverage its importance for Iran beyond economic ties are being carried out mostly behind closed doors. If this is not the case, Europe could be missing an opportunity to use the greater influence it now enjoys in Tehran to push the Iranian government to compromise on regional crises and restrain the influence of hard-liners.

Dr. Manuel Almeida is a leading political analyst, providing research and consultancy services focusing on the Middle East. He is the former editor of the English online edition of Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper, and holds a PhD in international relations from the London School of Economics and Political Science. He can be reached on Twitter: @_ManuelAlmeida.

Read more:
Europe could be missing an opportunity in its Iran policy - Arab News

This frame grab shows the aftermath of a March 11, 2017 Saudi attack against a marketplace in the western Yemen city of al-Hudaydah.

Iran has strongly condemned a Saudi military attack against a marketplace in the Yemeni city of al-Hudaydah, which killed 26 civilians.

The Friday attack, which also wounded 10 other Yemenis in the western city, was followed by flyovers by Saudi warplanes that were meant to keep medical staff off the premises.

Speaking on Saturday, Iranian Foreign Ministry Spokesman Bahram Qassemi lambasted the increase in Saudi military strikes against residential areas and civilian targets in Yemen.

It behooves the United Nations and other international organizations to responsibly address the issue of Yemeni civilians carnage through aerial attacks, Qassemi said. They should employ all their efforts to immediately stop such attacks and implement the measures required to preserve the health and security of civilians [there], especially women and children.

Later, footage appeared of the aftermath of the Hudaydah attack, showing the area being strewn with bodies charred and mutilated beyond recognition.

Saudi Arabia has been pounding Yemen since March 2015. Over 12,000 have died since the onset of the invasion, which was launched in an unsuccessful attempt to bring Yemens former Riyadh-allied government back to power.

Ever since the launch of the war, Saudi Arabia has also been enforcing a blockade on Yemen, claiming it would prevent the delivery of arms to Yemens Houthi Ansarullah movement, which has been defending the country against the aggressors.

Qassemi also condemned Saudi Arabias continued denial of access by responsible international organizations and institutions to the afflicted areas.

Read more:

On Friday, an attacker threw an improvised explosive device at people in the Mudhaykhirah District of the southwestern Yemeni Ibb Province, killing five people, including a child, and injuring 15 others.

Yemens al-Masirah television network reported that the attacker was subsequently hunted down and killed by civilians in the area.

Meanwhile, avessel enlisted with the Saudi coalition waging war on Yemen hit a naval mine in the Red Sea, The Associated Press reported, citing security officials.

The incident killed two sailors and wounded eight, including the ships captain.

View post:
Iran condemns new Saudi slaughter in Yemen - Press TV

Since former national security adviser Michael T. Flynn warned Iran that it was on notice for an illegal missile test and the administration issued exceptionally narrow sanctions, we have heard little if anything from the administration about the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iranian aggression in the region, Irans human rights atrocities or much of anything else concerning the worlds largest state sponsor of terrorism. (The White House spokesman did issue one of the sort of empty platitudes that it is unwavering in its determination to bring home American Robert Levinson, believed to be held in Iran for 10 years that conservatives ridiculed during the Obama administration.)

Obviously unconcerned about being on notice, Iran this week yet again conducted a ballistic missile test. The Times of Israel reports: Irans semi-official Fars news agency reported Thursday that the countrys Revolutionary Guard successfully tested another ballistic missile, while boasting that Irans efforts to build a better home-made version of the Russian S-300 missile defense system were well on their way. This follows Russias latest delivery of anti-missile equipment to Iran. (Last week, Iran announced that the advanced S-300 air defense system, delivered by Russia following the July 2015 nuclear deal after years of delay, was now operational.)

[Is Trump giving Putin a pass on a missile deployment?]

If the administration has an Iran policy different from that under President Barack Obama, its not evident what it might be.Michael Singhof the Washington Institute has some ideas. He recommends that we first define three policy objectives:

Ripping up the JCPOA is not an end unto itself, nor does he think its a wise move at this point. Rather than abandoning the JCPOA or unconditionally committing to it, the United States should secure the commitment of allies to better enforce the deal and address its flaws, he recommends.As a critic of the JCPOA, he has reached the conclusion that we do more harm walking away from it now than in enforcing it:

The JCPOA is a flawed agreementit permits Iran too much nuclear activity, does not address Irans past weaponization activities or missile development, and has insufficient provisions for guarding against clandestine Iranian nuclear work. Moreover, its provisions begin to expire within a decade. Nevertheless, it is part of the reality that confronts the new administration, and Iran and U.S. allies alike would resist its renegotiation. In walking away from the deal, Washington would face the difficult task of devising a new strategy to contain Irans nuclear program and rallying allied support for such a strategy in the face of intense international skepticism.

That means we do no more than is strictly required under the deal. Unlike the Obama administration, we should not offer ways to help Iran get the benefit of the deal, but rather insist that we reject any demand to exceed those obligations unless Iran is willing to add to its own obligations.

Because the JCPOA has gaping holes, including the failure to address missile testing, Singh recommends (1) stricter enforcement of existing sanctions targeting Irans missile activities and the adoption of new ones as needed; (2) a commitment to intercept or otherwise respond to any Iranian missile test that endangers the territory or forces of the United States and its allies; (3) stepped-up efforts to interdict missile-related shipments to and from Iran, as well as to gather and share the intelligence required to engage in such interdictions; and (4) strengthened and better-integrated missile defense in the Middle East and Europe to negate any advantages Iran seeks to gain by improving its missile capabilities.

Next, on the regional front, Singh recommends that we engage on Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, and on countering Iran-backed proxy networks in the Middle East and beyond. The administration should be, for example, undertaking efforts in Yemen to interdict arms, funding, and other forms of support for the Houthis; Washington should likewise increase regional intelligence sharing toward that end. In Syria, it requires a number of steps, including:

Sanctions on the Assad regime and any Iranian or Iran-backed individuals and entities supporting it should be strictly enforced and, if necessary, enhanced; further, Iran should be sanctioned for the provision of arms and other military support to Syriaand to militias elsewhere in the regionin violation of UNSC Resolution 2231 and other measures.

Extend the international coalitions mission in Iraq by at least two years, in order to demonstrate our ongoing (albeit limited) commitment to Baghdad.

Extend funding to continue building and training the Iraqi Counter Terrorism Service and Iraqi security forces.

Push Baghdad to resist undue Iranian influence (e.g., the institutionalization of Iran-backed militias) and to abide by UN resolutions on Iran (e.g., against arms transfers from the Islamic Republic) and assist it in doing so.

Finally, he urges specific steps to strengthen regional alliances. This assistance should be not only bilateral but also aimed at forging a more coherent and functional multilateral alliance by resuscitating the George W. Bush-era Gulf Security Dialogue with the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and adding to it Jordan, Egypt, and Morocco, he says. The United States should also reinvigorate its strategic coordination with Israel, and seek to foster deeper Arab-Israeli cooperation on Iran, terrorism, and other issues. Engagement with Iran should continue as needed, but should be done together with regional partners where possible and supplemented by increased outreach. The Trump administration should, among other things, step up intelligence-sharing, invest in regional missile defense and bilateral dialogue with each U.S. ally in the region to determine its key vulnerabilities, shortfalls in effectiveness, and equipment needs, drawing upon lessons from recent conflicts such as Yemen.

Does the administration agree with these sorts of steps? Is it conferring with allies about the numerous options available to us? If it is, we see little if any sign of it. As Secretary of State Rex W. Tillerson becomes less relevant and the State Department faces steep budget cuts and operates without filling key political slots, the administration will find putting into place any sort of coherent policy exceptionally difficult. While the administration is adrift, our allies and Congress (which is eager to move on sanctions) are looking for an alternative to the policy of neglect, appeasement and accommodation that has frightened allies and emboldened Tehran. If Trump cannot get his act together, he might well miss the best opportunity we will have going forward to contain and defang Iran short of war.

Excerpt from:
Trump misses an opportunity to defang Iran - Washington Post (blog)

UPI.com

Iran Gets First Long-Haul Jetliner From Airbus Wall Street Journal (subscription) LONDONAirbus SE said Friday it had delivered the first long-range airliner to Iran since the easing of sanctions on the country, marking another milestone for controversial agreements the European plane maker and rival Boeing Co. struck last year to ... Iran gets its first widebody aircraft since easing of sanctionsUPI.com Iran Air Receives 2nd New AirbusFinancial Tribune Iran Air Takes Its First A330-200 as Fleet Upgrade ContinuesAviation International News ATWOnline all 17 news articles »

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Iran Gets First Long-Haul Jetliner From Airbus - Wall Street Journal (subscription)